Relevant bibliographies by topics / Cambodia – Foreign relations

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Cambodia – Foreign relations'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Cambodia – Foreign relations"

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Bektimirova, Nadezhda N. "Prospects of Cambodia-USA Relations." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-155-165.

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The article evaluates the prospects of Cambodia-USA relations under President Joe Biden’s administration. The author shows that traditionally relations have been developing unevenly. Over the past decade the shape of bilateral relations has been strongly influenced by a third party – China. Cambodia’s close cooperation with China is viewed negatively by US officials. Since Cambodia’s foreign policy agenda for the next three years is highly likely to be determined by the country’s electoral cycles, Hun Sen has little room for manoeuvre, given the USA’s support of Cambodian opposition parties and harsh criticism of human rights in Cambodia. Under these circumstances Hun Sen feels compelled to increasingly lean towards China.
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Pheakdey, Heng. "Cambodia-China Relations: A Positive-Sum Game?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 2 (June 2012): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100203.

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China has re-emerged to become a dominant foreign player in Cambodia. Politically, Cambodia is one of China's oldest and closest allies. Economically, China is Cambodia's top foreign investor, a major donor, and an increasingly important trading partner. Culturally, Chinese values are deeply embedded in many aspects of Cambodian society. However, China's dominance is surrounded by renewed controversies. While the government warmly welcomes Chinese aid, saying that it comes with no strings attached, many experts are concerned that China is providing aid for more nefarious reasons. Critics also accuse Chinese investment and aid of having exacerbated corruption, weakened governance and harmed human rights, and of ruining Cambodia's natural resources and environment. With such controversies, it is relevant and significant to assess the roles that China has played and continues to play in Cambodia's socio-economic development. Using expert interviews, media analysis and an extensive literature review, this paper uniquely contributes to the existing discussion on China–Cambodia relations by closely examining the controversies of China's investment and aid, critically analysing China's interests in Cambodia, and asking if the relationship between the two nations is a positive-sum game.
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Ciorciari, John D. "Cambodia in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2021): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.123.

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In 2020, Cambodia experienced its sharpest economic contraction in more than a quarter-century as COVID-19 crippled its tourism industry, hampered foreign investment, and reduced demand for exports from its crucial garment and textile sectors. Wary of simmering popular unrest, the government of long-serving Prime Minister Hun Sen sought to support the battered economy with one hand while stifling domestic political dissent with the other. Domestic crackdowns brought further erosion of Cambodia’s ties with the European Union, and relations with the United States and some Southeast Asian neighbors remained tense as Cambodia drifted closer into a dependent relationship with China.
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Rattanasengchanh, P. Michael. "The Role of Preah Vihear in Hun Sen's Nationalism Politics, 2008–2013." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 36, no. 3 (December 2017): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341703600303.

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From 2003 to 2013, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen benefitted politically from promoting nationalism through the Preah Vihear dispute between Cambodia and Thailand. In contrast, Thai conservatives had mixed results when they laid claim to Preah Vihear and tried to use the temple to bolster their political positions. When it came to media coverage of the temple and border issue, Thailand's domestic and foreign politics, rather than Cambodia's, dominated the narrative. As a result, both countries engaged in a war of words and several military clashes between 2008 and 2013. Thailand was widely viewed as the instigator and Cambodia as the victim. However, a closer look at Cambodia's reactions to Thailand's provocations reveals an important part of the story. These quarrels and conflicts seemed to arise before major elections in Cambodia. Behind the front lines, Hun Sen used Preah Vihear and a conflict with a historical adversary to build political prestige, nationalism, and anti-Thai sentiments, co-opting it as a part of his political platform. Hun Sen employed the temple and the border dispute in his rhetoric and created public relations events celebrating the government's protection of Cambodia's sovereignty and national prestige. Among other factors, Preah Vihear helped Hun Sen win elections and maintain political power by vilifying Thailand and using nationalism. The temple became a powerful nationalistic symbol.
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Kucherenko, Grigory N. "The Taiwan Factor in Cambodian-China Relations." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2(51) (2021): 220–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-2-2-51-220-231.

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Cambodia has been developing relations with China for decades, now both countries are perceived as stable partners, the kingdom supports Beijing on a number of international issues, including the status of Taiwan, but this state of affairs was not always the case. From its independence until 1997, Cambodia made several attempts to establish relations with Taipei in pursuit of its foreign policy goals. This article examines the specifics of relations between Cambodia and the PRC through the prism of interaction between Cambodia and Taiwan.
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Chandler, David. "Will There Be a Trial for the Khmer Rouge?" Ethics & International Affairs 14 (March 2000): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2000.tb00054.x.

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The scale of what happened under the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia between 1975 and 1979 is difficult to deal with (over one million Cambodians lost their lives), but efforts are now underway to bring at least some of the surviving leaders of the regime to justice. This essay explores the reasons for delay of the trials, citing:The absence of international precedents prior to the 1990s;The show trial of two Khmer Rouge leaders in 1979; andThe obstacles to a trial arising from geopolitical considerations in the 1980s (in which some powers now calling for a trial, including the United States, were effectively allied with the Khmer Rouge against the Vietnamese-imposed regime in Phnom Penh).In the 1990s, following the Paris Peace Accords and the brief UN protectorate over Cambodia, demands for a trial came from overseas and from Cambodian human rights groups. The Cambodian regime considered the show trials of 1979 sufficient, however, and in 1998 Cambodian prime minister Hun Sen urged his compatriots to “dig a hole and bury the past.” Eager to regain foreign support for his regime after several brutal incidents in which political opponents were killed, Hun Sen has more recently agreed to limited international participation in a trial. A procedure targeting a few Khmer Rouge leaders seems likely in 2000, but Cambodian government control of the proceedings means that nothing like a truth commission or a wide-ranging inquiry will result.
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Kang, Ziwei. "A Study of the Impact of Chinese Aid to Cambodia on Bilateral Trade." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 17 (August 31, 2023): 218–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v17i.11181.

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Since the "Belt and Road" initiative was put forward, the scale of China's foreign aid has grown rapidly and the scope of radiation has been expanding. Foreign aid has become one of the tools of China's foreign relations that cannot be ignored, and it is especially important to study the bilateral trade effects brought by foreign aid. This paper mainly selects the impact of China's aid to Cambodia on bilateral trade for research. This study adopts the trade gravity model, introduces GDP and population size as control variables, and conducts regression analysis on the amount of China's aid to Cambodia and bilateral trade over the years, and concludes that China's aid to Cambodia helps to promote bilateral trade.
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Theot Therith, Chuop. "Effect of Investment Promotion through the Special Economic Zone Mechanism on the Distribution of FDI in Cambodia." Economies 10, no. 9 (September 16, 2022): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies10090231.

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This study examines the effect of investment promotion through the special economic zone (SEZ) mechanism on foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow across Cambodia. We applied generalized methods of moments (GMM) to panel data constructed from 19 Cambodian provinces during 2015–2019. Our results show that the number of SEZs positively affects both FDI inflow and diversification across the country, while capital invested in developing SEZs increases only the latter. Other SEZ variables, including the presence of SEZ, its intensity, and the age of the first established SEZ in a province, are mostly found to be positively associated with FDI and diversified FDI but not notably significant. Supportably, the existence of SEZ is confirmed to be significant by the t-test method, meaning that the SEZ province can attract more FDI than the non-SEZ one. Some provincial efforts and characteristics, including annual government expenditure, number of public relations, population density, population 18 years old and up, deep-sea ports, and international gates, likely significantly influence FDI inflow into the provinces of Cambodia. All in all, the SEZ mechanism attracts more diversified foreign investment activities, and it has a significant effect on the distribution of FDI in Cambodia.
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Esposito, Adèle, and Gabriel Fauveaud. "The atomization of heritage politics in post-colonial cities: The case of Phnom Penh, Cambodia." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 37, no. 4 (August 19, 2018): 670–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654418790766.

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This paper analyzes the politics of heritage in urban Cambodia. Focusing on the capital, Phnom Penh, we argue that urban heritage is shaped at the intersection of global doctrines and professional knowledge, socioeconomic strategies at the national and local scales, real estate developments, and contextual institutional practices. We propose the concept “atomization of heritage politics” to explain the fragmentary and tentacular power relations that determine how built heritage is managed or destroyed. Drawing on heritage literature on Southeast Asian cities, we first argue that academic writers underestimate the role of land issues and localized power relations in shaping urban heritage politics. We contextualize the rise of heritage concerns in Cambodia. Since colonial times heritage strategies have focused on the UNESCO World Heritage Site of Angkor, with urban heritage being of only peripheral concern. Second, we explain how proposals made by international development partners for an overall heritage policy failed, as they conflicted with the rationality of land and power relations, leaving foreign consultants to renegotiate their position in Cambodian politics. Finally, we explore two case studies—the National Stadium and the Renakse Hotel—at the center of virulent, long-lasting political clashes between various forces that took root during the reconstruction of the Cambodian state in the 1980s and 1990s. Together with powerful individuals, families, and companies, the competition and tactical alliances between these forces shape the contested politics of urban heritage in the Cambodian capital.
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Ku, Samuel C. Y. "Laos in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 148–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.148.

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Laos’ economy declined slightly in 2015, but its political and economic integration with neighboring countries gradually deepened. While China continued to be a key actor in Vientiane’s foreign relations, Laos’ ties with neighboring Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, and even Japan and South Korea also strengthened in 2015.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cambodia – Foreign relations"

1

Nowosad, Orest J. W. "Weak power-great power relationships : Sino-Khmer Rouge relations 1975-1989." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110791.

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With the Khmer Rouge gaining control of Cambodia in 1975, the further development of a relationship between a weak and a strong power was to be seen.l The People's Republic of China (PRC) would become associated with a regime which would prove to be one of the most brutal and inhumane of the modern age.
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Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.

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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained: The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
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Hallsey, Joshua. "U.S. Foreign Policy and the Cambodian People, 1945-1993." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2007. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/HallseyJ2007.pdf.

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4

Deth, Sok Udom. "Factional politics and foreign policy choices in Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17000.

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Ziel der Dissertation ist es, eine umfassende Analyse der kambodschanisch-thailändischen diplomatischen Beziehungen von 1950 bis 2014 zu liefern. Die Arbeit geht über einen rein historischen Bericht hinaus, da sie darauf abzielt, die Wechselhaftigkeit der kambodschanisch-thailändischen Beziehungen zu erklären. Als Grundlage dient hierzu ein Ansatz sozialen Konflikts, der Staaten nicht als homogene Akteure ansieht, sondern vielmehr als eine Konfiguration konfligierender Kräfte, die ihre außenpolitischen Ziele im Einklang mit ihrer eigenen Ideologie, ihren Interessen und ihren Strategien verfolgen. Daher postuliert die Arbeit, dass die kambodschanisch-thailändischen Beziehungen nicht als Produkt einheitlicher Staaten angesehen werden sollten, die entweder miteinander kooperieren oder sich voneinander abschotten, sondern als Matrix sich überlappender Beziehungen zwischen gesellschaftlichen und politischen Gruppen beider Staaten, die konkurrierende Ideologien und/oder Interessen zur Förderung ihrer innenpolitischen Machtposition beherbergen. Das Projekt bringt zwei mit einer verknüpfte Argumente hervor. Erstens, kambodschanisch-thailändische Beziehungen sind wahrscheinlich dann kooperativ angelegt, wenn es sich bei beiden Machthabern um zivil-demokratisch gewählte Regierungen mit ähnlichen Ideologien, ökonomischen Interessen und Sicherheitsbedenken handelt. Umgekehrt verschlechtern sich die Beziehungen, wenn diese Faktoren nicht reziprok sind. Dies ist besonders dann der Fall, wenn eine der beiden Regierungen mehr mit der Opposition der anderen gemein hat. Zweitens, auch wenn antagonistische Nationalismen auf beiden Seiten bestehen, handelt es sich keinesfalls um eine Determinante, die die Außenpolitik beider Seiten festlegt. Die Arbeit argumentiert, dass Nationalismen nur dann aufgerufen werden, wenn zumindest eine der beiden Regierungen ihre Legitimität in der Heimat stärken muss und die andere Regierung nicht dieselbe Ideologie und strategischen Interessen teilt.
This dissertation aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations over the past six decades, specifically from 1950 to 2014. In addition to empirical discussion, it seeks to explain why Cambodian-Thai relationships have fluctuated and what primary factors caused the shifts during the period discussed. In doing so, it employs the “social conflict” analysis, which views states not as unitary actors, but within which is comprised of different societal forces competing with one another and pursues foreign policies in accordance with their own ideology, interest, and strategy. As such, it is postulated that Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations should not be seen simply as relations between two unitary states cooperating with or securitizing against one another, but rather as a matrix of intertwining relationships between various social and political groups in both states harboring competing ideologies and/or interests to advance their power positions at home. Two inter-related arguments are therefore put forward in this research. Firstly, Cambodian-Thai relations are likely to be cooperative when both governments in power are civilian-democratically elected regimes and share similar ideologies, mutual economic interests, as well as security outlooks. Conversely, relations between them tend to deteriorate when these factors are not reciprocal. This is particularly true when one government has more in common with the dissidents of the government of the other side. Secondly, though antagonistic nationalism does exist between Cambodia and Thailand, it is not a determinant of the two nations’ foreign relations. This research argues that nationalism and historical animosity are invoked only if at least the government on one side needs to bolster its own legitimacy at home, and the government on the other side does not share a similar ideology or strategic interests with its own – the second aspect being the more important factor here.
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Bird, Annie. "US foreign policy on transitional justice : case studies on Cambodia, Liberia and Colombia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/473/.

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The US has been involved in the majority of transitional justice measures established since the 1990s. This study explores this phenomenon by examining the forces that shape US foreign policy on transitional justice. It first investigates US influence on the evolution of the field, and then traces US involvement in three illustrative cases in order to establish what US involvement entails, why the US gets involved and how the US has impacted individual measures and the field as a whole. The cases include: the Khmer Rouge Tribunal in Cambodia; the trial of Liberian President Charles Taylor and the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission; and the Justice and Peace Process in Colombia. These cases represent different transitional justice measures, transition types and geographic regions – all key dimensions in the field. These measures were also all established in the 2000s, a period which reflects a different historical moment in the field’s evolution. The cases shed light on the actors who play a key role in the field – from presidential administrations to Congress to the State Department and others. The study is based on nearly 200 interviews and archival research undertaken in the US, The Hague, Cambodia, Liberia and Colombia, providing a strong basis on which to draw conclusions about US foreign policy on transitional justice.
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Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.

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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
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Taraga, Petchompoo. "Thailand, ASEAN and the Kampuchean problem from 1979 to 1986." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110698.

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The situation in Kampuchea has been an interesting issue in international politics. The Kampuchean people have been battered and exposed to foreign domination for the past five hundred years. After such a long period, however, peace is still not at hand. Moreover,since the 1970s the country has faced three major events: US bombings that started in 1970 and culminated in 1973; the inhumane evacuation of towns and mass executions under the Pol Pot regime (1975-1978); and the war between the SRV and the. Kampuchean resistance groups since 1979.
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Deth, Sok Udom [Verfasser], Boike [Akademischer Betreuer] Rehbein, and Vincent [Akademischer Betreuer] Houben. "Factional politics and foreign policy choices in Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations : 1950 - 2014 / Sok Udom Deth. Gutachter: Boike Rehbein ; Vincent Houben." Berlin : Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1054396450/34.

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Berananda, Usana. "Australia's involvement in the Cambodian peace settlement : the Red Book initiative." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145650.

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Marshall, Norman C. "The impact of Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia on Sino-Thai relations." Master's thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112042.

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Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia in December 1978 led to an alignment between Thailand and China. The convergence of security interests between these two countries began in 1975 and provided the impetus which culminated in the cementing of this alignment in 1979. To substiantiate this claim Thailand's security options and China's Southeast Asia Policy are assessed before and after Vietnam's invasion. It is concluded that Thai and Chinese authorities reached an agreement only months after December 1978 to firmly oppose Vietnam's occupation of Cambodia.
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Books on the topic "Cambodia – Foreign relations"

1

Jackis, Jerry. Goodbye Cambodia. Salt Lake City, Utah: NPI, 1996.

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Lambertson, David F. Update on Cambodia. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1989.

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Lambertson, David F. Update on Cambodia. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1989.

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Lambertson, David F. Update on Cambodia. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1989.

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Library of Congress. Major Issues System, ed. Cambodia: U.S. foreign assistance facts (with appendix). [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, Major Issues System, 1986.

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Baker, James Addison. International efforts for a peaceful Cambodia. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1989.

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Baker, James Addison. International efforts for a peaceful Cambodia. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1989.

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Baker, James Addison. International efforts for a peaceful Cambodia. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1989.

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Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace and Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, eds. The Cambodia Forum. Pasir Panjang, Singapore: ISEAS Pub., Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2011.

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Clymer, Kenton J. Troubled relations: The United States and Cambodia since 1870. DeKalb, Ill: Northern Illinois University Press, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Cambodia – Foreign relations"

1

Chandler, David. "State, Society, and Foreign Relations, 1794–1848." In A History of Cambodia, 119–40. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429495519-6.

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Dalpino, Catharin. "The Mainland minus One." In China, The United States, and the Future of Southeast Asia. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479866304.003.0008.

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The ancient cultural threads that linked Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar—the so-called Indianized states in Southeast Asia—have long since frayed. Shifts beginning in the 1990s signaled yet another new regional order, which is still being formed. The end of the Cold War, the Cambodian peace agreement and the subsequent enlargement of ASEAN, the rise of China and India, a modest renewal of U.S. interest in Southeast Asia, and Myanmar’s reform process have forged new relations with old adversaries but also created new (or renewed) tensions. This chapter examines the transformation of the foreign relations of Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar in this new regional environment.
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"Cambodia: Rocking in China’s soft underbelly." In China's Foreign Relations and the Survival of Autocracies, 80–99. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203073827-15.

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"The Sino–Indian Dispute and Indo–Vietnamese Relations." In Indian Foreign Policy in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, 1947-1964, 189–209. University of California Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.8306031.11.

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Young, John W., and John Kent. "19. The Decline of the Cold War, 1985–9." In International Relations Since 1945, 439–60. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0019.

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This chapter examines the decline of the Cold War during the period 1985–9. It begins with a discussion of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s ‘new diplomacy’, a more flexible, less ideological foreign policy based on his belief that ‘a less confrontational stance towards the outside world would provide greater security than endless rearming’. It then considers Gorbachev’s reforms, the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty signed in December 1987 by Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan, and US–Soviet relations under George H. W. Bush and Gorbachev. It also analyses the end of the Cold War in less developed countries such as Afghanistan, Angola, and Cambodia, before concluding with an assessment of the demise of Soviet communism in Eastern Europe.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "19. The Decline of the Cold War, 1985–9." In International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199693061.003.0024.

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This chapter examines the decline of the Cold War during the period 1985–1989. It begins with a discussion of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s ‘new diplomacy’, a more flexible, less ideological foreign policy based on his belief that ‘a less confrontational stance towards the outside world would provide greater security than endless rearming’. It then considers Gorbachev’s reforms, the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty signed in December 1987 by Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan, and US–Soviet relations under George H. W. Bush and Gorbachev. It also analyses the end of the Cold War in less developed countries such as Afghanistan, Angola, and Cambodia before concluding with an assessment of the demise of Soviet communism in Eastern Europe.
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O'Neill, Daniel C. "Introduction." In Dividing ASEAN and Conquering the South China Sea, 1–23. Hong Kong University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888455966.003.0001.

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This chapter introduces the rival territorial claimants, all of whom, besides China and Taiwan, are members of ASEAN, and their claims in the South China Sea. It provides historical background for several of the claims to the Paracel and Spratly island chains, focusing on those of China, which has been most successful in actualizing its claims. It analyses the shifts over time in China’s foreign policy in the region, highlighting efforts at cooperation near the turn of the century and China’s more aggressively asserting its claims in recent years. It lays out the two tales the book tells: the story of China’s efforts to divide ASEAN in pursuit of its territorial claims and the broader story of how China uses its financial power to influence foreign governments in developing states. The chapter also provides a justification for the selection of the three case studies in the book: China’s relations with Cambodia, the Philippines, and Myanmar, emphasizing variation in the key variable of political regime type. Finally, it introduces each subsequent chapter.
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