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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Calvinists in art

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Academic literature on the topic 'Calvinists in art'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 26 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Calvinists in art"

1

Bömelburg, Hans-Jürgen. "Reformierte Eliten im Preußenland: Religion, Politik und Loyalitäten in der Familie Dohna (1560–1660)." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 95, no. 1 (2004): 210–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2004-0109.

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ABSTRACT The archives of the Dohna family contain materials on the efforts at creating a “Second Reformation” in the Duchy of Prussia, where the early establishment of a Lutheran confessional foundation (the Corpus doctrinae pruthenicum| of 1567/68) and a solid ecclesiastical constitution prevented Calvinism from gaining a foothold. The Reformed creed found followers among the nobility through connections with the Reformed territories in the Holy Roman Empire, by close contact with Reformed theologians in royal Prussia, and by connections with the Calvinist church of the nobility in Poland and

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NELSON, ERIC. "REPRESENTATION AND THE FALL." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 3 (2018): 647–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000501.

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This article makes the case that the early modern debate over political representation was deeply intertwined with a theological debate over the Fall. The “resemblance” theory of representation adopted by English Parliamentarians was first formulated by Calvinists to make the case that Adam represented humanity, despite the fact that humanity had never authorized him to act in their name. The Royalist rejoinder, which treated authorization as a necessary and sufficient condition of representation, began life instead as a Pelagian response to Calvinist orthodoxy. This theological dispute provid

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Parker, Charles H. "Diseased Bodies, Defiled Souls: Corporality and Religious Difference in the Reformation*." Renaissance Quarterly 67, no. 4 (2014): 1265–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/679783.

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AbstractThis study examines Catholic and Reformed Protestant readings of the body among pastoral and polemical writers from the mid-sixteenth to the late seventeenth century. Both Catholics and Calvinists utilized bodily corruption as a motif to promote piety and unmask religious difference in a period of intense confessional conflict. This corporal hermeneutic coincided with a pivotal moment in the history of medicine, in which a widespread enthusiasm for anatomy mixed uneasily with time-honored notions of Galenic physiology until the ascendancy of a mechanical Cartesian outlook in the late 1

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4

Spohnholz, Jesse A. "Olympias and Chrysostom: The Debate over Wesel’s Reformed Deaconesses, 1568–1609." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 98, no. 1 (2007): 84–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2007-0105.

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ZUSAMMENFASSUNGIm späten 16. Jahrhundert ernannte die niederländische Exulantengemeinde in Wesel Diakonissen. Die Kirchenältesten verstanden dies als eine Wiederbelebung des apostolischen Diakonissen-Amtes. In den späten 1570er Jahren war im niederländischen Calvinismus eine Kontroverse ausgebrochen, die die formale Abschaffung des Diakonissen- Amtes zur Folge hatte. Trotzdem wurden weiterhin Diakonissen ernannt, um die lokale Armenfürsorge sicherzustellen. Auch im Falle der Weseler Calvinisten kann man nicht von einer Wiederbelebung des antiken Diakonissen-Amtes sprechen. Vielmehr benutzten d

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5

Couchman, Jane. "« Quant à ce beau discours du mespris du monde ... »: Foi calviniste et plaisirs mondains chez quatre grandes dames de la Réforme en France." Renaissance and Reformation 38, no. 3 (2015): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v38i3.26152.

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Le rejet des « vanités de ce monde » tient, on le sait, une place prépondérante dans la théologie calviniste. Cette étude explore le rôle de ces « plaisirs mondains » dans les lettres et les mémoires de quatre des grandes dames de la Réforme en France : Louise de Coligny (1555–1620), Charlotte Duplessis-Mornay (1548–1606), Jeanne d’Albret (1528–1572) et Catherine de Bourbon (1559– 1604). Nous nous demandons comment ces femmes haut placées réagissent aux tensions entre la persona reliée à leur statut noble (surtout leur apparence et leur engagement dans la vie de la cour) et l’inter

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6

Stone, James R. "Was Leo Strauss Wrong about John Locke?" Review of Politics 66, no. 4 (2004): 553–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500039863.

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Was Leo Strauss wrong about John Locke? Surely that he was has been the consensus among historians of political thought, though their reasons are sometimes at variance. The Cambridge school, influenced by the work of John Dunn, interprets Locke's work in the light of the Calvinism in his family background. Though attacked by spokesmen for the Church of England, Locke quickly gained admirers among dissenting clergy, for his psychology, his politics, and of course his program for religious toleration, and the proponents of the Calvinist interpreta tion explain why: His discourse closely tracks t

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7

Randall, Catharine. "Shouting Down Abraham: How Sixteenth Century Huguenot Women Found Their Voice." Renaissance Quarterly 50, no. 2 (1997): 411–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039185.

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Il fit sa confession de foi avouantqu'il avoit beaucoup reçu et peu profité.Et comme on lui répondait qu'il avoit fidèlement employé son talent:“Eh! qu'y a-t-il du mien?” s'écria-t-il.“ne dites pas moi, mais Dieu par moi.”— Philippe Du Plessis Mornay, on his deathbed, 1623The strange case of French Calvinist women writers poses one of the more puzzling questions that scholars face in their efforts to reanimate the lost or silenced voices of early modern women. The pool of possibilities for the examination of these Huguenot writers is paltry, due to many factors, all of which obstruct a clear h

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8

Hutterer, Maile. "Architectural Design as an Expression of Religious Tolerance:." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 76, no. 3 (2017): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2017.76.3.281.

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The inventive hybridity of early modern ecclesiastical architecture in France mixes the traditional and local forms derived from the medieval past with neoclassical ones imported from Italy and ultimately derived from antiquity. Although this combination of seemingly disparate styles generally characterizes sixteenth-century French churches, the flying buttresses of the Church of Sainte-Madeleine in Montargis remain exceptional in their classicizing reimagination of a conventional architectural typology. In Architectural Design as an Expression of Religious Tolerance: The Case of Sainte-Madele

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9

Bräutigam, Michael. "Kuyper among the Lutherans?" Journal of Reformed Theology 10, no. 2 (2016): 148–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-01002015.

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This essay offers a fresh attempt to bring the neo-Calvinist tradition into dialogue with the arts. The main purpose of this contribution is to apply Abraham Kuyper’s general comments on the arts to the neglected sphere of music. It will be shown that Kuyper’s holistic approach, with his emphasis on common grace, and on art as reflecting the created order while also pointing beyond it, shows distinct affinities with Martin Luther’s view on music. In the past, Christianity has not particularly distinguished itself in its scholarly discourse about art. This study suggests that Kuyper’s neo-Calvi

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10

Kooi, Christine, Erik Larsen, and Jane P. Davidson. "Calvinistic Economy and 17th Century Dutch Art." Sixteenth Century Journal 32, no. 2 (2001): 614. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671845.

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