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Journal articles on the topic 'Calvinists in art'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 26 February 2023

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1

Bömelburg, Hans-Jürgen. "Reformierte Eliten im Preußenland: Religion, Politik und Loyalitäten in der Familie Dohna (1560–1660)." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 95, no. 1 (2004): 210–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2004-0109.

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ABSTRACT The archives of the Dohna family contain materials on the efforts at creating a “Second Reformation” in the Duchy of Prussia, where the early establishment of a Lutheran confessional foundation (the Corpus doctrinae pruthenicum| of 1567/68) and a solid ecclesiastical constitution prevented Calvinism from gaining a foothold. The Reformed creed found followers among the nobility through connections with the Reformed territories in the Holy Roman Empire, by close contact with Reformed theologians in royal Prussia, and by connections with the Calvinist church of the nobility in Poland and
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2

NELSON, ERIC. "REPRESENTATION AND THE FALL." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 3 (2018): 647–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000501.

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This article makes the case that the early modern debate over political representation was deeply intertwined with a theological debate over the Fall. The “resemblance” theory of representation adopted by English Parliamentarians was first formulated by Calvinists to make the case that Adam represented humanity, despite the fact that humanity had never authorized him to act in their name. The Royalist rejoinder, which treated authorization as a necessary and sufficient condition of representation, began life instead as a Pelagian response to Calvinist orthodoxy. This theological dispute provid
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3

Parker, Charles H. "Diseased Bodies, Defiled Souls: Corporality and Religious Difference in the Reformation*." Renaissance Quarterly 67, no. 4 (2014): 1265–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/679783.

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AbstractThis study examines Catholic and Reformed Protestant readings of the body among pastoral and polemical writers from the mid-sixteenth to the late seventeenth century. Both Catholics and Calvinists utilized bodily corruption as a motif to promote piety and unmask religious difference in a period of intense confessional conflict. This corporal hermeneutic coincided with a pivotal moment in the history of medicine, in which a widespread enthusiasm for anatomy mixed uneasily with time-honored notions of Galenic physiology until the ascendancy of a mechanical Cartesian outlook in the late 1
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4

Spohnholz, Jesse A. "Olympias and Chrysostom: The Debate over Wesel’s Reformed Deaconesses, 1568–1609." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 98, no. 1 (2007): 84–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2007-0105.

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ZUSAMMENFASSUNGIm späten 16. Jahrhundert ernannte die niederländische Exulantengemeinde in Wesel Diakonissen. Die Kirchenältesten verstanden dies als eine Wiederbelebung des apostolischen Diakonissen-Amtes. In den späten 1570er Jahren war im niederländischen Calvinismus eine Kontroverse ausgebrochen, die die formale Abschaffung des Diakonissen- Amtes zur Folge hatte. Trotzdem wurden weiterhin Diakonissen ernannt, um die lokale Armenfürsorge sicherzustellen. Auch im Falle der Weseler Calvinisten kann man nicht von einer Wiederbelebung des antiken Diakonissen-Amtes sprechen. Vielmehr benutzten d
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5

Couchman, Jane. "« Quant à ce beau discours du mespris du monde ... »: Foi calviniste et plaisirs mondains chez quatre grandes dames de la Réforme en France." Renaissance and Reformation 38, no. 3 (2015): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v38i3.26152.

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Le rejet des « vanités de ce monde » tient, on le sait, une place prépondérante dans la théologie calviniste. Cette étude explore le rôle de ces « plaisirs mondains » dans les lettres et les mémoires de quatre des grandes dames de la Réforme en France : Louise de Coligny (1555–1620), Charlotte Duplessis-Mornay (1548–1606), Jeanne d’Albret (1528–1572) et Catherine de Bourbon (1559– 1604). Nous nous demandons comment ces femmes haut placées réagissent aux tensions entre la persona reliée à leur statut noble (surtout leur apparence et leur engagement dans la vie de la cour) et l’inter
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6

Stone, James R. "Was Leo Strauss Wrong about John Locke?" Review of Politics 66, no. 4 (2004): 553–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500039863.

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Was Leo Strauss wrong about John Locke? Surely that he was has been the consensus among historians of political thought, though their reasons are sometimes at variance. The Cambridge school, influenced by the work of John Dunn, interprets Locke's work in the light of the Calvinism in his family background. Though attacked by spokesmen for the Church of England, Locke quickly gained admirers among dissenting clergy, for his psychology, his politics, and of course his program for religious toleration, and the proponents of the Calvinist interpreta tion explain why: His discourse closely tracks t
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7

Randall, Catharine. "Shouting Down Abraham: How Sixteenth Century Huguenot Women Found Their Voice." Renaissance Quarterly 50, no. 2 (1997): 411–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039185.

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Il fit sa confession de foi avouantqu'il avoit beaucoup reçu et peu profité.Et comme on lui répondait qu'il avoit fidèlement employé son talent:“Eh! qu'y a-t-il du mien?” s'écria-t-il.“ne dites pas moi, mais Dieu par moi.”— Philippe Du Plessis Mornay, on his deathbed, 1623The strange case of French Calvinist women writers poses one of the more puzzling questions that scholars face in their efforts to reanimate the lost or silenced voices of early modern women. The pool of possibilities for the examination of these Huguenot writers is paltry, due to many factors, all of which obstruct a clear h
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8

Hutterer, Maile. "Architectural Design as an Expression of Religious Tolerance:." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 76, no. 3 (2017): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2017.76.3.281.

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The inventive hybridity of early modern ecclesiastical architecture in France mixes the traditional and local forms derived from the medieval past with neoclassical ones imported from Italy and ultimately derived from antiquity. Although this combination of seemingly disparate styles generally characterizes sixteenth-century French churches, the flying buttresses of the Church of Sainte-Madeleine in Montargis remain exceptional in their classicizing reimagination of a conventional architectural typology. In Architectural Design as an Expression of Religious Tolerance: The Case of Sainte-Madele
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9

Bräutigam, Michael. "Kuyper among the Lutherans?" Journal of Reformed Theology 10, no. 2 (2016): 148–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-01002015.

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This essay offers a fresh attempt to bring the neo-Calvinist tradition into dialogue with the arts. The main purpose of this contribution is to apply Abraham Kuyper’s general comments on the arts to the neglected sphere of music. It will be shown that Kuyper’s holistic approach, with his emphasis on common grace, and on art as reflecting the created order while also pointing beyond it, shows distinct affinities with Martin Luther’s view on music. In the past, Christianity has not particularly distinguished itself in its scholarly discourse about art. This study suggests that Kuyper’s neo-Calvi
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10

Kooi, Christine, Erik Larsen, and Jane P. Davidson. "Calvinistic Economy and 17th Century Dutch Art." Sixteenth Century Journal 32, no. 2 (2001): 614. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671845.

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11

Besteman, Bethany C. "Bondage of the Will: The Limitations of Political Theology in Measure for Measure." Religions 10, no. 1 (2019): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10010028.

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Although Peter Lake and Debora Shuger have argued that Measure for Measure is hostile to Calvinist theology, I argue that the play’s world presents a Reformed theo-political sensibility, not in order to criticize Calvinism, but to reveal limitations in dominant political theories. Reformed theology informs the world of the play, especially with regards to the corruption of the human will through original sin. Politically, the sinfulness of the human will raises concerns about governments—despite Biblical commands to obey leaders, how can they be trusted if subject to the same corruption of wil
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12

Baguet, Jelten. "The transformation of an urban political elite: oligarchy and aristocracy in sixteenth-century Ghent." Urban History 47, no. 4 (2019): 632–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926819000634.

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AbstractThe composition of the political elites in sixteenth-century Ghent, one of the political and economic centres of the county of Flanders, changed from a relatively open elite group that included representatives from the craft guilds into a compact, aristocratic class. This article analyses the reasons for this transformation. First, the number of office-holders in the city council declined and power was increasingly concentrated in the hands of a smaller political elite because of interventions in the urban political framework by the Habsburg authorities in the wake of a fiscal rebellio
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13

Heal, B. "'Better Papist than Calvinist': Art and Identity in Later Lutheran Germany." German History 29, no. 4 (2011): 584–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghr066.

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14

Strohm, Christoph. "Nach hundert Jahren. Ernst Troeltsch, der Protestantismus und die Entstehung der modernen Welt." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 99, no. 1 (2008): 6–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2008-0103.

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ABSTRACT Ernst Troeltsch’s lecture on the significance of Protestantism for the formation of modern civilization a century ago strongly stimulated discussion of the Lutheran and Calvinist Reformation. However, recent research has widely criticized his hypotheses. His distinction between Lutheran and Calvinist Protestantism, the former belonging to the Middle Ages and the latter far more to modernity, is rightly questioned, as is his assertion concerning the different impacts of Protestant and Roman Catholic Reform on early modern state and society. New answers have to take into consideration t
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15

Frisch, Andrea. "In a Sacramental Mode: Jean de Le´´ry's Calvinist Ethnography." Representations 77, no. 1 (2002): 82–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2002.77.1.82.

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Recent readings of Jean de Lééry's Histoire d'un voyage faict en la terre du Bresil in light of his faith present a misleading picture of sixteenth-century Calvinism, and thus of the ethnography to which it gave rise in Lééry. This essay argues that a generalized appropriation of both the anthropology and the semiotics that underlie Calvin'seucharistictheology - over and against a preoccupation with predestination - conditions Lééry's overall ethnographic practice. Nearly every discussion of the nature of the sacraments in Calvin's Institutes uses the vocabulary of testimony.The Calvinist sacr
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16

Berezhnaya, Natalia. "Religious Propaganda or Political Manifest: “Open Letters” of Johann Casimir of Palatinate." ISTORIYA 13, no. 1 (111) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018679-5.

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In the 16th century the factors of confessional propaganda and “public opinion” become very important for public power. Each princedom, defining the principles of imperial and "foreign" policy, was guided by the confessional motivation of the prince and all structures of territorial power (courts institutions, Landtags, city councils), as well as that part of society that had a consolidated opinion in religious affairs (universities, Landeskirchen). Johann Casimir (1543—1592), the son of the Elector Palatinate Friedrich III and regent for his nephew Friedrich IV, began to for
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17

Fehér, Krisztina, Balázs Halmos, and János Krähling. "Frigyes Schulek’s Calvinist Reformed Church in Szeged: A Particular Case of Medieval Design in Historicism." Periodica Polytechnica Architecture 48, no. 1 (2017): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3311/ppar.11135.

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Analysing the original drawings of Frigyes Schulek’s Calvinist Reformed Church in Szeged from 1882 kept in the Plan Collection and Archives of the BME Department for History of Architecture and of Monuments, its design process of geometric proportioning method can be entirely reconstructed. The result of this analysis shows that the Historicism of Schulek was not merely the replication of stylistic patterns of Gothic art but also the application of Medieval architectural principals and ideas. In the case of the Calvinist Reformed Church in Szeged, the essence of the design ‘in style’ was inspi
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18

Hanß, Stefan, and Ulinka Rublack. "Knowledge Production, Image Networks, and the Material Significance of Feathers in Late Humanist Heidelberg." Renaissance Quarterly 74, no. 2 (2021): 412–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2021.2.

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Examining the three volumes of birds assembled by Marcus zum Lamm (1544–1606), a Calvinist lawyer, court official, and church councillor in Heidelberg, this article explores visual and material cultures at a Calvinist court. We argue that Lamm was a pioneer in the production of new ornithological knowledge, an entrepreneur and enthusiast who experimented with colors and the arts in order to develop a means of representation that captured the vibrancy of feathers as a new and hitherto-unexplored feature for the classification of birds.
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19

Persels, Jeff. "The Sorbonnic Trots: Staging the Intestinal Distress of the Roman Catholic Church in French Reform Theater." Renaissance Quarterly 56, no. 4 (2003): 1089–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1261980.

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AbstractThis essay surveys the use of metaphors of illness, specifically those of constipation and diarrhea, in vernacular French Evangelical and Calvinist polemical theater of the 1520s and 30s (Berquin, Malingre, Marguerite d'Angoulême) through the 1560s (Badius). It considers the relatively frequent reference to staging of diagnosis, treatment, and cure in the context of contemporary medical belief and practice, and observes a shift in emphasis from optimistic prognosis and successful therapy of the earlier Evangelical period to negative pronouncement of imminent (and deserved) death in the
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20

Todd, Margo. "Justifying God: The Calvinisms of the British Delegation to the Synod of Dort." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 96, no. 1 (2005): 272–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2005-0113.

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ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Jüngere Forschungen über die fünf britischen Vertreter auf der Synode von Dordrecht (1618-1619) konstatieren eine Teilung der Gruppe zwischen Samuel Ward und John Davenant einerseits und Thomas Goad, George Carleton und dem Schotten Walter Balcanquhal andererseits. Erstere werden als strenge Calvinisten im Sinne Bezas eingestuft, letztere seien dagegen zu einem Kompromiß mit den Remonstranten, u.a. in der Bußfrage, bereit gewesen. Dies wird im vorliegenden Aufsatz widerlegt. Auf der Grundlage einer Analyse von Wards Notizen während der Synode sowie seiner 1626 in Cambridge geha
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21

Bergsma, Wiebe. "Calvinismus in Friesland um 1600 am Beispiel der Stadt Sneek." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 80, jg (1989): 252–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-1989-jg14.

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22

Burton, Ben. ""The praise of that I yeld for sacrifice": Anne Lock and the Poetics of the Eucharist." Renaissance and Reformation 30, no. 3 (2006): 89–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v30i3.9105.

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La Réforme a provoqué une crise linguistique, tout aussi importante que doctrinale et interprétative, en particulier au sujet de la signification de l’Eucharistie du point de vue des mots, des choses, et des signes. Cet article montre dans quelle mesure la poésie de dévotion d’Anne Vaughan Lock (c.1534 – c.1590) tient compte des différentes pressions de ces débats, exercées par la théologie sacramentelle calviniste sur la communauté divine anglaise de Genève. Dans sa Méditation sur le Psaume 51, Lock présente la séquence de son sonnet comme le seul vrai sacrifice de louange que les véritables
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23

Van Bruaene, Anne-Laure. "“Of the King’s Edict I do You no Command”: Vernacular Literary Networks and the Reformation in the Low Countries." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 99, no. 1 (2008): 229–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2008-0110.

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ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Der vorliegende Aufsatz erprobt die Netzwerkanalyse, um die Rolle der „Rederijkerskamers“ (Rhetorikkammern) in der niederländischen Reformation genauer zu bestimmen. Als Fallbeispiel dienen die Brüsseler Rhetorikkammern „De Corenbloem“ und „Den Boeck“ und die von ihnen organisierten Poesie-Wettbewerbe in den Jahren 1559, 1562, 1565 und 1581. Während die lokalen und regionalen Netzwerke der Brüsseler Rhetorikkammern die Verbreitung des militanten Calvinismus in der zweiten Hälfte des 16.||Jahrhunderts zweifellos beförderten, läßt sich zugleich feststellen, daß die meisten „Reder
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24

Schlesinger, Eugene R. "Exchanging Symbols for Symbolic Exchange." Journal of Reformed Theology 9, no. 1 (2015): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-00901002.

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This article examines recent articulations of Reformed sacramental theology by Michael Horton and Nicholas Wolterstorff, both of whom appropriate the insights of speech act theory in their accounts of Calvinist sacramentology. I put these expressions of Reformed thought into conversation with the fundamental theology of the French Roman Catholic, Louis-Marie Chauvet, noting areas of convergence. I contend that Chauvet’s sacramental theology provides the resources for the Reformed to develop their own sacramental theology in a considerably higher direction, while also remaining true to their fu
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Aers, David. "Calvinist Versions of God: A Revolution in Medieval Tradition." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 52, no. 3 (2022): 445–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-9966079.

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This essay argues that Calvinist versions of God and human redemption cannot be adequately grasped without studying the medieval traditions from which they emerged. Beginning with a close reading of Calvin's extremely violent understanding of the atonement, the essay moves through examinations of medieval versions of human redemption (literary, theological, and devotional) before turning to the political and ethical consequences of Calvin's reformation of these versions of God as played out in the Cromwellian regime of the mid-seventeenth century. Finally, the essay explores the reemergence of
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Dolgodrova, Tatiana A. "German Editions of the “Formula of Concord” of the 16th century in the Collection of the Russian State Library." Bibliotekovedenie [Library and Information Science (Russia)] 68, no. 4 (2019): 375–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2019-68-4-375-382.

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The author considers the publications of the “Formula of Concord” (lat. Formula Concordiae), one of the principal symbolic books of Lutheranism. For the first time the article reveals part of the collections of the Russian State Library (RSL), containing within the displaced cultural values ten editions of the “Formula of Concord” in German, the first of them (Dresden, 1580, Shtekel and Berg Printers) is presented in four copies. The article traces the entire history of the monument, which is equal by dogmatic significance to the “Augsburg Confession” — the earliest exposition of the doctrinal
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27

Van Bruaene, Anne-Laure. "The Adieu and Willecomme for Jan van Hembyze, or: The Battle between Script and Print in Calvinist Ghent." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 105, no. 1 (2014): 206–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2014-0109.

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28

Eurich, S. Amanda. "Religious Toleration and Confessional Identity: Catholics and Protestants in Seventeenth-Century Orange." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 97, no. 1 (2006): 249–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2006-0110.

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ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Nachdem im 16. Jahrhundert im Fürstentum Orange im wesentlichen die calvinistischen Eliten den Ton angaben, gelang es den Prinzen von Orange im Laufe des 17. Jahrhunderts zunehmend, die Bikonfessionalität des Territoriums durchzusetzen. Dies führte jedoch keineswegs zu Toleranz oder einer Annäherung der Konfessionen im Alltag. Vielmehr kultivierten Calvinisten und Katholiken Frömmigkeitspraktiken, die die Abgrenzung zwischen den Konfessionen verschärften. Insbesondere im Kontext der Armenfürsorge und der Abendmahls-/Eucharistiefeier wurde die konfessionelle Rivalität geschürt,
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Frijhoff, Willem. "Calvinism, Literacy, and Reading Culture in the Early Modern Northern Netherlands: Towards a Reassessment." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 95, no. 1 (2004): 252–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2004-0111.

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ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Im Gesamtbild der niederländischen Kultur des 17. Jahrhunderts sind Calvinismus und Lesekultur eng miteinander verknüpft. Der Protestantismus, insbesondere die Reformierte Kirche, gilt als wortbezogene und der Bibellektüre verpflichtete Konfession, die den hohen Grad der Alphabetisierung in der niederländischen Republik hervorgebracht habe. Auch dieser Beitrag geht von einer hohen kulturellen Wirkungskraft der frühneuzeitlichen Kirchen in der Republik aus, versucht diese aber in zweierlei Hinsicht zu differenzieren: Während Margaret Spufford den relativ hohen niederländischen A
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30

Sohn, Soo-Ho. "An Analysis of Theology of Inclusion for the Society in Theology of John Calvin." Korea Association of World History and Culture 63 (June 30, 2022): 181–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2022.06.63.181.

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This present study explores theology of John Calvin’s social engagement in terms of its social inclusivism. Historically, Calvinism has been known as developed strict reformed tradition which led its relation to the society in dualistic conflict. However, John Calvin’s Geneva Reform clearly showed that his reformation has developed in the idea of mutual relation between the Church and the Society. Calvin underscored the Christian consecration of the Church, and socially practiced the embrace of gospel in order to prevent any form of discrimination and prejudice. Calvin’s inclusive dualism serv
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Scheible, Heinz. "Die Philosophische Fakultät der Universität Wittenberg von der Gründung bis zur Vertreibung der Philippisten." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 98, no. 1 (2007): 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2007-0102.

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ABSTRACT The faculty of arts at the University of Wittenberg taught the via antiqua with a focus on Scotism, but not the via moderna. The mathematical disciplines were poorly represented. In contrast to that, Humanism was taught from the beginning and the Humanist curriculum was extended in 1518, not only by establishing chairs of Greek and Hebrew, but also chairs of Aristotle. As Luther was vehemently against Aristotle at that time, he was certainly not the driving force behind this aspect of the reform. In the following years the lectures on traditional subjects were gradually reduced, while
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Houston, Rab. "The Consistory of the Scots Church, Rotterdam: An Aspect of “Civic Calvinism”, c. 1600-1800." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 87, jg (1996): 362–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-1996-jg14.

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Crusius, Irene. "„Nicht calvinisch, nicht lutherisch“: Zu Humanismus, Philippismus und Kryptocalvinismus in Sachsen am Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 99, no. 1 (2008): 139–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2008-0108.

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ABSTRACT On the basis of case studies from Chemnitz, Zittau, Zwickau and Schneeberg, the author demonstrates the far-reaching influence of Melanchthon even on the third generation after the Reformation and the close humanistic and “philippistic” personal relations among its members. The city Latin schools prove to be the centers and disseminators of Philippism, and the scholars involved are often persecuted as Cryptocalvinists. By means of the study of personal histories, the author differentiates more sharply between Philippism and Cryptocalvinism.
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Svensson, Manfred. "La contribución neocalvinista a la reflexión contemporánea sobre el pluralismo." Andamios Revista de Investigación Social 16, no. 40 (2019): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.29092/uacm.v16i40.699.

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El presente artículo presenta un enfoque según el cual la pluralidad debe ser evaluada en tres dimensiones distintas: la de las orientaciones vitales fundamentales, la de los contextos o culturas, y la de las asociaciones o estructuras. Se discute el origen de esta tripartición en autores calvinistas contemporáneos, pero se muestra que su exitosa articulación de estas dimensiones puede ser apropiada por otras tradiciones.
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35

Seaver, Paul S. "Calvinist Exiles in Tudor and Stuart England by Ole Peter Grell." Catholic Historical Review 84, no. 2 (1998): 350–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1998.0070.

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Strohm, Christoph. "Rezension zu: Philip Benedict, Christ’s Churches Purely Reformed. A Social History of Calvinism, New Haven, London." Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte - Archive for Reformation History 95, no. 1 (2004): 310–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/arg-2004-0115.

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Hardinghaus, Matthias. "The Meaning of Protestant-Calvinist Imagery in Urban America." Space and Culture 11, no. 4 (2008): 422–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331208314782.

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Rüfner, Thomas. "Rüfner, Thomas, Recht und Religion in der europäischen Rechtstradition I: Sedes iustitiae und zweiter Dom im Rheinland. Die Konstantin-Basilika als Kristallisationspunkt von Recht und Religion in Trier." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 105, no. 1 (2019): 153–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgk-2019-0005.

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Abstract Seat of Justice and Second Cathedral of the Rhineland. The Basilica of Constantine as a point of encounter of law and religion in Trier. The Aula Palatina in Trier was part of the residence of the Roman Emperors and as such a place of legislation and jurisdiction. Notably, the trial of Priscillian of Avila, often labelled the first heresy trial in church history, was likely conducted in the Aula Palatina. Centuries later, the Roman building was converted into Trier's first protestant church. Caspar Olevianus, the Trier-born jurist and Calvinist reformer, is remembered nearby. The so-c
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Becker, Jochen, and Annemiek Ouwerkerk. "'De eer des vaderlands te handhaven': Costerbeelden als argumenten in de strijd." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 99, no. 4 (1985): 229–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501785x00125.

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AbstractTwo things long stood in the way of the erection of statues in public in the Northern Netherlands, on the one hand the lack of a strong central government and on the other the wrongly interpreted - Calvinist interdict on them (Note 1). The first statue of this kind, that of Erasmus in Rotterdam by De Keyser (1622), was attacked by strict Calvinists, but noted throughout Europe as an early paradigm (Note 3). Not until the 19th century did the Netherlands join in the nationalistic 'statue craze', which was just breaking out then, with two monuments to the supposed Dutch inventor of print
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40

Timmis, Patrick. "Undermining the Elect Nation: King Lear and the Hebrew Patriarchs at the Court of James I." Renaissance and Reformation 43, no. 3 (2020): 105–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v43i3.35303.

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This article examines King Lear’s creative redeployment of the Old Testament stories of the patriarchs, especially the narrative of Jacob and Esau in the book of Genesis. After contextualizing the reliance of the “Gloucester subplot” on this narrative within a broader predestinarian tradition of representing the English monarchy as the fulfillment of Hebrew typology, the article asks how a courtly audience, amid the political upheavals of 1606, might have reacted to the play’s apparent subversion of Calvinist theopolitical certainties.
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Anderson, David K. "Internal Images: John Donne and the English Iconoclast Controversy." Renaissance and Reformation 38, no. 2 (2002): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v38i2.8767.

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Au moment où John Donne écrivait ses poèmes dévots, l’église anglaise était de nouveau aux prises avec la question des images religieuses. Bien que le poète soit mort avant l’essor de l’iconoclasme pendant la Guerre Civile, il tenait compte du problème, non seulement dans ses Sermons, mais aussi dans sa poésie. La position de Donne était celle d’un calviniste modéré: il admet la valeur de l’imagerie divine tout en se rendant compte de son danger. Finalement, ses poèmes rendent les images religieuses privées, en les situant à l’intérieur de l’individu plutôt que dans l’église.
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Bach-Nielsen, Carsten. "Religionen og hverdagslivet:." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 83, no. 1-2 (2021): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v83i1-2.124182.

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In 1855, the Scottish minister John Caird delivered a sermon before Queen Victoria and Prince Albert of Sachsen-Coburg. It made such an impression that the queen demanded it to be printed. The sermon text was Romans 12,11 and the sermon was about religion in common life. Is was not concerned with religion as pertaining to specific practices, times, and places in everyday life. Religion covers everything. Religion is a science and an art to be performed together with any profession or business of daily life. The Presbyterian view is that work itself is as such a glorification of God. Therefore,
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Tracy, James D. "Calvinism and Religious Toleration in the Dutch Golden Age (review)." Catholic Historical Review 92, no. 1 (2006): 120–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2006.0117.

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Naphy, William G. "Choosing Death: Suicide and Calvinism in Early Modern Geneva (review)." Catholic Historical Review 88, no. 1 (2002): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2002.0040.

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Marquaille, Léonie. "Embodying the Catholic faith." Netherlands Yearbook for History of Art / Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek Online 72, no. 1 (2022): 160–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22145966-07201006.

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Abstract This essay probes the political and ideological status of such images in the officially Calvinist state after 1579. Focusing on the relationship between representations of the body of dead priests and the collective body of Catholic believers, Marquaille’s essay addresses one visual expression of the paradoxical situation whereby Catholics were reduced to minority status, not in numbers but through restrictions on public worship, including the public display of images. These prohibitions on the display of images notably extended to funerary rites, which were strictly regulated. This r
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Benedict (book author), Philip, and Gretchen E. Minton (review author). "Christ's Churches Purely Reformed: A Social History of Calvinism." Renaissance and Reformation 39, no. 3 (2003): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v39i3.8910.

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47

Guillery, Peter. "Suburban Models, or Calvinism and Continuity in London’s Seventeenth-Century Church Architecture." Architectural History 48 (2005): 69–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00003737.

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The history of church architecture in seventeenth-century London lacks threads of continuity. It is dominated by two great men, Inigo Jones and Christopher Wren, whose contributions could not and did not straddle the whole metropolis or the whole of the century. Besides, the devising of a new church was too significant an act to be left entirely to those capable of architectural design. There is a related misconception that churches were seldom built in London between the Reformation and the Great Fire of 1666. Yet even within the City of London, numerous parish churches were rebuilt during th
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Sluhovsky, Moshe. "Calvinist Miracles and the Concept of the Miraculous in Sixteenth-Century Huguenot Thought." Renaissance and Reformation 31, no. 2 (2009): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v31i2.11609.

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This paper is a study of French Calvinism as a language. It was a language which employed the signifiers and the signs of the traditional Christian culture. There was persistent usages of key Catholic words in the theology of early Huguenot believers, regardless of their level of education or commitment to the cause. In an attempt to follow one such word (“miracle”: miracula or mirabilia), a large number of texts are examined, including Calvin’s own writings, the Histoire ecclésiastique, Simon Goulart’s Mémoires de l’estat de France sous Charles Neufiesme, and the personal diary of an anonymou
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Lüthy, Christoph, and Leen Spruit. "The Doctrine, Life, and Roman Trial of the Frisian Philosopher Henricus de Veno (1574?-1613)." Renaissance Quarterly 56, no. 4 (2003): 1112–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1261981.

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AbstractThis paper retraces the life of Henricus de Veno, professor of philosophy at the Frisian University of Franeker, summarizes his teaching, and documents the trial that was conducted against him by the Roman Inquisition in 1597-98. De Veno was probably the most innovative Dutch teacher of philosophy in the first years of the seventeenth century, as he combined the new Protestant metaphysics with a cosmology and physics inspired by Girolamo Cardano. Instead of admitting before his Calvinist colleagues that he had been in prison and had converted to Catholicism before the Roman Inquisition
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Spicer, Andrew. "Building Codes: The Aesthetics of Calvinism in Early Modern Europe (review)." Catholic Historical Review 89, no. 1 (2003): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2003.0088.

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