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Journal articles on the topic 'Caliphate of Sokoto'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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1

Boumo, Ezonbi, and Nasidi A. Nadir. "Revisionism and the Historical Interpretation of the Sokoto Caliphate: The Writings of Murray Last." AGOGO: Journal of Humanities 4 (February 14, 2021): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46881/ajh.v4i0.221.

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The Sokoto Caliphate which was founded as a result of the 1804 Jihad spear-headed by Sheikh Uthman bin Fudi has attracted the attention of so many writers most of whom were Europeans. To properly legalise colonialism, most colonial writers view the Caliphate as an attempt made by the Fulbe to establish their hegemony over Hausa-land, while to others, it was no more than a Fulbe onslaught on the inferior ethnic groups of the then Central Sudan. In the post-colonial period, Murray Last came up with a more balanced argument on the history of the Caliphate and after him, came other researchers among which are Europeans and Africans. However, in this twenty first century, writers like Last took a revisionist stand towards the history of Sokoto Caliphate. Therefore, this paper though centres heavily on written sources, looks into the major reasons aiding his abrupt revisionist interpretation of the history of the Sokoto Caliphate by juxtaposing his earlier works with the present ones. The paper equally finds out that this recent revisionist interpretation of the history of the Sokoto Caliphate is projected mainly to create confusion by negating the established historical facts imbued in the realm of the Caliphate’s history especially for socio-political reasons.

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2

Kriger, Colleen. "Robes of the Sokoto Caliphate." African Arts 21, no. 3 (May 1988): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3336444.

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3

Philips, John Edward. "A History Manuscript in Hausa Ajami from Wurno, Nigeria by Malam Haliru Mahammad Wurno." History in Africa 16 (1989): 389–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171795.

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This manuscript is a history of the family of Muhammad Buji, who led a migration from the town of Bunkari in Argungu (Sokoto State, Nigeria) to Wurno, sometime capital of the Sokoto Caliphate. It is important as an illustration of the ongoing historiographical tradition of Islamic west Africa in local languages, and as evidence of the strong historical sense and continuing production of historical documents by certain of the scholars of the area.Wurno was constructed ca. 1830 by Muhammad Bello, Sultan of Sokoto and successor of Usuman dan Fodio, founder of the Sokoto Caliphate. Its primary purpose was to defend Sokoto from the northeast, and it replaced Magarya as the principal ribat (frontier fortification) and residence of Bello in that area. It also became the staging point for the annual dry season campaigns against the Gobirawa and other enemies of the Caliphate. When the Caliph himself was resident there, it became the capital of the state. Barth referred to it as such in his account of his travels. Wurno was the capital with more and more frequency as the nineteenth century wore on.

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4

Kriger, Colleen. "Textile Production and Gender in the Sokoto Caliphate." Journal of African History 34, no. 3 (November 1993): 361–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033727.

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Men and women, trained in the occupations of spinner, weaver, dyer, tailor and embroiderer, manufactured the renowned textile products of the Sokoto Caliphate, a nineteenth-century state in the central Sudan region of West Africa. The numerical distributions of men and women within these occupations were uneven, but not in accordance with the pattern described most frequently in the literature. Offered here is another, more detailed view of textile production. Women were not simply spinners but were also weavers and dyers. Uneven, too, were the geographical distributions of men and women workers. Men skilled in textile manufacturing were widely disseminated throughout the caliphate, as were women spinners; women skilled at weaving and dyeing, however, were concentrated mainly in the southern emirates of Nupe and Ilorin. Similarly, male entrepreneurs organized large-scale textile manufacturing enterprises in the north-central portion of the caliphate while enterprises created by women were located to the south.New sources, the textile products of the caliphate, along with other contemporary evidence, reveal that women's work was more varied, more prominent, more highly skilled and more organized than previously thought. Comparative analyses along gender lines show that men's work and women's work were similar in the degree of training required and the levels of skill achieved. Labor, especially skilled labor, was critical to textile production if the caliphate was to maintain its external markets. But there were substantial differences in the degree to which men and women could mobilize and organize labor. A variety of social and political factors in caliphate society combined to assist men and hinder women in the organization and management of textile manufacturing.

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5

Kariya, Kota. "Muwālāt and Apostasy in the Early Sokoto Caliphate." Islamic Africa 9, no. 2 (October 8, 2018): 179–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-00902003.

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‘Uthmān b. Fūdī (d. 1817) launched a jihad in Hausaland in 1804 and was successful in establishing a strong polity known as the Sokoto Caliphate. During this jihad, the Sokoto leadership clashed not only with non-Muslims but also with those who had historically been recognized as Muslims, such as the inhabitants of Bornu, a state neighboring Hausaland. Islamic law does not, in principle, permit attacks on Muslims. Therefore, to justify the jihad, the hostile Muslims had to be branded unbelievers. For that, ‘Uthmān and his successor, Muḥammad Bello (d. 1837), developed and instituted a provision on apostasy based on the idea of muwālāt (friendship) with unbelievers. This stipulation emerged as a substantial regulation legalizing the violence committed by the Sokoto leaders on Muslims who were opposed to them both within and outside the early Caliphate.

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6

Last, Murray. "Contradictions in Creating a Jihadi Capital: Sokoto in the Nineteenth Century and Its Legacy." African Studies Review 56, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2013.38.

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Abstract:The Sokoto caliphate in nineteenth-century northern Nigeria was an astonishing episode in the history of Africa: a huge, prosperous polity that created unity where none had existed before. Yet today its history is underexplored, sometimes ignored or even disparaged, both within Nigeria and in Europe and the U.S. Yet that history is extraordinary. Sokoto town was, and still is, an anomaly within Hausaland; built speedily on a “green-field” site as both a trading and a political center for the caliphate, it is a site of pilgrimage that to this day remains a rural town with no monumental buildings or fine edifices. As a by-product of a religious movement (jihad), Sokoto thus represents many of the dilemmas that faced and still face radically reforming Islamic groups if they expand rapidly and go to war. Thus Sokoto history remains deeply significant for modern Nigeria.

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7

Lovejoy, Paul E., Ahmad Mohammad Kani, and Kabair Ahmed Gandi. "State and Society in the Sokoto Caliphate." African Economic History, no. 20 (1992): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601640.

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8

Lovejoy, Paul E. "Concubinage in the Sokoto caliphate (1804–1903)." Slavery & Abolition 11, no. 2 (September 1990): 159–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440399008575005.

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9

Delancey, Mark D. "The Spread of the Sooro." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 71, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 168–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2012.71.2.168.

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The Sooro, the pillared entrance hall to the majority of palaces now existing in northern Cameroon, is an important index of political change in this region. The Spread of the Sooro: Symbols of Power in the Sokoto Caliphate traces the proliferation of sooroji from the time that Fulbe conquerors incorporated this region within the Sokoto caliphate in the early nineteenth century until Cameroon’s independence in 1960. The status of Fulbe rulers who conquered the region was not high enough to employ the political symbolism of the sooro, but the use of this building type spread quickly after German colonial borders separated northern Cameroon from the rest of the caliphate in 1901. Eventually the form expanded beyond the boundaries of the Fulbe and spread among non-Fulbe rulers. By explaining the changes in the form and political symbolism of the sooro, Mark DeLancey argues that it was a symbol of power spread in direct relation to the loss of real political power of rulers in colonial northern Cameroon.

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10

Lovejoy, Paul E. "Murgu:the wages of slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate." Slavery & Abolition 14, no. 1 (April 1993): 168–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440399308575089.

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11

Kane, Ousmane. "Shari‘ah on Trial." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i1.814.

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At the turn of the nineteenth century, a movement of religious reform andstate building took place in present-day northern Nigeria, culminating withthe establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate. This movement was as central toWest African history as was the 1789 French revolution to European history.Its leader, the Muslim scholar Uthman Dan Fodio (d. 1817), deservesrecognition as a towering figure of nineteenth-century African Islam. DanFodio’s community (jamā‘a), which included many scholars, toppled thepreexisting Hausa kingdoms, replacing them with emirates ruled by Fulanileaders who all paid allegiance to the Caliph based in Sokoto. At its zenith,the Caliphate, which became the most powerful economic and political entityof West Africa in the nineteenth century, linked over thirty differentemirates and over ten million people ...

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12

Rogers, Peter A., A. S. Kanya-Forstner, and Paul E. Lovejoy. "The Sokoto Caliphate and the European Powers, 1890-1907." International Journal of African Historical Studies 29, no. 3 (1997): 682. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221412.

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13

Buba, Malami. "The legacies of the Sokoto Caliphate in contemporary Nigeria." History Compass 16, no. 8 (July 24, 2018): e12482. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12482.

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14

KIRK-GREENE, A. H. M. "Paideuma: The Sokoto caliphate and the European powers 1890–1907." African Affairs 94, no. 376 (July 1995): 437–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098852.

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15

Zehnle, Stephanie. "“Where is My Region?” Geographical Representation and Textuality in Sokoto." Islamic Africa 9, no. 1 (May 7, 2018): 10–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-00901002.

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This paper is devoted to geographical knowledge of the world and the definition of homeland and outland among the elite of the early Sokoto Caliphate (ca. 1800–1840). It argues that with the creation of a territorial jihadist state, geography became an important tool within religious and political discourses because in Sokoto warfare was predicated upon a precise mapping of the “Land of Islam” and the “Land of Unbelief”. The circulation of contradictory accounts about landscapes and rivers in the Sahel via medieval Arabic books, traders, pilgrims and soldiers, will receive special attention. The key argument is that written geographical accounts and cartography from Sokoto were not only restricted by the information available for this task, but also by the characteristics of the genres: texts can express uncertainties about concepts of space, in contrast, cartography requires geographical definition and spatial exactitude. This article is thus dedicated to the analysis of content and form of geographical discourses in the early Sokoto State by the comparison of texts and a map.

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16

Balogun, S. U. "Arabic intellectualism in West Africa: the role of the Sokoto Caliphate." Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs. Journal 6, no. 2 (July 1985): 394–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602008508715950.

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17

Jabang, Abdoulie. "Plantation Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: A Historical and Comparative Study." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 53, no. 2 (May 4, 2019): 390–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2019.1627019.

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18

Lindsay, Lisa A. "Plantation slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: a historical and comparative study." Slavery & Abolition 41, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 866–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2020.1838652.

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19

Kariya, Kota. "Free Choice Theory and the Justification of Enslavement in the Early Sokoto Caliphate." Islamic Africa 11, no. 1 (December 24, 2020): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-01101001.

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Abstract The Sokoto Caliphate, which was based on Islamic law, depended considerably on widespread systematic slavery in political, economic, and social spheres. According to Islamic law, it is only permitted, in principle, to enslave non-Muslims or unbelievers, and ʿUthmān b. Fūdī, the founder of the Caliphate, labeled his principal enemies (i.e. the rulers of the Hausa states and Bornu and their followers) as apostate unbelievers. However, Muslim jurists historically presented conflicting views regarding the permissibility of enslaving apostates. Faced with this legal disagreement, ʿUthmān, referring to numerous preceding scholars, argued that it was permissible to choose any one of several juristic views regarding a legal issue on which scholars disagreed. By the employment of this “free choice theory”, he justified the enslavement of those whom he labeled as apostates and consequently authorized the enslavement of all kinds of people whom he had categorized as unbelievers living in and around Hausaland.

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20

Lovejoy, Paul E., and J. S. Hogendorn. "Revolutionary Mahdism and Resistance to Colonial Rule in the Sokoto Caliphate, 1905–6." Journal of African History 31, no. 2 (July 1990): 217–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025019.

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The Mahdist uprising of 1905–6 was a revolutionary movement that attempted to overthrow British and French colonial rule, the aristocracy of the Sokoto Caliphate and the zarmakoy of Dosso. The Mahdist supporters of the revolt were disgruntled peasants, fugitive slaves and radical clerics who were hostile both to indigenous authorities and to the colonial regimes. There was no known support among aristocrats, wealthy merchants or the ‘ulama. Thus the revolt reflected strong divisions based on class and, as an extension, on ethnicity. The pan-colonial appeal of the movement and its class tensions highlight another important feature: revolutionary Mahdism differed from other forms of Mahdism that were common in the Sokoto Caliphate at the time of the colonial conquest. There appears to have been no connection with the Mahdists who were followers of Muhammad Ahmed of the Nilotic Sudan or with those who joined Sarkin Musulmi Attahiru I on his hijra of 1903.The suppression of the revolt was important for three reasons. First, the British consolidated their alliance with the aristocracy of the Caliphate, while the French further strengthened their ties with the zarmakoy of Dosso and other indigenous rulers. The dangerous moment which Muslims might have seized to expel the Europeans quickly passed. Second, the brutality of the repression was a message to slave owners and slaves alike that the colonial regimes were committed to the continuation of slavery and opposed to any sudden emancipation of the slave population. Third, 1906 marked the end of revolutionary action against colonialism; the radical clerics were either killed or imprisoned. Other forms of Mahdism continued to haunt the colonial regimes, but without serious threat of a general rising.

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21

Umar, Muhammad S. "Islamic Discourses on European Visitors to Sokoto Caliphate in the Nineteenth Century." Studia Islamica, no. 95 (2002): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1596145.

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22

Reynolds, J. T. "The Politics of History: The Legacy of the Sokoto Caliphate in Nigeria." Journal of Asian and African Studies 32, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1997): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002190969703200105.

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23

Stilwell, Sean. "Power, Honour and Shame: The Ideology of Royal Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate." Africa 70, no. 3 (August 2000): 394–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2000.70.3.394.

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AbstractThis article takes issue with ahistorical typologies that depict all slaves as ‘dishonoured’ persons. It demonstrates that royal slaves in Kano emirate of the Sokoto Caliphate were initially valuable to the elite because they were indeed dishonoured outsiders. But, over time, slaves tried to limit their exploitation by developing their own systems of honour and status. The article traces when, where and how royal slaves in Kano acquired and attempted to acquire ‘honour’ as officials, kin and members of a broader social world. However, it concludes that, although slaves did indeed develop systems of honour, their ability to acquire an honourable identity was nonetheless limited by their status as slaves, which they remained despite their power and position.

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24

Austin, Gareth. "Mohammed Bashir Salau. Plantation Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: A Historical and Comparative Study." American Historical Review 126, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 429–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab135.

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Salau, Mohammed Bashir. "Ribats and the Development of Plantations in the Sokoto Caliphate: A Case Study of Fanisau." African Economic History, no. 34 (January 1, 2006): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25427025.

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Stilwell, Sean, Ibrahim Hamza, and Paul E. Lovejoy. "The Oral History of Royal Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: An Interview with Sallama Dako." History in Africa 28 (2001): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172218.

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A powerful community of royal slaves emerged in Kano Emirate in the wake of Usman dan Fodio's jihad (1804-08), which established the Sokoto Caliphate. These elite slaves held administrative and military positions of great power, and over the course of the nineteenth century played an increasing prominent role in the political, economic, and social life of Kano. However, the individuals who occupied slave offices have largely been rendered silent by the extant historical record. They seldom appear in written sources from the period, and then usually only in passing. Likewise, certain officials and offices are mentioned in official sources from the colonial period, but only in the context of broader colonial concerns and policies, usually related to issues about taxation and the proper structure of indirect rule.As the following interview demonstrates, the collection and interpretation of oral sources can help to fill these silences. By listening to the words and histories of the descendents of royal slaves, as well as current royal slave titleholders, we can begin to reconstruct the social history of nineteenth-century royal slave society, including the nature of slave labor and work, the organization the vast plantation system that surrounded Kano, and the ideology and culture of royal slaves themselves.The interview is but one example of a series of interviews conducted with current and past members of this royal slave hierarchy by Yusufu Yunusa. As discussed below, Sallama Dako belonged to the royal slave palace community in Kano. By royal slave, we mean highly privileged and powerful slaves who were owned by the emir, known in Hausa as bayin sarki (slaves of the emir or king).

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Antoine, Mikelle, and Sean Stilwell. "Paradoxes of Power: The "Mamluks" and Male Royal Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate, 1804-1903." International Journal of African Historical Studies 37, no. 3 (2004): 583. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4129065.

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Naylor, Paul. "Plantation Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: A Historical and Comparative Study, by Mohammed Bashir Salau." Journal of Global Slavery 5, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 130–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00501003.

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29

Shea, Philip J. "Big Is Sometimes Best: The Sokoto Caliphate and Economic Advantages of Size in the Textile Industry." African Economic History, no. 34 (January 1, 2006): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25427024.

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Ochonu, Moses. "PLANTATION SLAVERY IN THE SOKOTO CALIPHATE - Plantation Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: A Historical and Comparative Study. By Mohammed Bashir Salau. Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2018. $99.00, hardcover (ISBN: 978-1-5804-6938-8)." Journal of African History 61, no. 2 (July 2020): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185372000047x.

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Bunza, Mukhtar Umar. "The New Role of Ulama in Nigeria: Focus on the Post 1999 Democratic Dispensation." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 52, no. 2 (December 30, 2014): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2014.522.391-415.

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Nigeria is a country with a centuries’ long tradition of Islamic revivalism and activism. It was the impact of the activities of the 17th century scholars of Nigeria that culminated in the success of the 19th century tajdeed movement that brought about the emergence of the muslim caliphate of Sokoto. British imperialism brought an end to the caliphate in the beginning of the 20th century, the circumstances of which have been consistently challenged mainly by the ulama and their followers ever since. Some contemporary scholars such as Shaikh Abubakar Mahmud Gummi, former Grand Qadi of Northern Nigeria, contributed significantly in the new dimension to the roles of muslim scholars in the government. Since 1999 muslim scholars have taken on new roles in the administration of states, serving as commissioners for newly established ministries for Religious Affairs, as special advisers, or directors of commissions like Hisbah, Hajj, Masjid, Moon Sighting, and other related government bodies, with full salaries and other benefits unlike ever before in the Nigerian system. This new role of ulama and its impacts in the governance of the contemporary Nigeria is what this paper intends to investigate and expound.[Nigeria merupakan sebuah negara dengan tradisi revivalisme dan aktivisme Islam selama berabad-abad. Hal itu terkait dengan upaya para ulama Nigeria abad ke-17 yang berpuncak pada keberhasilan gerakan tajdid pada abad 19 dengan munculnya kekhalifahan muslim dari Sokoto. Imperialisme Inggris mengakhiri kekhalifahan ini pada awal abad ke-20, yang terus dilawan oleh terutama para ulama secara konsisten. Beberapa ulama kontemporer seperti Syaikh Abubakar Mahmud Gummi, mantan Grand Qadi Nigeria Utara, memberikan kontribusi signifikan dalam membentuk dimensi baru peran ulama dalam pemerintahan Nigeria modern. Sejak tahun 1999 para ulama telah mengambil peran baru dalam pemerintahan, sebagai pegawai Kementerian Agama yang baru didirikan, sebagai penasihat ahli, atau direktur komisi seperti Hisbah, Haji, Masjid, Rukyah Hilal, dan badan-badan pemerintah terkait lainnya, dengan gaji penuh. Peran baru dari ulama dan pengaruhnya dalam pemerintahan Nigeria kontemporer inilah yang menjadi fokus tulisan ini.]

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Philips, John Edward. "Mary Wren Bivins.Telling Stories, Making Histories: Women, Words, and Islam in Nineteenth-Century Hausaland and the Sokoto Caliphate.:Telling Stories, Making Histories: Women, Words, and Islam in Nineteenth‐Century Hausaland and the Sokoto Caliphate.(Social History of Africa.)." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.620.

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Lovejoy, Henry B. "Mapping Uncertainty." Journal of Global Slavery 4, no. 2 (June 6, 2019): 127–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00402002.

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Abstract This historical GIS experiment attempts to map the collapse of the kingdom of Oyo alongside the departure of slave ships from the Bight of Benin. The achievements and drawbacks of mapping Africa’s pre-colonial past require an overview of the sources and methods used to illustrate the dissolution and formation of inland places during an intense period of intra-African conflict. By collating geopolitical data, it is possible to represent on annual maps the likely origins and migrations of diverse groups of enslaved people who were involved in the warfare in the Bight of Benin hinterland between 1816 and 1836. During this period, an unknown number of captives were enslaved and forced into an internal slave trade, most especially into the Sokoto Caliphate, while over 75,000 individuals involuntarily boarded European slave ships leaving for Brazil, Cuba and, due to British abolition efforts, Sierra Leone.

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Kanya-Forstner, A. S., and Paul E. Lovejoy. "Editing Nineteenth-Century Intelligence Reports on the Sokoto Caliphate and Borno, or the Delights of a Collaborative Approach." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172025.

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For the past several years, we have been editing a series of intelligence reports on the Sokoto Caliphate and Borno, all of them prepared by French officials in Tunisia during the 1890s, using information gathered from Muslim pilgrims who were passing through the Regency on their way to or from Mecca. Now that our edition is complete and we have regained a measure of control over our lives, we have been persuaded to jot down some of our reflections on this experience for the benefit of those who might be embarking on collaborative ventures of a similar sort.Scholarly collaboration, at least in History, usually begins in one of two, overlapping, ways. Individual researchers often develop an interest in a particular topic and then seek out one or more collaborators to work on it. The reasons for doing so can be as varied as the individuals concerned—to fill some gap in their own expertise, to lighten the research load, or to ease the loneliness which the more gregarious among us feel when working in scholarly isolation.Alternatively, two or more scholars may decide to work together and then seek out a research topic which best suits their collective interests. The reasons for adopting this second approach can be as varied as those for the first—friendship (and those involved are almost invariably friends before they become collaborators), a sense of intellectual affinity, or more crassly the attraction of being able to claim credit individually for all the work done collectively, since co-authored works still tend to “count” as much as those bearing only one name on the cover.

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Last, Murray. "The Search for Security in Muslim Northern Nigeria." Africa 78, no. 1 (February 2008): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000041.

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The article puts forwards the argument that there is a pervasiveanxiety among Muslims over their security, both physical and spiritual, in today's northern Nigeria. It is an anxiety partly millenarian, partly political, that seeks to recreate a stronger sense of the ‘core North’ as dar al-Islam, with notionally ‘closed’ boundaries – just as it was in the pre-colonial Sokoto Caliphate. This has led first to the re-establishment, within twelve of Nigeria's 36 states, of full shari‘a law and then to the formation of a sometimes large corps of hisba (wrongly called ‘vigilantes’) – this despite Nigeria having a constitution that both is secular and reserves to the federal government institutions like police and prisons. The article explores the various dimensions, past and present, of ‘security’ in Kano and ends with the problem of ‘dual citizenship’ where pious Muslims see themselves at the same time both as Nigerians and as members of the wider Islamic umma.

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Dauda, Susan. "Ending Religious Extremism in Northern Nigeria: A Study of Elnathan John’s Born on a Tuesday." Nile Journal of English Studies 2, no. 3 (December 22, 2016): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20321/nilejes.v2i3.97.

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Fundamentalism has been defined as an unwavering faith to a religious system. Although it could be applied to adherents of any religion, today it is mostly associated with Islam. Islam is said to have arrived Nigeria in the 11th century through the activities of mostly traders but it eventually took root and spread through the Fulani jihad of Usman Dan Fodio and the establishment of the Sokoto caliphate. From the late 1970s several reform movements have taken place but the most violent have been that of Maitatsine and currently the Boko Haram insurgency. Born on a Tuesday is a story about religious fundamentalism told by Dantala an almajiri. In telling the story we see the various issues that create an atmosphere in which fundamentalism thrives. Gladly in stating the issues we also note the solutions. This paper therefore discusses the problem of fundamentalism and highlights the solutions as evident in the book.

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Mohammed, Sule, and Risto Marjomaa. "War on the Savannah: The Military Collapse of the Sokoto Caliphate under the Invasion of the British Empire, 1897-1903." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220322.

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Christelow, Allan, and Risotto Marjomaa. "War on the Savannah: The Military Collapse of the Sokoto Caliphate under the Invasion of the British Empire, 1897-1903." African Studies Review 43, no. 2 (September 2000): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525002.

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Smaldone, Joseph P., and Risto Marjomaa. "War on the Savannah: The Military Collapse of the Sokoto Caliphate under the Invasion of the British Empire, 1897-1903." Journal of Military History 64, no. 2 (April 2000): 549. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120276.

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KIRK-GREENE, A. "War on the Savannah: the military collapse of the Sokoto Caliphate under the invasion of the British Empire, 1897-1903." African Affairs 98, no. 391 (April 1, 1999): 258–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a008016.

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Austen, Ralph. "Imperial Reach Versus Institutional Grasp: Superstates of The West and Central African Sudan in Comparative Perspective." Journal of Early Modern History 13, no. 6 (2009): 509–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138537809x12575055608408.

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AbstractThe history of five states in the African West and Central Sudan—Songhay, Borno, Segu, Samory and the Sokoto Caliphate—is analyzed for a period from ca. 1500 to ca. 1900. Recent scholarship has stressed the non-territorial nature of these “states without maps”, an issue that needs to be dealt in a more nuanced manner, given the efforts by local regimes to control both multiple urban centers of commerce and rural zones of agricultural production as well as maintaining regular systems of taxation. None of these states used writing or salary payments to maintain an effective bureaucracy, basing their power instead upon various combinations of lineages with claims to ruling or aristocratic status, associations of young unmarried male initiates, segregated occupational groups (bards, smiths and fisher folk) and finally, slaves. Warfare was the main occupation of Sudanic empires but despite the introduction of firearms in the late 1500s, weapons and tactics did not undergo a “gunpowder revolution,” continuing instead to center around horses and armor. Sudanic rulers controlled access to these resources more easily than European monarchs and they also proved effective in the major goal of campaigns: not territorial competition with other states but rather raiding for slaves. Islam played an increasing role in general life and politics of Sudanic Africa (the most powerful of these empires, Sokoto, was a nineteenth-century jihadist state). However, the potential that such a scriptural faith offered for transforming administration, law and commercial life was not fully realized by the time the region came under European rule and thus moved from its early modern to modern history.

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Lovejoy, Paul E. "Concubinage and the Status of Women Slaves in Early Colonial Northern Nigeria." Journal of African History 29, no. 2 (July 1988): 245–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700023665.

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Court records from 1905–6 offer a rare view of the status of women slaves in early colonial Northern Nigeria. It is shown that British officials found it easy to accommodate the aristocracy of the Sokoto Caliphate on the status of these women, despite British efforts to reform slavery. Those members of the aristocracy and merchant class who could afford to do so were able to acquire concubines through the courts, which allowed the transfer of women under the guise that they were being emancipated. British views of slave women attempted to blur the distinction between concubinage and marriage, thereby reaffirming patriarchal Islamic attitudes. The court records not only confirm this interpretation but also provide extensive information on the ethnic origins of slave women, the price of transfer, age at time of transfer, and other data. It is shown that the slave women of the 1905–6 sample came from over 100 different ethnic groups and the price of transfer, which ranged between 200,000 and 300,000 cowries, was roughly comparable to the price of females slaves in the years immediately preceding the conquest. Most of the slaves were in their teens or early twenties. The use of the courts to transfer women for purposes of concubinage continued until at least the early 1920s.

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Rathbone, R. "Shorter notice. War on the Savannah: The Military Collapse of the Sokoto Caliphate Under the Invasion of the British Empire, 1897-1903. Marjomaa." English Historical Review 115, no. 460 (February 2000): 238–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.460.238.

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Rathbone, R. "Shorter notice. War on the Savannah: The Military Collapse of the Sokoto Caliphate Under the Invasion of the British Empire, 1897-1903. Marjomaa." English Historical Review 115, no. 460 (February 1, 2000): 238–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.460.238.

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Patton, Adell. "“Tarikh'Umara Bauchi” and its Contribution to Pre—Colonial Ningi Resistance to Sokoto Caliphate: Exegesis and Methodology in African Oral History, Ca. 1846–1902." A Current Bibliography on African Affairs 18, no. 2 (December 1985): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001132558601800203.

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Jum'ah-Alaso, Salih Muhammad. "al-Ta‘līm al-‘Arabī fī Nījīriyā: Bayna Mu’āmarāt al-Tadmīr wa-Majhūdāt al-Ta‘mīr." Al-Ma‘rifah 16, no. 2 (October 30, 2019): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/almakrifah.16.02.06.

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The Arabic language in the Nigerian society is of paramount importance as the language of religion, history, culture, economy, politics, international relations, and others. The current researcher focused his attention on the growth of the Arabic language and its development in Nigeria since its entry and the recognition and respect and progress in the times of the Islamic Caliphate in Sokoto, and ignored the contempt and contempt and delay in the days of British colonial, and then the love, attention, and development of the Arab scientists Nigerian Her enthusiasts. The researcher approached the historical recovery method by retrieving the past of the Arabic language in these countries and their effects. In gathering information, the researcher used the interview and the electronic inquiry method with or without yes, especially when talking about the problems facing Arab education in Nigeria. The findings of the researcher include the following: (1) Arabic is the first language of civilization seen by the Nigerian people and educated by the culture of writing and reading at a time when the two were a kind of magic and mastered by very few people in society. (2) Nigerian Muslims are very interested in Arab education and have spent every Gal and Nafis to develop it from the first era to the present. The research concluded with some suggestions and recommendations towards the development of Arab education in Nigeria.

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Vaughan, Olufemi. "War on the Savannah: The Military Collapse of the Sokoto Caliphate Under the Invasion of the British Empire, 1897-1903, by Risto Marjomaa.War on the Savannah: The Military Collapse of the Sokoto Caliphate Under the Invasion of the British Empire, 1897-1903, by Risto Marjomaa. Helsinki, Finland, The Finnish Academy of Science and Letters, 1998. 305 pp." Canadian Journal of History 35, no. 2 (August 2000): 394–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.35.2.394.

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Ekechi, Felix K. "Telling Stories, Making Histories: Women, Words, and Islam in Nineteenth‐Century Hausaland and the Sokoto Caliphate. By Mary Wren Bivins. (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 2007. Pp.xviii, 192. $29.95.)." Historian 70, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 753–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2008.00227_1.x.

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YARAK, LARRY W. "SEAN STILWELL, Paradoxes of Power: The Kano “Mamluks” and Male Royal Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate, 1804–1903 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 2004). Pp. 291. $79.95 cloth. $29.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 38, no. 4 (October 25, 2006): 629–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743806482489.

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Abdulkadir, Mohammed Sanni. "A. S. Kanya-Forstner and P. E. Lovejoy (eds.), The Sokoto Caliphate and the Europeans; 1890–1907. Frankfurt: Paideuma, Frobenius-Institut, 1994, 278 pp., DM80.00, ISSN 0078 7809." Africa 66, no. 3 (July 1996): 475–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160969.

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