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Relevant bibliographies by topics / California – Politics and government – 1951-

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Academic literature on the topic 'California – Politics and government – 1951-'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "California – Politics and government – 1951-"

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Tewes, Amanda. "“The Future of Women in Government Is Indeed a Bright One”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.34.

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March Fong Eu (1922–2017) was a talented California politician who broke barriers as the first Asian American and first woman elected to serve as California’s secretary of state (1975–1994). Previously, she served on the Alameda County Board of Education (1956–1966) and was the first Asian American and one of few women in the California State Assembly at mid-century (1967–1974). Known for a 1969 toilet-smashing publicity stunt to call attention to her legislation establishing free public restrooms in California, Eu skirted many of the obstacles that mid-century women politicians faced by creating her own political networks, building personal relationships with colleagues, and gathering public attention on her own terms. The progressive Eu gained a foothold in California politics during a time of conservative control, yet she also served during a pivotal moment in the state’s history when women and people of color were advancing in California politics. She was ambitious but never reached the pinnacle of her political abilities. As such, Eu’s life and work highlight the momentum of mid- to late-twentieth-century political women leaders in California, but also point to the historical limits of political success for women at all levels of government.

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Tewes, Amanda. "“The Future of Women in Government Is Indeed a Bright One”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.34.

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March Fong Eu (1922–2017) was a talented California politician who broke barriers as the first Asian American and first woman elected to serve as California’s secretary of state (1975–1994). Previously, she served on the Alameda County Board of Education (1956–1966) and was the first Asian American and one of few women in the California State Assembly at mid-century (1967–1974). Known for a 1969 toilet-smashing publicity stunt to call attention to her legislation establishing free public restrooms in California, Eu skirted many of the obstacles that mid-century women politicians faced by creating her own political networks, building personal relationships with colleagues, and gathering public attention on her own terms. The progressive Eu gained a foothold in California politics during a time of conservative control, yet she also served during a pivotal moment in the state’s history when women and people of color were advancing in California politics. She was ambitious but never reached the pinnacle of her political abilities. As such, Eu’s life and work highlight the momentum of mid- to late-twentieth-century political women leaders in California, but also point to the historical limits of political success for women at all levels of government.

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Firman, Firman. "MERITOKRASI DAN NETRALITAS APARATUR SIPIL NEGARA (ASN) DALAM PENGARUH PILKADA LANGSUNG." Indonesian Journal of Public Administration (IJPA) 3, no. 2 (2017): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.52447/ijpa.v3i2.1136.

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Abstract: This study is about the meritocracy system of bureaucracy and the neutrality of civil state apparatus (ASN) in the face of elections to the elections. In various regions there is always a problem of bureaucratic professionalism issues. Despite the various regulations to regulate ASN to be neutral and independent so that the democratic process in this case direct election of the head of the region can run well. However, this issue is always repeated with different schemes for the lust of power and bureaucrat positions that can be facilitated or lifted / accelerated to occupy positions in the bureaucracy. Various rules and regulations were hit or forced only because they became part of the susceptibility when the pilkada was implemented. A regulation about ASN 2014 is expected to filter spoil system problems or promote a bureaucrat in certain positions only because of proximity or for being a successful team during the electionsKeywords: meritocracy system , bureaucracy, election Abstrak: Kajian ini tentang system meritokrasi birorkasi dan netralitas aparatur sipil negara (ASN) dalam menghadapi pilkada sampai dengan pilkada usai. Diberbagai daerah selalu muncul persoalan permasalahan profesionalisme birorkasi. Walaupun sudah lahir berbagai regulasi untuk mengatur agar ASN bisa bersikap netral dan independen agar proses demokrasi dalam hal ini pemilihan langsung kepala daerah bisa berjalan dengan baik. Namun, persoalan ini selalu berulang dengan skema yang berbeda untuk syahwat kekuasaan dan jabatan birokrat yang bisa dimudahkan atau diangkat/dipercepat untuk menduduki posisi dalam birokrasi. Berbagai aturan dan regulasi ditabrak atau dipaksakan hanya karena menjadi bagian suskesi saat pilkada dilaksanakan. Muncul regulasi tentang ASN 2014 diharapkan bisa menfilter persoalan spoil system atau mempromosikan seorang birokrat dalam posisi tertentu hanya gara-gara kedekatan atau karena menjadi tim sukses saat pilkada Kata kunci: Sistem Merit, Birokrasi, Pemilu Albrow, M. (1989). Birokrasi, diterjemahkan oleh Rusli Karim dan Totok Daryanto, PT. Tiara Wacana. Jakarta.Alon-Barkat, S., & Gilad, S. (2016). Political control or legitimacy deficit? Bureaucracies' symbolic responses to bottom-up public pressures. Policy & Politics, 44(1), 41-58.Assessment of hierarchical tendencies in an Indian bureaucracy. International Journal of Public Sector Management, 20(5), 380-391Cascio, W. F. (2006). The economic impact of employee behaviors on organizational performance. California Management Review, 48(4), 41-59.Kaufman, H. (1956). Emerging conflicts in the doctrines of public administration. American Political Science Review, 50(4), 1057-1073.Laski, H. J. (2014). Parliamentary Government in England (works of Harold J. Laski): A Commentary (Vol. 9). Routledge.Martini, R. (2010). Politisasi birokrasi di Indonesia. POLITIKA Jurnal Ilmu Politik MIP, 1(1), 67-74.Nadel, M. V., & Rourke, F. E. (1975). Bureaucracies. Handbook of Political Science, 5, 373-440.Rourke, F. E. (1984). Bureaucracy, Politics, and Public Policy. Boston: Little, Brown. RourkeBureaucracy. Politics, and Public Policy1984.Rourke, F. E. (1992). Responsiveness and neutral competence in American bureaucracy. Public Administration Review, 539-546.Setiyono, B. (2012). Birokrasi Dalam Perspektif “Politik & Administrasi” (Vol. 1). NUANSA.Soebhan, S. R. (2000). Model Reformasi Birokrasi Indonesia. Jakarta: PPW LIPI.Sudirman ://makassar.tribunnews.com/2016/08/26/daftar-nama-nama-pejabat-soppeng-yang-baru-dilantik diakses pada tanggal 2/10/2017Thoha, M., & Organisasi, P. (1993). konsep dasar dan Aplikasinya. Jakarta: Rajawali Pers.Thompson, J. D. (1967). Organizations in action: Social science bases of administrative theory. Transaction publishers.Woo, K. H. (2015). Recruitment Practices in the Malaysian Public Sector: Innovations or Political Responses?. Journal of Public Affairs Education, 229-246.Janesick, J., Pinter, J., Potter, R., Elliot, T., Andrews, J., Tower, J., ... & Bishop, J. (2009, August). Fundamental performance differences between CMOS and CCD imagers: part III. In Proc. SPIE (Vol. 7439, p. 743907).

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Phillips-Fein, Kim. "“If Business and the Country Will Be Run Right:” The Business Challenge to the Liberal Consensus, 1945–1964." International Labor and Working-Class History 72, no. 1 (2007): 192–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000610.

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Abstract“‘If Business and the Country Will Be Run Right:’ The Business Challenge to the Liberal Consensus, 1945–1964,” by Kim Phillips-Fein, looks at the mobilization of conservative businessmen against the liberal political economy that emerged from the New Deal and the Second World War. These businessmen were sharply critical of the expanded federal government and strong labor unions throughout the postwar period. They sought to challenge the liberal economic order by helping to build think tanks critical of liberalism, by fighting labor unions, and ultimately by participating in political activities like the right-to-work campaigns of 1958, the gubernatorial bid of William F. Knowland in California that same year, and the presidential campaign of Barry Goldwater. By demonstrating the development of a network of conservative businessmen during this period, the article challenges the idea that “consensus” is the appropriate framework for thinking about postwar political economy. It also suggests the centrality of issues of political economy in the rise of conservatism in the postwar United States.

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Vogel, David. "Promoting Sustainable Government Regulation: What We Can Learn From California." Organization & Environment 32, no. 2 (2019): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1086026619842517.

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This article describes and explains why the state of California has long played a leadership role in adopting innovative and stringent environmental standards. It argues that critical roles have been played by the state’s attractive natural environment, the extent of threats to its environmental quality, the material interest of citizens in protecting the natural environmental around where they lived, and the support of business interests who stood to benefit from protecting the state’s many environmental amenities. These dynamics are illustrated by several historical examples, which have laid the basis for the state’s current environmental policy initiatives. It concludes by generalizing from the experiences of California in order to explore the role of politics and public policies in promoting more sustainable business practices.

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Forlenza, Rosario. "The Italian Communist Party, local government and the Cold War." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (2010): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903513544.

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The Italian national elections of 18 April 1948 handed power to the Christian Democratic Party. The Italian Communist Party had, however, gained significant municipal control in the local elections of 1946. For the Communists, the local level became the testing ground where administrative practices, political initiatives, social alliances and economic projects were developed. The leaders and the intellectuals worked to outline the cultural framework of a political project which could challenge national politics from town councils. Meanwhile, with a view to making gains in the local elections of 1951–1952, propaganda was used in an attempt to diffuse and proselytise municipal political programmes among different social classes in a divided socioeconomic environment.

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Steiner, Barry H. "Leroy Hardy." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 04 (2009): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509990357.

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Leroy C. Hardy, emeritus professor of political science at California State University, Long Beach (CSULB), passed away on November 2, 2008, at the age of 81. He specialized in California government and politics and was best known as a long-term consultant to state legislators on the subject of the reapportionment of legislative districts.

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Campbell, Michael C. "Are All Politics Local? A Case Study of Local Conditions in a Period of “Law and Order” Politics." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 664, no. 1 (2016): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215602702.

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This article explores how voters in Contra Costa County, California, came to support aggressive criminal justice policies that helped to drive prison growth. As this case study shows, the antitax movement’s successes in the latter 1970s had important implications for local and state politics and government that ultimately shaped support for the law and order movement. Institutional structures, especially the state’s easily accessible proposition process and the considerable political power of homeowners, facilitated the antitax movement’s successes. This reflected and reinforced deep tensions between state and local government and created new problems and dilemmas for state and local lawmakers. Politically, the antitax movement’s successes helped to mobilize a powerful constituency of affluent property owners receptive to tough anticrime measures and provided a blueprint for the law and order movement’s political success. While state and local lawmakers struggled to manage new challenges, increasingly active and well-organized law and order campaigns thrived in state and local environments.

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Nations, Jennifer M. "How Austerity Politics Led to Tuition Charges at the University of California and City University of New York." History of Education Quarterly 61, no. 3 (2021): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2021.4.

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AbstractThe size and cost of US public higher education, funded largely by government, grew continuously for nearly twenty-five years after World War II. In the late 1960s, as the nation's economic growth slowed, the question of who should pay for higher education came under fresh political scrutiny. Decades-old no-tuition policies at the University of California and The City University of New York (CUNY) became targets of neoconservative critiques of the proper role of government support for public services. In California, this was done as Governor Ronald Reagan promoted a partisan austerity to win favor with business and other conservative elites. He justified cuts to higher education financing as a rebuke of protesting students and inept administrators and, later, as financially necessary given voters’ reluctance to pay more taxes. In contrast, federal and New York State politicians forced austerity on city leaders to satisfy bond holders during New York City's severe fiscal crisis. Reformers argued that CUNY's no-tuition policy was emblematic of the city's overindulgence of its residents. No-tuition policies became impossible to defend in the context of the stalled economy and growing conservative movement, whose members embraced government austerity.

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BELL, JONATHAN. "Building a Left Coast: The Legacy of the California Popular Front and the Challenge to Cold War Liberalism in the Post-World War II Era." Journal of American Studies 46, no. 1 (2012): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875811001265.

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The Cold War in the late 1940s blunted attempts by the Truman administration to extend the scope of government in areas such as health care and civil rights. In California, the combined weakness of the Democratic Party in electoral politics and the importance of fellow travelers and communists in state liberal politics made the problem of how to advance the left at a time of heightened Cold War tensions particularly acute. Yet by the early 1960s a new generation of liberal politicians had gained political power in the Golden State and was constructing a greatly expanded welfare system as a way of cementing their hold on power. In this article I argue that the New Politics of the 1970s, shaped nationally by Vietnam and by the social upheavals of the 1960s over questions of race, gender, sexuality, and economic rights, possessed particular power in California because many activists drew on the longer-term experiences of a liberal politics receptive to earlier anti-Cold War struggles. A desire to use political involvement as a form of social networking had given California a strong Popular Front, and in some respects the power of new liberalism was an offspring of those earlier battles.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "California – Politics and government – 1951-"

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Mcgauvran, Ronald Joel. "The Middle Matters: Political Responses to Income Inequality in an American State." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1157531/.

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Muller, Craig. "In Reagan's backyard : an examination of the condition of liberalism in California in the early 1980s." University of Western Australia. History Discipline Group, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0073.

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In 1980, Ronald Reagan became the fortieth president of the United States following an election that was said to have presaged a political turn to the right in that country. This thesis identifies three broad historical themes that characterised the period in the immediate aftermath of the 1980 election. Firstly, there was the notion that the voting public was becoming more conservative in its choices in federal politics. This is tested by looking at voter behaviour in the 1982 midterm elections. Secondly, the idea that the liberal-conservative dialectic was becoming less important in United States politics is examined using as a framework the actions and statements of prominent liberals. Thirdly, the thesis examines the accuracy of prognoses that were being made about liberalism as a viable political entity in the wake of the 1980 elections. These themes are examined via a series of parallel, occasionally overlapping narratives, following the main strands of liberal activity and thought in one state California in the early 1980s. Many of the sources used were derived from commentary that was being made as events unfolded. The debate about the meaning of the 1980 election therefore changes and this change is part of the story told here. Answering some questions also involved using source material that was more reflective. Hence, parts of the thesis are historiographical. Despite its political content, this thesis is a work of history. It examines the drama of men and women acting within their time, bound by the world around them, but also trying to change that world.

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Rodriguez, Norma E. "The politics of place and race : Latino representation in California /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10769.

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Ramos, Howard. "Divergent paths : aboriginal mobilization in Canada, 1951-2000." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84541.

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My dissertation focuses on the rise and spread of Aboriginal mobilization in Canada between 1951 and 2000. Using social movement and social-political theories, it questions the relationship between contentious actions and formal organizational growth comparing among social movement and political sociological perspectives. In most accounts, contentious action is assumed to be influenced by organization, political opportunity and identity. Few scholars, however, have examined the reverse relationships, namely the effect of contentious action on each of these. Drawing upon time-series data and qualitative interviews with Aboriginal leaders and representatives of organizations, I found that critical events surrounding moments of federal state building prompted contentious action, which then sparked mobilization among Aboriginal communities. I argue that three events: the 1969 White paper, the 1982 patriation of the Constitution, and the 1990 'Indian Summer' led to mass mobilization and the semblance of an emerging PanAboriginal identity. This finding returns to older collective behaviour perspectives, which note that organizations, opportunities, and identities are driven by triggering actions and shared experiences that produce emerging norms. Nevertheless, in the case of Canadian Aboriginal mobilization, unlike that of Indigenous movements in other countries, building a movement on triggering actions led to mass mobilization but was not sustainable because of a saturation of efficacy. As a result, Aboriginal mobilization in Canada has been characterized by divergent interests and unsustained contention.

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Phillips, Jenna Frances. "British policy during the Korean War 1950-1951." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648129.

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García, Ignacio. "Mexican American Youth Organization: Precursors of Change in Texas." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218651.

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Rahma, Awalia. "Sufi order and resistance movement : the Sans̄ưiyya of Libya, 1911-1932." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30206.

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This thesis is a study of the Sanusiyya order, in which particular emphasis is placed on its role as a resistance movement. Based on a survey of the social, economic, religious and political activities of this sufi brotherhood and its involvement in the tribal system of the North Africa during the first three decades of this century, an attempt will be made to identify on the one hand the factors that contributed to the strength of its resistance to Italian invasion, and on the other, the elements that led to its failure. It is argued that its initial success in the resistance benefited from the network of the zawiyas where ikhwan from different tribes were integrated socially and economically in accordance with strong Islamic values. However, lack of military training and weapons, dependency on a prominent figure, competing ambitions within the Sanusi family and geographical distance ultimately weakened the resistance.

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Gallert, Barbara. "California State Government attempts managing for results: A critical assessment of recent developments." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1999. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1794.

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Justiss, Charnita Spring. "Sarah T. Hughes: Her Influence in Texas Politics." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2674/.

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Conservative males traditionally dominated Texas politics. In 1930, however, Sarah T. Hughes, a liberal woman from Maryland, began a spectacular career in state politics despite obstacles because of her gender and progressive ideas. First elected to the Texas Legislature in 1930, she remained active in politics for the next fifty years. Hard work, intelligence, and ability allowed her to form solid friendships with Texas's most powerful politicians. She became the first woman in Texas to hold a district judgeship, the first woman from Texas appointed to the federal bench, and the only woman to swear in a U.S. president. Hughes profoundly influenced state politics, challenging the long-standing conservative male domination. She helped to create a more diverse political field that today encompasses different ideologies and both genders.

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Farmer, Ted Anthony. "Politics and society in Virginia, 1960-1969 : new course for the Old Dominion /." Thesis, This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-11242009-020048/.

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Books on the topic "California – Politics and government – 1951-"

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Sohner, Charles P. California government and politics today. 6th ed. HarperCollins College Publishers, 1993.

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Sohner, Charles P. California government and politics today. 5th ed. Scott, Foresman/Little, Brown Higher Education, 1990.

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Hyink, Bernard L. Politics and government in California. Longman, 2001.

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H, Provost David, ed. Politics and government in California. Pearson Longman, 2004.

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H, Provost David, ed. Politics and government in California. Longman, 1998.

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Hyink, Bernard L. Politics and government in California. HarperCollins College Publishers, 1996.

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Hyink, Bernard L. Politics and government in California. Harper & Row, 1985.

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M, Price Charles, ed. California government today: Politics of reform. 4th ed. Brooks/Cole Pub. Co., 1992.

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G, Bell Charles. California government today: Politics of reform? 3rd ed. Dorsey Press, 1988.

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Price, Charles M. California government today: Politics of reform. 5th ed. Wadsworth Pub. Co., 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "California – Politics and government – 1951-"

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Fry, Geoffrey K. "Fast Falls the Eventide: The Churchill Conservative Government 1951–5." In The Politics of Decline. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230554450_6.

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Clague, Mark. "Civilian Government and Politics (the 1930s)." In The Memoirs of Alton Augustus Adams, Sr. University of California Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520251311.003.0011.

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Karl, Robert A. "Peace and Violence, 1959–1960." In Forgotten Peace. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520293922.003.0005.

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This chapter looks at how Marulanda's changing relationship with the state from the creole peace to the FARC owed much to the mutual transformations of ideas and practices of violence. In key moments of the transition, violence-as-practice in the countryside—particular forms of homicide in specific spatial contexts—intersected with political events in the capital to shape notions of peace and violence. One such instance came about during the very formation of the creole peace in 1959–60, when returning desplazados were met with threats and assassination. The chapter explores how, for Marulanda and others, the consequent change in relations with the government seemed to demand a return to physical force.

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Starrett, Gregory. "The Progressive Policy of the Government." In Putting Islam to WorkEducation, Politics, and Religious Transformation in Egypt. University of California Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520209268.003.0003.

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Stephen, Lynn. "Government Construction and Reappropriation of Emiliano Zapata." In Zapata Lives!Histories and Cultural Politics in Southern Mexico. University of California Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520222373.003.0002.

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Gmelch, George, and Sharon Bohn Gmelch. "Politics and Fieldwork." In In the Field. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520289611.003.0003.

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The chapter introduces the subfield of applied anthropology. Here the anthropologists are commissioned by the British Department of the Environment to find out what kind of “sites” should be built for highly nomadic British Gypsies. The goal is to minimize the negative impact their arrival in urban areas has on local residents and government authorities, while providing for Gypsy families’ basic needs. The chapter discusses conducting research in a highly politicized environment, one involving Gypsy organizations and a national election which brings in a new ruling party with a very different agenda for Gypsies.

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Rice, Tom. "War in Peace." In Cinema's Military Industrial Complex. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520291508.003.0006.

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The American Legion emerged in March 1919, in the immediate aftermath of world war, a point at which the focus of conservative discourse and government policy shifted from overseas campaigns to domestic threats, from military to political targets. This chapter, by Tom Rice, examines the myriad ways in which the hugely influential American Legion used film at this critical juncture, extending military activities and imperatives into the postwar nation. Whether appropriating wartime government films; becoming an influential and respected voice on film reform; or—after the establishment of a designated film service in 1921—producing, distributing, and exhibiting movies, the American Legion used film to mold American citizens and to visualize, project, and shape the postwar nation. The American Legion’s initial uses of film reveal an industry—and a nation—challenged and torn apart by anxieties about immigration and foreign threats and by a wider battle over American national identity.

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Fuller-Seeley, Kathryn H. "Rochester and the Revenge of Uncle Tom in the 1940s and 1950s." In Jack Benny and the Golden Age of American Radio Comedy. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520295049.003.0006.

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Hugely popular on radio and in film playing Rochester in the early 1940s, Eddie Anderson’s celebrity and career were at a peak in the World War II years, when in film, and in government-created publicity, he was a spokesman for black opportunity that was non-threatening across the white political spectrum. Race riots, conservative white backlash, and growth of assertive black critics rooting out “Uncle Tom” accommodation to white dominance, threatened Anderson’s career. Even Benny and his writers could occasionally unthinkingly forget to move ahead, as a recycled old script about Rochester’s minstrel-type ways raised outraged cries from the black press in 1950. Anderson became even more central to Benny’s program in the 1950s with Mary Livingstone’s retirement, as Rochester was dismissed by many as passé, but on the other hand, closer than ever to Jack as an interracial “Odd Couple” of housemates.

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Wilson Moore, Shirley Ann. "“We Feel the Want of Protection”: The Politics of Law and Race in California, 1848–1878." In Taming the ElephantPolitics, Government, and Law in Pioneer California. University of California Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520234116.003.0004.

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Vogel, David. "California’s Regulatory Leadership: Broader Implications." In California Greenin'. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691196176.003.0008.

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This concluding chapter reviews the key themes of the book and explores some of the broader implications of this analysis of California's regulatory leadership. Three points are particularly critical: the importance of the local dimension of environmental policies, the role of business in environmental politics, and the limits of environmental regulation. The chapter then discusses the increasingly important role states are playing in environmental protection in the United States and shows how California has economically benefited from its environmental policy leadership. One important reason why California has been able to consistently adopt more stringent regulations than those of the federal government and other states is that many of its improvements in local and state environmental quality have been a source of competitive advantage. The improvements it has made in air quality—most notably in Los Angeles—its protection of the trees in the Sierras and along the Pacific, and its land use controls along the coast and around the San Francisco Bay have all made California a more attractive place to move to, invest in, and visit.

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Reports on the topic "California – Politics and government – 1951-"

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Hendricks, Kasey. Data for Alabama Taxation and Changing Discourse from Reconstruction to Redemption. University of Tennessee, Knoxville Libraries, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7290/wdyvftwo4u.

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At their most basic level taxes carry, in the words of Schumpeter ([1918] 1991), “the thunder of history” (p. 101). They say something about the ever-changing structures of social, economic, and political life. Taxes offer a blueprint, in both symbolic and concrete terms, for uncovering the most fundamental arrangements in society – stratification included. The historical retellings captured within these data highlight the politics of taxation in Alabama from 1856 to 1901, including conflicts over whom money is expended upon as well as struggles over who carries their fair share of the tax burden. The selected timeline overlaps with the formation of five of six constitutions adopted in the State of Alabama, including 1861, 1865, 1868, 1875, and 1901. Having these years as the focal point makes for an especially meaningful case study, given how much these constitutional formations made the state a site for much political debate. These data contain 5,121 pages of periodicals from newspapers throughout the state, including: Alabama Sentinel, Alabama State Intelligencer, Alabama State Journal, Athens Herald, Daily Alabama Journal, Daily Confederation, Elyton Herald, Mobile Daily Tribune, Mobile Tribune, Mobile Weekly Tribune, Morning Herald, Nationalist, New Era, Observer, Tuscaloosa Observer, Tuskegee News, Universalist Herald, and Wilcox News and Pacificator. The contemporary relevance of these historical debates manifests in Alabama’s current constitution which was adopted in 1901. This constitution departs from well-established conventions of treating the document as a legal framework that specifies a general role of governance but is firm enough to protect the civil rights and liberties of the population. Instead, it stands more as a legislative document, or procedural straightjacket, that preempts through statutory material what regulatory action is possible by the state. These barriers included a refusal to establish a state board of education and enact a tax structure for local education in addition to debt and tax limitations that constrained government capacity more broadly. Prohibitive features like these are among the reasons that, by 2020, the 1901 Constitution has been amended nearly 1,000 times since its adoption. However, similar procedural barriers have been duplicated across the U.S. since (e.g., California’s Proposition 13 of 1978). Reference: Schumpeter, Joseph. [1918] 1991. “The Crisis of the Tax State.” Pp. 99-140 in The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism, edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press.

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