To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: California – Politics and government – 1951-.
Journal articles on the topic 'California – Politics and government – 1951-'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'California – Politics and government – 1951-.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Tewes, Amanda. "“The Future of Women in Government Is Indeed a Bright One”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.34.
Full textAbstract:
March Fong Eu (1922–2017) was a talented California politician who broke barriers as the first Asian American and first woman elected to serve as California’s secretary of state (1975–1994). Previously, she served on the Alameda County Board of Education (1956–1966) and was the first Asian American and one of few women in the California State Assembly at mid-century (1967–1974). Known for a 1969 toilet-smashing publicity stunt to call attention to her legislation establishing free public restrooms in California, Eu skirted many of the obstacles that mid-century women politicians faced by creating her own political networks, building personal relationships with colleagues, and gathering public attention on her own terms. The progressive Eu gained a foothold in California politics during a time of conservative control, yet she also served during a pivotal moment in the state’s history when women and people of color were advancing in California politics. She was ambitious but never reached the pinnacle of her political abilities. As such, Eu’s life and work highlight the momentum of mid- to late-twentieth-century political women leaders in California, but also point to the historical limits of political success for women at all levels of government.
2
Tewes, Amanda. "“The Future of Women in Government Is Indeed a Bright One”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.34.
Full textAbstract:
March Fong Eu (1922–2017) was a talented California politician who broke barriers as the first Asian American and first woman elected to serve as California’s secretary of state (1975–1994). Previously, she served on the Alameda County Board of Education (1956–1966) and was the first Asian American and one of few women in the California State Assembly at mid-century (1967–1974). Known for a 1969 toilet-smashing publicity stunt to call attention to her legislation establishing free public restrooms in California, Eu skirted many of the obstacles that mid-century women politicians faced by creating her own political networks, building personal relationships with colleagues, and gathering public attention on her own terms. The progressive Eu gained a foothold in California politics during a time of conservative control, yet she also served during a pivotal moment in the state’s history when women and people of color were advancing in California politics. She was ambitious but never reached the pinnacle of her political abilities. As such, Eu’s life and work highlight the momentum of mid- to late-twentieth-century political women leaders in California, but also point to the historical limits of political success for women at all levels of government.
3
Firman, Firman. "MERITOKRASI DAN NETRALITAS APARATUR SIPIL NEGARA (ASN) DALAM PENGARUH PILKADA LANGSUNG." Indonesian Journal of Public Administration (IJPA) 3, no. 2 (2017): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.52447/ijpa.v3i2.1136.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: This study is about the meritocracy system of bureaucracy and the neutrality of civil state apparatus (ASN) in the face of elections to the elections. In various regions there is always a problem of bureaucratic professionalism issues. Despite the various regulations to regulate ASN to be neutral and independent so that the democratic process in this case direct election of the head of the region can run well. However, this issue is always repeated with different schemes for the lust of power and bureaucrat positions that can be facilitated or lifted / accelerated to occupy positions in the bureaucracy. Various rules and regulations were hit or forced only because they became part of the susceptibility when the pilkada was implemented. A regulation about ASN 2014 is expected to filter spoil system problems or promote a bureaucrat in certain positions only because of proximity or for being a successful team during the electionsKeywords: meritocracy system , bureaucracy, election Abstrak: Kajian ini tentang system meritokrasi birorkasi dan netralitas aparatur sipil negara (ASN) dalam menghadapi pilkada sampai dengan pilkada usai. Diberbagai daerah selalu muncul persoalan permasalahan profesionalisme birorkasi. Walaupun sudah lahir berbagai regulasi untuk mengatur agar ASN bisa bersikap netral dan independen agar proses demokrasi dalam hal ini pemilihan langsung kepala daerah bisa berjalan dengan baik. Namun, persoalan ini selalu berulang dengan skema yang berbeda untuk syahwat kekuasaan dan jabatan birokrat yang bisa dimudahkan atau diangkat/dipercepat untuk menduduki posisi dalam birokrasi. Berbagai aturan dan regulasi ditabrak atau dipaksakan hanya karena menjadi bagian suskesi saat pilkada dilaksanakan. Muncul regulasi tentang ASN 2014 diharapkan bisa menfilter persoalan spoil system atau mempromosikan seorang birokrat dalam posisi tertentu hanya gara-gara kedekatan atau karena menjadi tim sukses saat pilkada Kata kunci: Sistem Merit, Birokrasi, Pemilu Albrow, M. (1989). Birokrasi, diterjemahkan oleh Rusli Karim dan Totok Daryanto, PT. Tiara Wacana. Jakarta.Alon-Barkat, S., & Gilad, S. (2016). Political control or legitimacy deficit? Bureaucracies' symbolic responses to bottom-up public pressures. Policy & Politics, 44(1), 41-58.Assessment of hierarchical tendencies in an Indian bureaucracy. International Journal of Public Sector Management, 20(5), 380-391Cascio, W. F. (2006). The economic impact of employee behaviors on organizational performance. California Management Review, 48(4), 41-59.Kaufman, H. (1956). Emerging conflicts in the doctrines of public administration. American Political Science Review, 50(4), 1057-1073.Laski, H. J. (2014). Parliamentary Government in England (works of Harold J. Laski): A Commentary (Vol. 9). Routledge.Martini, R. (2010). Politisasi birokrasi di Indonesia. POLITIKA Jurnal Ilmu Politik MIP, 1(1), 67-74.Nadel, M. V., & Rourke, F. E. (1975). Bureaucracies. Handbook of Political Science, 5, 373-440.Rourke, F. E. (1984). Bureaucracy, Politics, and Public Policy. Boston: Little, Brown. RourkeBureaucracy. Politics, and Public Policy1984.Rourke, F. E. (1992). Responsiveness and neutral competence in American bureaucracy. Public Administration Review, 539-546.Setiyono, B. (2012). Birokrasi Dalam Perspektif “Politik & Administrasi” (Vol. 1). NUANSA.Soebhan, S. R. (2000). Model Reformasi Birokrasi Indonesia. Jakarta: PPW LIPI.Sudirman ://makassar.tribunnews.com/2016/08/26/daftar-nama-nama-pejabat-soppeng-yang-baru-dilantik diakses pada tanggal 2/10/2017Thoha, M., & Organisasi, P. (1993). konsep dasar dan Aplikasinya. Jakarta: Rajawali Pers.Thompson, J. D. (1967). Organizations in action: Social science bases of administrative theory. Transaction publishers.Woo, K. H. (2015). Recruitment Practices in the Malaysian Public Sector: Innovations or Political Responses?. Journal of Public Affairs Education, 229-246.Janesick, J., Pinter, J., Potter, R., Elliot, T., Andrews, J., Tower, J., ... & Bishop, J. (2009, August). Fundamental performance differences between CMOS and CCD imagers: part III. In Proc. SPIE (Vol. 7439, p. 743907).
4
Phillips-Fein, Kim. "“If Business and the Country Will Be Run Right:” The Business Challenge to the Liberal Consensus, 1945–1964." International Labor and Working-Class History 72, no. 1 (2007): 192–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000610.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract“‘If Business and the Country Will Be Run Right:’ The Business Challenge to the Liberal Consensus, 1945–1964,” by Kim Phillips-Fein, looks at the mobilization of conservative businessmen against the liberal political economy that emerged from the New Deal and the Second World War. These businessmen were sharply critical of the expanded federal government and strong labor unions throughout the postwar period. They sought to challenge the liberal economic order by helping to build think tanks critical of liberalism, by fighting labor unions, and ultimately by participating in political activities like the right-to-work campaigns of 1958, the gubernatorial bid of William F. Knowland in California that same year, and the presidential campaign of Barry Goldwater. By demonstrating the development of a network of conservative businessmen during this period, the article challenges the idea that “consensus” is the appropriate framework for thinking about postwar political economy. It also suggests the centrality of issues of political economy in the rise of conservatism in the postwar United States.
5
Vogel, David. "Promoting Sustainable Government Regulation: What We Can Learn From California." Organization & Environment 32, no. 2 (2019): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1086026619842517.
Full textAbstract:
This article describes and explains why the state of California has long played a leadership role in adopting innovative and stringent environmental standards. It argues that critical roles have been played by the state’s attractive natural environment, the extent of threats to its environmental quality, the material interest of citizens in protecting the natural environmental around where they lived, and the support of business interests who stood to benefit from protecting the state’s many environmental amenities. These dynamics are illustrated by several historical examples, which have laid the basis for the state’s current environmental policy initiatives. It concludes by generalizing from the experiences of California in order to explore the role of politics and public policies in promoting more sustainable business practices.
6
Forlenza, Rosario. "The Italian Communist Party, local government and the Cold War." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (2010): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903513544.
Full textAbstract:
The Italian national elections of 18 April 1948 handed power to the Christian Democratic Party. The Italian Communist Party had, however, gained significant municipal control in the local elections of 1946. For the Communists, the local level became the testing ground where administrative practices, political initiatives, social alliances and economic projects were developed. The leaders and the intellectuals worked to outline the cultural framework of a political project which could challenge national politics from town councils. Meanwhile, with a view to making gains in the local elections of 1951–1952, propaganda was used in an attempt to diffuse and proselytise municipal political programmes among different social classes in a divided socioeconomic environment.
7
Steiner, Barry H. "Leroy Hardy." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 04 (2009): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509990357.
Full textAbstract:
Leroy C. Hardy, emeritus professor of political science at California State University, Long Beach (CSULB), passed away on November 2, 2008, at the age of 81. He specialized in California government and politics and was best known as a long-term consultant to state legislators on the subject of the reapportionment of legislative districts.
8
Campbell, Michael C. "Are All Politics Local? A Case Study of Local Conditions in a Period of “Law and Order” Politics." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 664, no. 1 (2016): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215602702.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores how voters in Contra Costa County, California, came to support aggressive criminal justice policies that helped to drive prison growth. As this case study shows, the antitax movement’s successes in the latter 1970s had important implications for local and state politics and government that ultimately shaped support for the law and order movement. Institutional structures, especially the state’s easily accessible proposition process and the considerable political power of homeowners, facilitated the antitax movement’s successes. This reflected and reinforced deep tensions between state and local government and created new problems and dilemmas for state and local lawmakers. Politically, the antitax movement’s successes helped to mobilize a powerful constituency of affluent property owners receptive to tough anticrime measures and provided a blueprint for the law and order movement’s political success. While state and local lawmakers struggled to manage new challenges, increasingly active and well-organized law and order campaigns thrived in state and local environments.
9
Nations, Jennifer M. "How Austerity Politics Led to Tuition Charges at the University of California and City University of New York." History of Education Quarterly 61, no. 3 (2021): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2021.4.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe size and cost of US public higher education, funded largely by government, grew continuously for nearly twenty-five years after World War II. In the late 1960s, as the nation's economic growth slowed, the question of who should pay for higher education came under fresh political scrutiny. Decades-old no-tuition policies at the University of California and The City University of New York (CUNY) became targets of neoconservative critiques of the proper role of government support for public services. In California, this was done as Governor Ronald Reagan promoted a partisan austerity to win favor with business and other conservative elites. He justified cuts to higher education financing as a rebuke of protesting students and inept administrators and, later, as financially necessary given voters’ reluctance to pay more taxes. In contrast, federal and New York State politicians forced austerity on city leaders to satisfy bond holders during New York City's severe fiscal crisis. Reformers argued that CUNY's no-tuition policy was emblematic of the city's overindulgence of its residents. No-tuition policies became impossible to defend in the context of the stalled economy and growing conservative movement, whose members embraced government austerity.
10
BELL, JONATHAN. "Building a Left Coast: The Legacy of the California Popular Front and the Challenge to Cold War Liberalism in the Post-World War II Era." Journal of American Studies 46, no. 1 (2012): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875811001265.
Full textAbstract:
The Cold War in the late 1940s blunted attempts by the Truman administration to extend the scope of government in areas such as health care and civil rights. In California, the combined weakness of the Democratic Party in electoral politics and the importance of fellow travelers and communists in state liberal politics made the problem of how to advance the left at a time of heightened Cold War tensions particularly acute. Yet by the early 1960s a new generation of liberal politicians had gained political power in the Golden State and was constructing a greatly expanded welfare system as a way of cementing their hold on power. In this article I argue that the New Politics of the 1970s, shaped nationally by Vietnam and by the social upheavals of the 1960s over questions of race, gender, sexuality, and economic rights, possessed particular power in California because many activists drew on the longer-term experiences of a liberal politics receptive to earlier anti-Cold War struggles. A desire to use political involvement as a form of social networking had given California a strong Popular Front, and in some respects the power of new liberalism was an offspring of those earlier battles.
11
DUARTE, REGINA HORTA. "‘It Does Not Even Seem Like We Are in Brazil’: Country Clubs and Gated Communities in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, 1951–1964." Journal of Latin American Studies 44, no. 3 (2012): 435–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x12000429.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis study focuses on the first gated communities in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, which were developed between 1951 and 1964. In an era of democracy and economic growth, the Brazilian government promoted infrastructural improvements and attracted foreign capital. However, there was a concomitant increase in inequality and poverty, and deep-rooted political conflicts. Notwithstanding the varying motivations of those who chose to live in gated communities, this article argues that the attempt by elites to establish a lifestyle of leisure and European-style sophistication in these enclaves had political, ethnic, class and gender implications. Their self-segregation strengthened the patrimonialism and authoritarianism in politics that would prevail during the ensuing military dictatorship.
12
ALKON, ALISON HOPE. "ENTREPRENEURSHIP AS ACTIVISM? RESISTING GENTRIFICATION IN OAKLAND, CALIFORNIA." Revista de Administração de Empresas 58, no. 3 (2018): 279–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-759020180308.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT This article investigates the cultural politics of entrepreneurship as a form of opposition to gentrification in Oakland, California. Building on Watkins and Caldwell’s (2004) foundational work, I examine the relationship between political projects - resisting gentrification, racial and economic disparities - and the cultural work of signifying a community’s continued presence amidst displacement and glorification of newcomers. Based on 30 interviews with employees of food justice non-profit organizations, social enterprises, and government agencies, I argue that activists promote food-based entrepreneurship to create employment and business opportunities for long-term residents that enables them to stay in their hometown. In doing so, the contributions of long-standing communities to Oakland’s diverse food cultures are highlighted. However, property values are rising rapidly that even these opportunities cannot ensure that long-term communities remain. For this reason, I conclude by offering examples of direct action and policy advocacy that can supplement these entrepreneurial approaches.
13
Amironesei, Razvan, and Caleb Scoville. "Groundwater in California: From Juridical and Biopolitical Governmentality to a Political Physics of Vital Processes." Theory, Culture & Society 36, no. 5 (2019): 133–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276419850277.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the emergence of a political rationality of groundwater in contemporary California. It contrasts a new government of nature that we call a ‘political physics of vital processes’, operative in the case of the Orange County Water District, with juridical and biopolitical rationalities of groundwater governance. To do so, we propose a genealogical account grounded in a reading of a key concept in Aristotle’s first book of Politics. The case is analyzed along the axes of subjectivity, space, and temporality, opening to a novel way of conceptualizing the relation between power and nature.
14
Nishikawa, Katsuo A. "Rethinking the Meaning of Citizenship in Post-PRI Mexico: Can the State Change Its Image?" Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 28, no. 1 (2012): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2012.28.1.21.
Full textAbstract:
This study considers the effect that gestures of goodwill from state officials have on political attitudes in post-PRI Mexico. A field experiment was conducted in the state of Baja California in which randomly selected individuals in the treatment group received a short letter from the state designed to improve residents' evaluation of government efforts to rehabilitate their neighborhoods. Overall, this study finds that a gesture of goodwill has a mixed effect on political attitudes relevant to democracy. While the treatment has a negative effect on levels of efficacy and evaluations of government performance, it also has a positive effect on willingness to become more involved in politics.
15
Schields, Chelsea. "“This is the Soul of Aruba Speaking”." New West Indian Guide 90, no. 3-4 (2016): 195–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-09003002.
Full textAbstract:
In 1951, at the onset of major decolonization initiatives in the Netherlands Antilles, thousands of residents on Aruba successfully joined in protest to defeat Campo Alegre, a proposed brothel near the Aruban oil-refining city of San Nicolas. This article considers the protest movement within the context of Antillean decolonization and argues that debates over sexual politics played an important role in popularizing an Aruban identity separate from neighboring Curaçao—then seat of the government of the Netherlands Antilles and site of the first Campo Alegre brothel. Through analysis of Aruban archival sources, this article examines how the protest movement exploited decolonization policy while also drawing on the rhetoric of leading local political parties who claimed racial and cultural superiority to Curaçao.
16
Greenberg, Jaclyn. "The Limits of Legislation: Katherine Philips Edson, Practical Politics, and the Minimum-Wage Law in California, 1913–1922." Journal of Policy History 5, no. 2 (1993): 207–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600006710.
Full textAbstract:
In 1913 the California legislature took a momentous step to improve the wages and working conditions of its women workers by passing a controversial new form of social welfare legislation, a minimum-wage bill, which established the Industrial Welfare Commission. The mandate gave the commission extensive power: not only to establish a minimum wage for each industry employing women, but to regulate hours and working conditions as well. Although reformers had been building an edifice of protective legislation for women for three decades, the creation of a government body with such wide-ranging authority over virtually every aspect of women's wage work was unprecedented. A handful of states passed similar legislation, but few rose above the challenges by opponents to actually implement the law in a meaningful way. The California Industrial Welfare Commission, in contrast, established wage, hour, and sanitary standards in women's occupations from canneries to movie studios. Responsibility for the success of the California law rested on the administrative brilliance of one woman, Katherine Philips Edson, the law's chief sponsor and then leading commission member. Under her guidance the commission slowly and judiciously improved working women's conditions and won public acceptance of the innovative form of state intervention.
17
Inoguchi, Takashi. "Nambara Shigeru (1889–1974): how a Japanese liberal conceptualized eternal peace, 1918–1951." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (2018): 612–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000373.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractNambara Shigeru was a rara avis of Japanese liberal academics at hard times in that he survived difficult times without being punished by the oppressive government in the pre-war Japan and the occupation authorities in the immediate post-war Japan. He specialized in Western political philosophy especially in Immanuel Kant and Johann Gottlieb Fichte, known as proponents of German idealism and nationalism. His magnum opus was published, without being punished, in 1944, arguing that the Nazi politics was totally against the Western political tradition. In 1945–46, he made clear his opposition to the draft new Constitution in which the emperor be symbolic and the armed forces be abolished. In 1949–1950, he made clear his view that Japan, once Japan admitted to the United Nations, what would become Japanese Self-Defense Forces should donate portions to what would become United Nations Peace Keeping Operations. On the basis of his writings in the war period and the occupation period, comparisons of his positions with Roger Scruton, Vladislav Surkov, Yanaihara Tadao, Akamatsu Kaname, Nitobe Inazo, and Yanagida Kunio on such concepts as democracy promotion, national self-determination, peace keeping are attempted to see the extent to which the pent-up Wilsonian moment burst in the immediate post-war period.
18
Hunt, D. Bradford. "How Did Public Housing Survive the 1950s?" Journal of Policy History 17, no. 2 (2005): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0012.
Full textAbstract:
Within two years of the triumphal, if belated, passage of the 1949 Housing Act, America's public housing program was on the defensive, reeling from an onslaught of local opposition. Progressives had hoped to build 135,000 units of public housing a year, but were soon met with a furious backlash. Afraid of government competition, the National Association of Home Builders and the U.S. Savings and Loan League mobilized local opposition by sending out “kits” to their members with prepackaged ads for local newspapers reading “Canyouafford to pay somebody else's rent?” The result was an avalanche of local referenda, and voters across the country blocked new construction. In California, Proposition 10 made all new projects contingent on local referenda, and Los Angeles voters threw out their mayor over his support for public housing. In other cities, such as Chicago, Detroit, and Philadelphia, race played a major role in thwarting local housing authority plans. Despite a massive postwar housing shortage and a well-argued set of progressive ideals, public housing supporters struggled to keep their program alive in the early 1950s. The election of 1952—with Republicans capturing the presidency, the House, and the Senate for the first time since 1930—meant the prospects for the survival of public housing looked bleak at best.
19
DEVESON, EDWARD. "Parasites, politics and public science: the promotion of biological control in Western Australia, 1900–1910." British Journal for the History of Science 49, no. 2 (2016): 231–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087416000327.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractBiological control of arthropods emerged as a scientific enterprise in the late nineteenth century and the orchard industry of California was an early centre of expertise. In 1900, as the Australian colonies prepared for federation, each had a government entomologist attached to its agriculture department. The hiring of George Compere from California by the Western Australian Department of Agriculture began a controversial chapter in the early history of biological control that was linked to a late, local popularization of acclimatization. Compere became known as the ‘travelling entomologist’ and for a decade brought ‘parasites’ of pest insects from overseas and released them in Perth. His antagonistic disciplinary rhetoric and inflated claims for the ‘parasite theory’ created conflict with his counterparts in the eastern states. The resulting inter-state entomological controversy was played out in the press, revealing the political use of science for institutional and even state identity. It is a story of transnational exchanges, chance discoveries and popular public science: popular because of the promise of a simple, natural solution to agricultural insect pests and because of the public nature of the disputes it generated between the experts. This microcosm contributes to the global historiography of acclimatization, biological control, scientific exposition and the professionalization of agricultural science.
20
Lee, Charles T. "Improvising “Nonexistent Rights”: Immigrants, Ethnic Restaurants, and Corporeal Citizenship in Suburban California." Social Inclusion 7, no. 4 (2019): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i4.2305.
Full textAbstract:
Building on Henri Lefebvre’s radical concept of “right to the city,” contemporary literatures on urban citizenship critically shift the locus of citizenship from its juridical-political foundation in the sovereign state to the spatial politics of the urban inhabitants. However, while the political discourse of right to the city presents a vital vision for urban democracy in the shadow of neoliberal restructuring, its exclusive focus on democratic agency and practices can become disconnected from the everyday experiences of city life on the ground. In fact, in cities that lack longstanding/viable urban citizenship mechanisms that can deliver meaningful political participation, excluded subjects may bypass formal democratic channels to improvise their own inclusion, belonging, and rights in an informal space that the sovereign power does not recognize. Drawing on my fieldwork in the Asian restaurant industry in several multiethnic suburbs in Southern California, this article investigates how immigrant restaurant entrepreneurs, workers, and consumers engender a set of “nonexistent rights” through their everyday production and consumption of ethnic food. I name this improvisational political ensemble corporeal citizenship to describe the material, affective, and bodily dimensions of inclusion, belonging, and “rights” that immigrants actualize through their everyday participation in this suburban ethnic culinary commerce. For many immigrants operating in the global circuits of neoliberal capitalism, citizenship no longer just means what Hannah Arendt (1951) once suggested as “the right to have rights,” or what Engin Isin and Peter Nyers (2014) reformulate as “the right to claim rights,” but also the right to reinvent ways of claiming rights. I suggest such improvisation of nonexistent rights has surprising political implications for unorthodox ways of advancing democratic transformation.
21
Rubado, Meghan E., and Jay T. Jennings. "Political Consequences of the Endangered Local Watchdog: Newspaper Decline and Mayoral Elections in the United States." Urban Affairs Review 56, no. 5 (2019): 1327–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087419838058.
Full textAbstract:
Newspapers have faced extreme challenges in recent years due to declining circulation and advertising revenue. This has resulted in newspaper closures, staff cuts, and dramatic changes to the ways many newspapers cover local government, among other topics. This article argues that the loss of professional expertise in coverage of local government has negative consequences for the quality of city politics because citizens become less informed about local policies and elections. We test our theory using an original data set that matches 11 local newspapers in California to the municipalities they cover. The data show that cities served by newspapers with relatively sharp declines in newsroom staffing had, on average, significantly reduced political competition in mayoral races. We also find suggestive evidence that lower staffing levels are associated with lower voter turnout.
22
Ferraiolo, Kathleen. "State Legislative Response to Direct Democracy and the Politics of Partial Compliance." American Review of Politics 31 (April 1, 2010): 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2010.31.0.41-64.
Full textAbstract:
Over the last quarter-century, direct democracy has played an increasingly important role in state politics and policy. While limited attitudinal data show high levels of legislative approval for direct democracy, the most prominent piece of behavioral scholarship concludes that California legislators often attempt to steal the initiative by displacing ballot measure content and preventing full implementation. Results from an original web survey indicate that Oregon lawmakers are cautiously supportive of the initiative process and identify the conditions under which they support changes to voter-ratified bills. Case study evidence shows how legislators use their power to amend successful initiatives to clarify and improve flawed measures. I argue that institutional rules governing the initiative amendment process in Oregon allow legislators to engage in partial compliance while preserving voters core ideas. By drawing on new data sources and analyzing both behavior and attitudes, the findings shed new light on when, how, and under what conditions state government actors interfere in the initiative process and offer an important correction to the literature on legislative response to direct democracy.
23
McCRAY, W. PATRICK. "Project Vista, Caltech, and the dilemmas of Lee DuBridge." Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 34, no. 2 (2004): 339–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsps.2004.34.2.339.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT: In the summer of 1951, more than one hundred scientists and other academics participated in Project Vista, a secret study hosted by the California Institute of Technology. Its purpose was to determine how existing technologies as well as ones soon to be available——tactical nuclear weapons, in particular——could offset NATO's weaker conventional forces and repel a massive Soviet invasion of Europe many perceived as likely if not imminent. Despite the best efforts of scientists like William Fowler, Lee DuBridge, and J. Robert Oppenheimer, Vista's recommendations were eventually suppressed by the Air Force. This article examines the history of Project Vista as a circumstance of the early Cold War period. By focusing primarily on the local level, the article presents a detailed examination of how people were recruited to Project Vista, how their work was organized and managed, and the relations between Caltech's administration and trustees. Finally, this article considers the history of postwar universities as they struggled to adapt to the Cold War environment and scientists' efforts to provide counsel to the U.S. government and military.
24
Struthers, James. "Regulating the Elderly: Old Age Pensions and the Formation of a Pension Bureaucracy in Ontario, 1929-1945." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 3, no. 1 (2006): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031051ar.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article examines the emergence of means-tested old age pensions in Ontario in the context of the Great Depression and World War II. Ontario's old age pension scheme, it argues, was launched in 1929 with weak political commitment, little bureaucratic-preparation, and an almost complete absence of administrative experience at the provincial and municipal level in assessing and responding to need on a mass scale. The article examines the complex interplay among federal, provincial, and local government authorities in the politics of pension administration throughout the 1929-1945 era, arguing that local control of pension decision-making in the early years of the Depression provided two divergent models of pension entitlement both as charity and as an earned social right. After 1933 governments at both the provincial and federal level centralized decision-making over pension administration in order to standardize and restrict pension entitlement, contain its rapidly rising costs, and enforce more efficiently the concept of parental maintenance upon children. World War II undermined the concept of pensions as charity by broadly expanding the boundaries of entitlement both for the elderly and their children. By 1945 means-tested pensions had few supporters within or outside of government, laying the basis for the emergence of a universal system of old age security in 1951.
25
Rachmat, Angga Nurdin. "FAKTOR DOMESTIK DALAM KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH HUNGARIA TERHADAP PENGUNGSI DAN MIGRAN DARI TIMUR TENGAH PERIODE TAHUN 2015-2019." Jurnal Academia Praja 4, no. 1 (2021): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jap.v4i1.241.
Full textAbstract:
Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party.
26
Sugarman, Stephen D. "Quebec's Comprehensive Auto No-Fault Scheme and the Failure of Any of the United States to Follow." Régimes de no-fault 39, no. 2-3 (2005): 303–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/043495ar.
Full textAbstract:
Although Quebec's no-fault auto insurance scheme has served for 20 years as an exemplary model to follow, so far not one of the United States has adopted anything even close to it. This article examines the reasons for that failure, both in California and throughout the country. Emphasis is given to several factors that stand in the way of U.S. reform and that may distinguish states in the U.S. from Canadian provinces generally and Quebec in particular: 1. State politics — the power of the lawyers who represent victims, the position of the insurers, and the structure of state government. 2. Public perceptions — negative attitudes towards government, the insurance industry, and the prospects of saving money on auto insurance premiums. 3. Traditions—the ideological strength of individualism and ideological weakness of collective responsibility. 4. Tradeoffs — doing away with the tort system means giving up more in the U.S. than elsewhere. 5. Policy concerns — fears about safety, costs, and the « slippery slope ». Finally, the possibility that one or more U.S. states might in the future evolve towards the Quebec solution is explored.
27
Stašulāne, Anita. "ESOTERICISM AND POLITICS: THEOSOPHY." Via Latgalica, no. 2 (December 31, 2009): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2009.2.1604.
Full textAbstract:
Interference of esotericism and politics became apparent especially in the 19th century when the early socialists expected the coming of the Age of Spirit, and narratives about secret wisdom being kept in mysterious sacred places became all the more popular. Thus, the idea of the Age of Enlightenment underwent transformation: the world will be saved not by ordinary knowledge but by some special secret wisdom. In this context, Helena Blavatsky (1831–1891) developed the doctrine of Theosophy the ideas of which were overtaken by the next-generation theosophists including also the Russian painter Nicholas Roerich (1874–1947) and his spouse Helena Roerich (1879–1955) who developed a new form of Theosophy. The aim of this article is to analyse the interference between Theosophy and politics paying special attention to its historical roots, which, in the context of Roerich groups, are to be sought in the political activities of Nicholas Roerich, the founder of the movement. The following materials have been used in the analysis: first, writings of the founders of Agni Yoga or Teaching of Living Ethics; second, the latest studies in the history of Theosophy made in the available archives after the collapse of the soviet regime; third, materials obtained from the interviews of a field research (2006–2008). The author has made use of an interdisciplinary approach combining anthropological methods with the method of systematic analysis. The historical roots of the political activity of contemporary theosophists stretch into the political aspirations of Nicholas Roerich, the founder of Agni Yoga or Teaching of Living Ethics. Opening of the USSR secret archives and publication of several formerly inaccessible diaries and letters of theosophists offer an opportunity to study the “spiritual geopolitics” of the Roerichs. Setting off to his Central Asian expeditions (1925–1928; 1934–1935), Nicholas Roerich strived to implement the Great Plan, i.e. to found a New State that would stretch from Tibet to South Siberia comprising the territories governed by China, Mongolia, Tibet and the USSR. The new state was conceived as the kingdom of Shambhala on the earth, and in order to form this state, Nicholas Roerich aspired to acquire the support of various political systems. During the Tzarist Empire, the political world outlook of Nicholas Roerich was markedly monarchic. After the Bolshevik coup in Russia, the artist accepted the offer to work under the wing of the new power, but after his emigration to the West Roerich published extremely sharp articles against the Bolsheviks. In 1922, the Roerichs started to support Lenin considering him the messenger of Shambhala. Roerich’s efforts to acquire Bolshevik support culminated in 1926 when the Roerichs arrived in Moscow bringing a message by Mahatmas to the soviet government, a small case with earth for the Lenin Mausoleum from Burhan-Bulat and paintings in which Buddha Maitreya bore strong resemblance to Lenin. The plan of founding the Union of Eastern Republics, with Bolshevik support, failed, since about the year 1930 the soviet authorities changed their position concerning the politics of the Far East. Having ascertained that the Bolsheviks would not provide the anticipated support for the Great Plan, the Roerichs started to seek for contacts in the USA which provided funding for his second expedition (1934–1935). The Roerichs succeeded even in making correspondence (1934–1936) with President Roosevelt who paid much larger attention to Eastern states especially China than other presidents did. Their correspondence ceased when the Security Service of the USA grew suspicious about Roerich’s pro-Japanese disposition. Nicholas Roerich has sought for support to his political ambitions by all political regimes. In 1934, the Russian artist tried to ascertain whether German national socialists would support his efforts in Asia. It may seem that the plans of founding the Union of Oriental Republics have passed away along with Roerich; yet in 1991 his son Svyatoslav Roerich (1904–1993) pointed out once again that the Altai is a very important centre of the great future and Zvenigorod is still a great reality and a magnificent dream. Interference between esotericism and politics is observed also among Latvian theosophists: the soviet regime successfully made use of Roerich’s adherents propagating the communist ideology in the independent Republic of Latvia. In the 1920s and 1930s, the embassy of the USSR in Riga maintained close contacts with Roerich’s adherents in Latvia and made a strong pressure on the Latvian government not to ban the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society who actively propagated the success of soviet culture and economy. On 17 June 1940, the soviet army occupied the Republic of Latvia, and Haralds Lūkins, the son of the founder of the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society, was elected to the first government of the soviet Latvia. Nevertheless, involvement of theosophists in politics was unsuccessful, since after the official annexation of Latvia into the USSR, on 5 August 1940, all societies including the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society were closed. Since the members of the movement continued to meet regularly, in 1949, Haralds Lūkins was arrested as leader of an illegal organization. After the Second World War, theosophists were subjected to political repressions. Arrests of Roerich’s followers (1948–1951) badly impaired the movement. After rehabilitation in 1954, the repressed persons gradually returned from exile and kept on their illegal meetings in small groups. To regain their rights to act openly, Roerich’s followers started to praise Nicholas Roerich as a supporter of the soviet power. With the collapse of the soviet regime, Roerich’s followers in Latvia became legal in 1988 when the Latvian Roerich Society was restored which soon split up according to geopolitical orientation; therefore, presently in Latvia, there are the following organisations: Latvian Roerich Society, Latvian Department of the International Centre of the Roerichs, and Aivars Garda group or the Latvian National Front. A. Garda fused nationalistic ideas with Theosophy offering a special social reorganization – repatriation of the soviet-time immigrants and a social structure of Latvia that would be formed by at least 75% ethnic Latvians. Activity of A. Garda group, which is being criticized by other groups of theosophists, is a continuation of the interference between theosophical and political ideas practised by the Roerichs. Generally it is to be admitted that after the crush of the soviet regime, in theosophist groups, unclear political orientation between the rightists and leftists is observed, characterised by fairly radical ideas.
28
Wunder, John R. "Reviews of Books:Taming the Elephant: Politics, Government, and Law in Pioneer California John F. Burns, Richard J. Orsi, Marlene Smith-Baranzini, Joshua Paddison, Teena Stern." American Historical Review 109, no. 4 (2004): 1241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/530809.
Full text
29
Zulkarnain, Zulkarnain. "History Curriculum Policy of Senior High School during Sukarno Era." Paramita: Historical Studies Journal 30, no. 2 (2020): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v30i2.23151.
Full textAbstract:
This article aims to investigate the history curriculum policy of senior high school during the Sukarno era. The method used is qualitative research by using the historical approach. Also, this research used document study as the primary method. A document study was conducted to both the primary and secondary sources for the source triangulation. Additionally, the complementary approach used interviews with several practitioners and academics, including the practitioners of the Indonesia history curriculum. Data analysis used an interactive analysis model. The results show that during 1945-1951, the history curriculum of senior high school still used AMS (Algemene Middelbare School) curriculum as the inheritance from the Dutch Indies era, so it is directed to the political policy, and the materials are clearly oriented to politics, doctrine, national ideology. The philosophical foundation of history curriculum policy in senior high school during the Sukarno Era is based on Pancasila and UUD 1945. But its implementation refers to government politics and essentialism and perennialism philosophy. The position of history subject in senior high school during the Sukarno era has a strategic role in creating historical awareness and nationalism. However, Manipol USDEK indoctrination was very visible. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menyelidiki kebijakan kurikulum sejarah SMA pada era Sukarno. Metode yang digunakan adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan sejarah. Selain itu, penelitian ini menggunakan studi dokumen sebagai metode utama. Studi dokumen dilakukan pada sumber primer dan sekunder untuk triangulasi sumber. Selain itu, pendekatan komplementer menggunakan wawancara dengan beberapa praktisi dan akademisi, termasuk praktisi kurikulum sejarah Indonesia. Analisis data menggunakan model analisis interaktif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa selama tahun 1945-1951, kurikulum sejarah sekolah menengah atas masih menggunakan kurikulum AMS (Algemene Middelbare School) sebagai warisan dari jaman Hindia Belanda, sehingga mengarah pada kebijakan politik, dan materi yang jelas berorientasi pada politik, doktrin, ideologi nasional. Landasan filosofis kebijakan kurikulum sejarah di Sekolah Menengah Atas pada masa Sukarno berpijak pada Pancasila dan UUD 1945. Namun implementasinya mengacu pada filosofi politik pemerintahan dan esensialisme dan perenialisme. Kedudukan mata pelajaran sejarah di sekolah menengah atas pada era Soekarno memiliki peran strategis dalam menciptakan kesadaran sejarah dan nasionalisme. Namun, indoktrinasi Manipol USDEK sangat terlihat.
30
Kirk-Greene, A. H. M. "The Labour government and the end of empire, 1945–1951. Parts 1–4: high policy and administration; economics and international relations; strategy, politics and constitutional change; race relations and the Commonwealth." International Affairs 69, no. 3 (1993): 584–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622369.
Full text
31
Ramirez, Susan E. "The Search for Public Policy: Regional Politics and Government Finances in Ecuador, 1830–1940. By Linda Alexander Rodríquez. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985, Pp. xv, 281. $32.50." Journal of Economic History 47, no. 1 (1987): 259–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700047768.
Full text
32
Drifte, Reinhard. "Der Aufstieg Ostasiens in der Weltpolitik 1840–2000 (The Rise of East Asia in World Politics, 1840–2000). By Gottfried-Karl Kindermann. [Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2001. €44.99. 727 pp. ISBN 3-421-05174-7.]." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 1097–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003280632.
Full textAbstract:
This monumental work is in many ways the essence of Professor Kindermann's 50 years' research on East Asia, theoretically based on the Munich school of neo-realism (of which he is the pre-eminent representative) and inspired by his many personal encounters with those Asian leaders who shaped the region's rise in world politics. It also introduces interesting research by other German scholars, which is often excluded from the English-language literature that dominates the Asian studies field. The focus of the analysis is on the foreign policy of the states in the West Pacific region (including Myanmar and Indochina), their interactions and their place in world politics. It is impossible to summarize the 34 chapters within this review. The books offer a superb chronological and contextual overview of a crucial period in East Asia that is highly readable and illustrated with relevant photos. The most space is devoted to China, documenting its rise from imperial victim to major economic power. The coverage of China's interaction with foreign powers and the domestic background is very detailed, especially concerning the Kuomintang before and after 1949, and the Taiwan issue. The account of the era after the Pacific War focuses mostly on the People's Republic of China. Several pages are devoted to the Quemoy crisis of 1954–55, which revealed the complexities of the US–PRC–Taiwan triangle. Kindermann demonstrates how this crisis was the first application of Washington's “calculated ambiguity” towards the PRC concerning Taiwan. A whole chapter is devoted to the second Taiwan crisis of 1958 and its aftermath in 1962. Kindermann's interviews in Taiwan show how the US actively prevented Chiang Kai-shek's plan of occupying two mainland Chinese cities to start the “liberation” of the PRC. There are four chapters on how the Communist Party established and maintained its rule over China, but the majority deal with China's foreign interactions. On Tibet, Kindermann argues that the 17-item agreement of 1951 between Tibetan leaders and the Communist government may have served as a tolerable solution to the Tibet issue and thus have prevented a lot of hardship for the Tibetan people, even though the Tibetan representatives had been coerced into signing it.
33
Hughes, Steven, and George Otero. "Global Education for the Secondary and College Student." Political Science Teacher 2, no. 1 (1989): 21–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000520.
Full textAbstract:
What's worth teaching and how to teach it are two questions we constantly pose to ourselves. As we ponder these, we inevitably run into two other questions: how to engage those who are less than fully motivated and how to involve students in learning about a world which is so incredibly complex and where virtually all issues are so globally interdependent. Because of the conditions of complexity and interdependence, we label ourselves global educators and what we do as global education.George initially became concerned with these problems as a middle school teacher in Colorado. Later, as director of the Center for Teaching International Relations (CTIR) at the University of Denver, he was involved in developing strategies for student centered, interactive learning.Steve has taught political science at a state university in California. Several years ago, he became convinced that the input, lecture based mode of learning he employed was terribly inadequate. So the search began for alternatives which eventually led to meeting George and to our subsequent collaboration.The purpose of this article is to share some of the activities we have found to be successful in addressing our concerns. These activities have been used in a variety of settings: residential programs for approximately 35 high school students from all over the country, held at Las Palomas de Taos; the Tennessee Governor's School for International Studies, which is a four week, summer program for 150 high school students; workshops for elementary and secondary educators; and a variety of college courses including Global Politics American Government, and Public Policy Making.
34
Bentley, Michael. "Liberal Toryism in the Twentieth Century." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (December 1994): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679220.
Full textAbstract:
DUST has scarcely had time to settle on Lady Thatcher; yet already a thick sediment of historical significance attaches to the fifteen years of her ascendancy. The period between 1975 and 1990 looks likely to prove as significant for the political ideologies of the twenty-first century as that between, say, 1885 and 1906 currently looks for our own. In the twilight world of John Major (who appears part-antidote, part-surrogate), Conservative ideology is becoming informed by reviews from both sides as they reflect on not only what went wrong but what it was that seemingly went so right, from a party point of view, for so long. We have just had placed before us, for example, John Campbell's admirable biography of Sir Edward Heath, on theone hand, and Alan Clark's transfixing diaries very much on the other. Such documents supplement amass of theorising and comment by political scientists and journalists, most of which dwells on the twin themes of discontinuity and dichotomy. The history of the Tory party is seen to enter a period of catastrophe by the end of the Heath government out of which there emerges a distinct party ideology which people call ‘Thatcherism’: a ‘New Conservatism’ radically distinct from the compromise and accommodation that marked politics after 1951. But that process was contested within the party—hence a dichotomy between two persuasions: the hawks and the doves, the dries and the wets, the Tories and the Conservatives, the true blues and the Liberals. Language of this kind has a particular interest to historians. They want to raise issues about its chronological deep-structure: how ‘new’ was this ‘New Conservatism’?. They recognise the need to situate the dichotomies of the moment in a wider context of Conservative experience: how singular is a doctrine of dichotomy within Conservative party doctrine? Above all they bring into question bald postulates about the nature of current Conservatism which do not compare experience across time
35
Young, John. "Talking to Tito: the Eden visit to Yugoslavia, September 1952." Review of International Studies 12, no. 1 (1986): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114111.
Full textAbstract:
Josip Tito first met a leading British statesman, in August 1944, when he had discussions in Naples with Winston Churchill about the future of the Yugoslav resistance movements.1 After the war however the Yugoslav communist leader did not meet another leading statesman from the West until September 1952. The visitor on that occasion was Churchill's Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden. Between the two dates there had been remarkable changes in Anglo-Yugoslav relations. In the years 1944–1948, as the world slipped towards Cold War, the British aid given to Tito's guerillas in wartime seemed to have been wasted; Yugoslavia apparently became firmly rooted in the Soviet bloc. Many now argue that Churchill ought to have supported other Yugoslav resistance groups who were supporters of the Yugoslav monarchy and, presumably, more pro-western. British support for Tito during the war, however, had logical force: Tito was popular with his countrymen and able to unite them, a capable leader who knew how to use the geography of his country against its enemies, and a man who was ultimately able to liberate Yugoslavia without large-scale Soviet assistance.2 And, in 1948, to the surprise of many in the West he proved that he was no mere Russian puppet either. He opposed attempts from Moscow to extend its influence over Yugoslav government and politics and, in June, was expelled by Stalin from the Soviet-led ‘Cominform’ Faced by economic blockade from the East, Tito turned increasingly to the West for support. In November 1951 he took a major step by accepting American military aid. As yet there were limits to his western commitment: he was still a communist, on poor terms with some of his western neighbours (especially Italy), and determined, whilst accepting western aid, to keep his distance from both power blocs. But it seemed that he could be won over securely to the West in the long-term. Recently released British files on the Eden visit reveal much about the state of Tito's relationship with the West at this time.
36
Kennedy, Edward M. "Book Review Experiencing Politics: A Legislator's Stories of Government and Health Care By John E. McDonough. 342 pp., illustrated. Berkeley, University of California Press, 2000. $50 (cloth); $19.95 (paper). 0-520-22410-8 (cloth); 0-520-22411-6 (paper)." New England Journal of Medicine 344, no. 19 (2001): 1483. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/nejm200105103441920.
Full text
37
Jenkins, James O., Domènec Ruiz Devesa, Alfonso Egea-de Haro, et al. "Reviews: Environmental Dilemmas and Policy Design, the Political Culture of the Left in Affluent Britain, 1951–64: Old Labour, New Britain, the Government and Politics of the European Union, Just Sustainabilities: Development in an Unequal World, Climate Change and Sustainable Development: Prospects for Developing Countries, Environmental Leaders and Laggards in Europe: Why there is (Not) a ‘Southern Problem’, Business and Politics: A Comparative Introduction, The European Union: Economy, Society, and Polity." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 22, no. 1 (2004): 149–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c2201rvw.
Full text
38
Stillerman, Joel. "Janet L. Finn, Tracing the Veins: Of Copper, Culture and Community from Butte to Chuquicamata. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. xiii + 246 pp. $45.00 cloth; $16.95 paper.; Thomas Miller Klubock, Contested Communities: Class, Gender, and Politics in Chile's El Teniente Copper Mine, 1904–1951. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998. vii + 295 pp. $59.95 cloth; $19.95 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 58 (October 2000): 342–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900233802.
Full text
39
Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
 AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
40
Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
 AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
41
Sutton, R. Anderson, Wim Zanten, T. E. Behrend, et al. "Book Reviews." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 152, no. 2 (1996): 293–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003015.
Full textAbstract:
- R. Anderson Sutton, Wim van Zanten, Ethnomusicology in the Netherlands: present situation and traces of the past. Leiden: Centre of Non-Western Studies, Leiden University, 1995, ix + 330 pp. [Oideion; The performing arts worldwide 2. Special Issue]., Marjolijn van Roon (eds.) - T.E. Behrend, Willem Remmelink, The Chinese War and the collapse of the Javanese state, 1725-1743. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1994, 297 pp. [Verhandelingen 162]. - Erik Brandt, Eric Venbrux, A death in the Tiwi Islands; Conflict, ritual and social life in an Australian Aboriginal Community. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, xvii + 269 pp. - Madelon Djajadiningrat-Nieuwenhuis, Tineke Hellwig, In the shadow of change; Images of women in Indonesian literature. Berkeley: University of California, Centers for South and Southeast Asia Studies, 1994, xiii + 259 pp. [Monograph 35]. - M. Estellie Smith, Peter J.M. Nas, Issues in urban development; Case studies from Indonesia. Leiden: Research School CNWS, 1995, 293 pp. [CNWS Publications 33]. - Uta Gärtner, Jan Becka, Historical dictionary of Myanmar. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, xxii + 328 pp. [Asian Historical Dictionaries 15]. - Beatriz van der Goes, H. Slaats, Wilhelm Middendorp over de Karo Batak, 1914-1919. Deel 1. Nijmegen: Katholieke Universiteit, Faculteit der Rechtsgeleerdheid, 1994, xvii + 313 pp. [Reeks Recht en Samenleving 11]., K. Portier (eds.) - Stephen C. Headley, Janet Carsten, About the house, Lévi-Strauss and beyond. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, xiv + 300 pp., Stephen Hugh-Jones (eds.) - Stephen C. Headley, James J. Fox, Inside Austronesian houses; Perspectives on domestic designs for living. Canberra: Department of Anthropology, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University, 1993, x + 237 pp. - M. Hekker, Helmut Buchholt, Continuity, change and aspirations; Social and cultural life in Minahasa, Indonesia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1994, vii + 231 pp., Ulricht Mai (eds.) - Tineke Hellwig, Brigitte Müller, Op de wipstoel; De niet-gewettigde inheemse vrouw van de blanke Europeaan in Nederlands-Indië (1890-1940); Een literatuuronderzoek naar beeldvorming en werkelijkheid. Amsterdam: Vakgroep Culturele Antropologie/Sociologie der Niets-Westerse Samenlevingen, 1995, xii + 131 pp. - Jan van der Putten, Liaw Yock Fang, Standard Malay made simple. Singapore: Times Books International, 1988. - Jan van der Putten, Liaw Yock Fang, Standard Indonesian made simple, written with the assistance of Nini Tiley-Notodisuryo, Singapore: Times Books International, 1990. - Jan van der Putten, Liaw Yock Fang, Speak standard Malay; A beginner’s guide. Singapore: Times Books International, 1993, xxii + 280 pp. - Jan van der Putten, Liaw Yock Fang, Speak Indonesian; A beginner’s guide, written in collaboration with Munadi Padmadiwiria and Abdullah Hassan. Singapore: Times Books International, 1990. - Alle G. Hoekema, Chr.G.F. de Jong, Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse Zending op Zuid-Sulawesi 1852-1966; Een bronnenpublicatie. Oegstgeest: Raad voor de Zending der Nederlands Hervormde Kerk, 1995, xi + 524 pp. - George Hotze, Ronald G. Gill, De Indische stad op Java en Madura; Een morfologische studie van haar ontwikkeling. Delft: Publikatieburo Bouwkunde, Technische Universiteit Delft, 1995, 350 pp. - H.A.J. Klooster, Holk H. Dengel, Neuere Darstellung der Geschichte Indonesiens in Bahasa Inonesia; Entwicklung und Tendenzen der indonesischen Historiographie. Stuttgart: Steiner, 1994, vii + 269 pp. - Harry A. Poeze, Hans Antlöv, Imperial policy and Southeast Asian nationalism 1930-1957. Richmond: Curzon Press, 1995, xiii + 323 pp., Stein Tonnesson (eds.) - P.W. Preston, Michael Hill, The politics of nation building and citizenship in Singapore. London: Routledge, 1995, x + 285 pp., Lian Kwen Fee (eds.) - J.W. (Pim) Schoorl, Michael Southon, The navel of the perahu; Meaning and values in the maritime trading economy of a Butonese village. Canberra: Department of Anthropology, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University, 1995, xiv + 150 pp. - Henk Schulte Nordholt, Geoffrey Robinson, The dark side of paradise; Political violence in Bali. Ithaca/London: Cornell University Press, 1995, xxii + 341 pp. - Herman A.O. de Tollenaere, Th. Stevens, Vrijmetselarij en samenleving in Nederlands-Indië en Indonesië 1764-1962. Hilversum: Verloren, 1994, 400 pp. - Donald E. Weatherbee, Mpu Prapañca, Desawarnana (Nagarakrtagama) by Mpu Prapañca, translated and edited by Stuart Robson. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1995, viii + 158 pp. [Verhandelingen 169]. - E.P. Wieringa, Jennifer Lindsay, Kraton Yogyakarta. Diterjemahkan oleh R.M. Soetanto dan T.E. Behrend. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 1994, xvi + 330 pp. [Seri katalog Induk Naskah-Naskah Nusantara 2]., R.M. Soetanto, Alan Feinstein (eds.) - E.P. Wieringa, Wouter Smit, De islam binnen de horizon; Een missiologische studie over de benadering van de islam door vier Nederlandse zendingscorporaties (1797-1951). Zoetermeer: Boekencentrum, 1995, xix + 312 pp. [MISSION 11].
42
KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 60, no. 1-2 (1986): 55–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002066.
Full textAbstract:
-John Parker, Norman J.W. Thrower, Sir Francis Drake and the famous voyage, 1577-1580. Los Angeles: University of California Press, Contributions of the UCLA Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies Vol. 11, 1984. xix + 214 pp.-Franklin W. Knight, B.W. Higman, Trade, government and society in Caribbean history 1700-1920. Kingston: Heinemann Educational Books, 1983. xii + 172 pp.-A.J.R. Russel-Wood, Lyle N. McAlister, Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, Europe and the World in the Age of Expansion Volume III, 1984. xxxi + 585 pp.-Tony Martin, John Gaffar la Guerre, The social and political thought of the colonial intelligentsia. Mona, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1982. 136 pp.-Egenek K. Galbraith, Raymond T. Smith, Kinship ideology and practice in Latin America. Chapel Hill NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1984. 341 pp.-Anthony P. Maingot, James Pack, Nelson's blood: the story of naval rum. Annapolis MD, U.S.A.: Naval Institute Press and Havant Hampshire, U.K.: Kenneth Mason, 1982. 200 pp.-Anthony P. Maingot, Hugh Barty-King ,Rum: yesterday and today. London: William Heineman, 1983. xviii + 264 pp., Anton Massel (eds)-Helen I. Safa, Alejandro Portes ,Latin journey: Cuban and Mexican immigrants in the United States. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985. xxi + 387 pp., Robert L. Bach (eds)-Wayne S. Smith, Carlos Franqui, Family portrait wth Fidel: a memoir. New York: Random House, 1984. xxiii + 263 pp.-Sergio G. Roca, Claes Brundenius, Revolutionary Cuba: the challenge of economic growth with equity. Boulder CO: Westview Press and London: Heinemann, 1984. xvi + 224 pp.-H. Hoetink, Bernardo Vega, La migración española de 1939 y los inicios del marxismo-leninismo en la República Dominicana. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1984. 208 pp.-Antonio T. Díaz-Royo, César Andreú-Iglesias, Memoirs of Bernardo Vega: a contribution to the history of the Puerto Rican community in New York. Translated by Juan Flores. New York and London: Monthly Review, 1984. xix + 243 pp.-Mariano Negrón-Portillo, Harold J. Lidin, History of the Puerto Rican independence movement: 20th century. Maplewood NJ; Waterfront Press, 1983. 250 pp.-Roberto DaMatta, Teodore Vidal, Las caretas de cartón del Carnaval de Ponce. San Juan: Ediciones Alba, 1983. 107 pp.-Manuel Alvarez Nazario, Nicolás del Castillo Mathieu, Esclavos negros en Cartagena y sus aportes léxicos. Bogotá: Institute Caro y Cuervo, 1982. xvii + 247 pp.-J.T. Gilmore, P.F. Campbell, The church in Barbados in the seventeenth century. Garrison, Barbados; Barbados Museum and Historical Society, 1982. 188 pp.-Douglas K. Midgett, Neville Duncan ,Women and politics in Barbados 1948-1981. Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research (Eastern Caribbean), Women in the Caribbean Project vol. 3, 1983. x + 68 pp., Kenneth O'Brien (eds)-Ken I. Boodhoo, Maurice Bishop, Forward ever! Three years of the Grenadian Revolution. Speeches of Maurice Bishop. Sydney: Pathfinder Press, 1982. 287 pp.-Michael L. Conniff, Velma Newton, The silver men: West Indian labour migration to Panama, 1850-1914. Kingston: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1984. xx + 218 pp.-Robert Dirks, Frank L. Mills ,Christmas sports in St. Kitts: our neglected cultural tradition. With lessons by Bertram Eugene. Frederiksted VI: Eastern Caribbean Institute, 1984. iv + 66 pp., S.B. Jones-Hendrickson (eds)-Catherine L. Macklin, Virginia Kerns, Woman and the ancestors: Black Carib kinship and ritual. Urbana IL: University of Illinois Press, 1983. xv + 229 pp.-Marian McClure, Brian Weinstein ,Haiti: political failures, cultural successes. New York: Praeger (copublished with Hoover Institution Press, Stanford), 1984. xi + 175 pp., Aaron Segal (eds)-A.J.F. Köbben, W.S.M. Hoogbergen, De Boni-oorlogen, 1757-1860: marronage en guerilla in Oost-Suriname (The Boni wars, 1757-1860; maroons and guerilla warfare in Eastern Suriname). Bronnen voor de studie van Afro-amerikaanse samenlevinen in de Guyana's, deel 11 (Sources for the Study of Afro-American Societies in the Guyanas, no. 11). Dissertation, University of Utrecht, 1985. 527 pp.-Edward M. Dew, Baijah Mhango, Aid and dependence: the case of Suriname, a study in bilateral aid relations. Paramaribo: SWI, Foundation in the Arts and Sciences, 1984. xiv + 171 pp.-Edward M. Dew, Sandew Hira, Balans van een coup: drie jaar 'surinaamse revolutie.' Rotterdam: Futile (Blok & Flohr), 1983. 175 pp.-Ian Robertson, John A. Holm ,Dictionary of Bahamian English. New York: Lexik House Publishers, 1982. xxxix + 228 pp., Alison Watt Shilling (eds)-Erica Williams Connell, Paul Sutton, Commentary: A reply from Williams Connell (to the review by Anthony Maingot in NWIG 57:89-97).
43
Kinzer, Bruce L. "Liberalism, Popular and OtherwiseWhiggery and Reform 1830-41. The Politics of Government, by Ian Newbould. Stanford, California, Stanford University Press, 1990. x, 402 pp. $45.00 U.S.Palmerston and Liberalism 1855-1865, by E.D. Steele. New York, Cambridge University Press, 1991. xvi, 468 pp. $69.50 U.S.Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform. Popular Liberalism in the Age of Gladstone, 1860-1880, by Eugenio F. Biagini. New York, Cambridge University Press, 1992. xii, 476 pp." Canadian Journal of History 28, no. 2 (1993): 307–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.28.2.307.
Full text
44
Needler, Martin C. "Barry Carr and Ricardo Anzaldua Montoya (eds.). The Mexican Left, the Popular Movements, and the Politics of Austerity. Lajolla, CA: University of California at San Diego (UCSD), Center for US-Mexican Studies, 1986. Monograph Series, No. 18. 96 pp., paperback. - Sylvia Maxfield and Ricardo Anzaldua Montoya (eds.). Government and Private Sector in Contemporary Mexico. La Jolla, CA: University of California at San Diego, Center for US-Mexican Studies, 1987. Monograph Series, No. 20. 146 pp., paperback. - Arturo Alvarado (ed.). Electoral Patterns and Perspectives in Mexico. La jolla, CA: UCSD, Center for US-Mexican Studies, 1987. Monograph Series, No. 22. 287 pp., paperback." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 29, no. 4 (1987): 157–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165822.
Full text
45
King, Desmond. "Labor Market Policy in the United States: The Neoliberal Regime - Margaret Weir, Politics and Jobs: The Politics of Employment Policy in the United States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992. Pp. xviii, 238. $24.95). - Gary Mucciaroni, The Political Failure of Employment Policy, 1945–1982 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1990. Pp. xii, 317. $17.95 paper). - Udo Sautter, Three Cheers for the Unemployed: Government and Unemployment Before the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991. Pp. xiii, 402. $54.95). - Thomas Janoski, The Political Economy of Unemployment: Active Labor Market Policy in West Germany and the United States (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990. Pp. xxvi, 345. $39.95)." Journal of Policy History 6, no. 3 (1994): 259–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089803060000395x.
Full text
46
Woolf, D. R. "Puritans, Politics, and Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Century BritainThe Road to Revolution: Scotland under Charles I, by Maurice Lee, Jr., Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1985, xvi, 259 pp., cloth. $29.95 U.S.Serving God and Mammon: William Juxon, 1582-1663, Bishop of London, Lord High Treasurer of England, and Archbishop of Canterbury, by Thomas A. Mason, Newark: University of Delaware Press, London and Toronto: Associated University Presses: 1985, 205 pp., cloth. $29.50 U.S.Dangerous Positions: Mixed Government, the Estates of the Realm, and the Answer to the xix Propositions, by Michael Mendle, University, Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 1985, x, 257 pp., cloth. $28.50 U.S.Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Century England, ed. Barry Reay, London and Sydney: Croom Helm, 1985,319 pp., cloth. $19.95.Schemes and Undertakings: a Study of English Politics in the Seventeenth Century, by Clayton Roberts, Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University Press, 1985, vii, 333 pp., cloth. $35.00 U.S.Wallington’s World: a Puritan Artisan in Seventeenth-Century London, by Paul S. Seaver, Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1985, ix, 258 pp., cloth. $29.50 U.S." Canadian Journal of History 21, no. 2 (1986): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.21.2.215.
Full text
47
"Democracy in California: politics and government in the Golden State." Choice Reviews Online 41, no. 01 (2003): 41–0599. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.41-0599.
Full text
48
"Democracy in California: politics and government in the Golden State and post-recall edition." Choice Reviews Online 42, no. 06 (2005): 42–3701. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.42-3701.
Full text
49
Wallsten, Kevin J., and Gene Park. "Confidence, Perception, and Politics in California: The Determinants of Attitudes toward Taxes by Level of Government." California Journal of Politics and Policy 7, no. 2 (2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.5070/p2cjpp7225907.
Full text
50
Weber, Stephanie. "Communism and Toronto Schools: Contention and Politics in the Toronto School Board, 1941-1962." Mount Royal Undergraduate Humanities Review (MRUHR) 4 (March 9, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/mruhr366.
Full textAbstract:
In the decades following World War II, the Toronto School Board was subjected to the Cold War anti-communist fear that permeated political, religious, and educational concerns in Toronto. Despite this continuous anxiety, communists were able to hold positions on the board and enact influence upon schools. Communists on the Board exercised a certain degree of influence in the Board’s decision making and continued to be a voice of opposition among increasingly anti-communist members until 1951. The politics of the Toronto School Board occurred within a larger context of communist anxiety related to education. Throughout the Board’s changing membership and elections during the 1940s and into the early 1950s, The Globe and Mail covered its policies and campaigns through an often anti-communist lens, reflecting the increasingly hostile public opinion towards communists in Toronto’s government and public life.