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Journal articles on the topic 'Cambodia – Foreign relations'
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1
Bektimirova, Nadezhda N. "Prospects of Cambodia-USA Relations." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-155-165.
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The article evaluates the prospects of Cambodia-USA relations under President Joe Biden’s administration. The author shows that traditionally relations have been developing unevenly. Over the past decade the shape of bilateral relations has been strongly influenced by a third party – China. Cambodia’s close cooperation with China is viewed negatively by US officials. Since Cambodia’s foreign policy agenda for the next three years is highly likely to be determined by the country’s electoral cycles, Hun Sen has little room for manoeuvre, given the USA’s support of Cambodian opposition parties and harsh criticism of human rights in Cambodia. Under these circumstances Hun Sen feels compelled to increasingly lean towards China.
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Pheakdey, Heng. "Cambodia-China Relations: A Positive-Sum Game?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 2 (June 2012): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100203.
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China has re-emerged to become a dominant foreign player in Cambodia. Politically, Cambodia is one of China's oldest and closest allies. Economically, China is Cambodia's top foreign investor, a major donor, and an increasingly important trading partner. Culturally, Chinese values are deeply embedded in many aspects of Cambodian society. However, China's dominance is surrounded by renewed controversies. While the government warmly welcomes Chinese aid, saying that it comes with no strings attached, many experts are concerned that China is providing aid for more nefarious reasons. Critics also accuse Chinese investment and aid of having exacerbated corruption, weakened governance and harmed human rights, and of ruining Cambodia's natural resources and environment. With such controversies, it is relevant and significant to assess the roles that China has played and continues to play in Cambodia's socio-economic development. Using expert interviews, media analysis and an extensive literature review, this paper uniquely contributes to the existing discussion on China–Cambodia relations by closely examining the controversies of China's investment and aid, critically analysing China's interests in Cambodia, and asking if the relationship between the two nations is a positive-sum game.
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Ciorciari, John D. "Cambodia in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2021): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.123.
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In 2020, Cambodia experienced its sharpest economic contraction in more than a quarter-century as COVID-19 crippled its tourism industry, hampered foreign investment, and reduced demand for exports from its crucial garment and textile sectors. Wary of simmering popular unrest, the government of long-serving Prime Minister Hun Sen sought to support the battered economy with one hand while stifling domestic political dissent with the other. Domestic crackdowns brought further erosion of Cambodia’s ties with the European Union, and relations with the United States and some Southeast Asian neighbors remained tense as Cambodia drifted closer into a dependent relationship with China.
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Rattanasengchanh, P. Michael. "The Role of Preah Vihear in Hun Sen's Nationalism Politics, 2008–2013." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 36, no. 3 (December 2017): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341703600303.
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From 2003 to 2013, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen benefitted politically from promoting nationalism through the Preah Vihear dispute between Cambodia and Thailand. In contrast, Thai conservatives had mixed results when they laid claim to Preah Vihear and tried to use the temple to bolster their political positions. When it came to media coverage of the temple and border issue, Thailand's domestic and foreign politics, rather than Cambodia's, dominated the narrative. As a result, both countries engaged in a war of words and several military clashes between 2008 and 2013. Thailand was widely viewed as the instigator and Cambodia as the victim. However, a closer look at Cambodia's reactions to Thailand's provocations reveals an important part of the story. These quarrels and conflicts seemed to arise before major elections in Cambodia. Behind the front lines, Hun Sen used Preah Vihear and a conflict with a historical adversary to build political prestige, nationalism, and anti-Thai sentiments, co-opting it as a part of his political platform. Hun Sen employed the temple and the border dispute in his rhetoric and created public relations events celebrating the government's protection of Cambodia's sovereignty and national prestige. Among other factors, Preah Vihear helped Hun Sen win elections and maintain political power by vilifying Thailand and using nationalism. The temple became a powerful nationalistic symbol.
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Kucherenko, Grigory N. "The Taiwan Factor in Cambodian-China Relations." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2(51) (2021): 220–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-2-2-51-220-231.
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Cambodia has been developing relations with China for decades, now both countries are perceived as stable partners, the kingdom supports Beijing on a number of international issues, including the status of Taiwan, but this state of affairs was not always the case. From its independence until 1997, Cambodia made several attempts to establish relations with Taipei in pursuit of its foreign policy goals. This article examines the specifics of relations between Cambodia and the PRC through the prism of interaction between Cambodia and Taiwan.
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Chandler, David. "Will There Be a Trial for the Khmer Rouge?" Ethics & International Affairs 14 (March 2000): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2000.tb00054.x.
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The scale of what happened under the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia between 1975 and 1979 is difficult to deal with (over one million Cambodians lost their lives), but efforts are now underway to bring at least some of the surviving leaders of the regime to justice. This essay explores the reasons for delay of the trials, citing:The absence of international precedents prior to the 1990s;The show trial of two Khmer Rouge leaders in 1979; andThe obstacles to a trial arising from geopolitical considerations in the 1980s (in which some powers now calling for a trial, including the United States, were effectively allied with the Khmer Rouge against the Vietnamese-imposed regime in Phnom Penh).In the 1990s, following the Paris Peace Accords and the brief UN protectorate over Cambodia, demands for a trial came from overseas and from Cambodian human rights groups. The Cambodian regime considered the show trials of 1979 sufficient, however, and in 1998 Cambodian prime minister Hun Sen urged his compatriots to “dig a hole and bury the past.” Eager to regain foreign support for his regime after several brutal incidents in which political opponents were killed, Hun Sen has more recently agreed to limited international participation in a trial. A procedure targeting a few Khmer Rouge leaders seems likely in 2000, but Cambodian government control of the proceedings means that nothing like a truth commission or a wide-ranging inquiry will result.
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Kang, Ziwei. "A Study of the Impact of Chinese Aid to Cambodia on Bilateral Trade." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 17 (August 31, 2023): 218–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v17i.11181.
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Since the "Belt and Road" initiative was put forward, the scale of China's foreign aid has grown rapidly and the scope of radiation has been expanding. Foreign aid has become one of the tools of China's foreign relations that cannot be ignored, and it is especially important to study the bilateral trade effects brought by foreign aid. This paper mainly selects the impact of China's aid to Cambodia on bilateral trade for research. This study adopts the trade gravity model, introduces GDP and population size as control variables, and conducts regression analysis on the amount of China's aid to Cambodia and bilateral trade over the years, and concludes that China's aid to Cambodia helps to promote bilateral trade.
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Theot Therith, Chuop. "Effect of Investment Promotion through the Special Economic Zone Mechanism on the Distribution of FDI in Cambodia." Economies 10, no. 9 (September 16, 2022): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies10090231.
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This study examines the effect of investment promotion through the special economic zone (SEZ) mechanism on foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow across Cambodia. We applied generalized methods of moments (GMM) to panel data constructed from 19 Cambodian provinces during 2015–2019. Our results show that the number of SEZs positively affects both FDI inflow and diversification across the country, while capital invested in developing SEZs increases only the latter. Other SEZ variables, including the presence of SEZ, its intensity, and the age of the first established SEZ in a province, are mostly found to be positively associated with FDI and diversified FDI but not notably significant. Supportably, the existence of SEZ is confirmed to be significant by the t-test method, meaning that the SEZ province can attract more FDI than the non-SEZ one. Some provincial efforts and characteristics, including annual government expenditure, number of public relations, population density, population 18 years old and up, deep-sea ports, and international gates, likely significantly influence FDI inflow into the provinces of Cambodia. All in all, the SEZ mechanism attracts more diversified foreign investment activities, and it has a significant effect on the distribution of FDI in Cambodia.
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Esposito, Adèle, and Gabriel Fauveaud. "The atomization of heritage politics in post-colonial cities: The case of Phnom Penh, Cambodia." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 37, no. 4 (August 19, 2018): 670–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654418790766.
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This paper analyzes the politics of heritage in urban Cambodia. Focusing on the capital, Phnom Penh, we argue that urban heritage is shaped at the intersection of global doctrines and professional knowledge, socioeconomic strategies at the national and local scales, real estate developments, and contextual institutional practices. We propose the concept “atomization of heritage politics” to explain the fragmentary and tentacular power relations that determine how built heritage is managed or destroyed. Drawing on heritage literature on Southeast Asian cities, we first argue that academic writers underestimate the role of land issues and localized power relations in shaping urban heritage politics. We contextualize the rise of heritage concerns in Cambodia. Since colonial times heritage strategies have focused on the UNESCO World Heritage Site of Angkor, with urban heritage being of only peripheral concern. Second, we explain how proposals made by international development partners for an overall heritage policy failed, as they conflicted with the rationality of land and power relations, leaving foreign consultants to renegotiate their position in Cambodian politics. Finally, we explore two case studies—the National Stadium and the Renakse Hotel—at the center of virulent, long-lasting political clashes between various forces that took root during the reconstruction of the Cambodian state in the 1980s and 1990s. Together with powerful individuals, families, and companies, the competition and tactical alliances between these forces shape the contested politics of urban heritage in the Cambodian capital.
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Ku, Samuel C. Y. "Laos in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 148–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.148.
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Laos’ economy declined slightly in 2015, but its political and economic integration with neighboring countries gradually deepened. While China continued to be a key actor in Vientiane’s foreign relations, Laos’ ties with neighboring Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, and even Japan and South Korea also strengthened in 2015.
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SIMONIYA, Aida A. "NEW APPOINTMENTS TO ASEAN AND THE UN HAVE NOT YET LED TO A BREAKTHROUGH IN RELATIONS WITH MYANMAR." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 1 (54) (2022): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-139-159.
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The crisis in Myanmar has also affected the beginning of the activities of high-ranking officials who recently took office. Cambodia, represented by Prime Minister Hun Sen, took over the baton as ASEAN Chairman, Singaporean diplomat Noelene Heizer was appointed Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General to Myanmar. Cambodia's Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn replaced Erivan Yusof as ASEAN's Special Envoy for Myanmar. The Prime Minister of Cambodia caused dissatisfaction of his ASEAN colleagues and outrage of the world community due to his visit to Myanmar a week after officially taking office. The first visit of the head of State to Myanmar after the military coup was perceived as ensuring the legitimacy of the military administration. At the same time, due to a misunderstanding between the guest and the host party on the issue of the release of an Australian citizen, the leader of Cambodia "lost face". Noelene Heizer underestimated the power of public opinion. She was fiercely attacked by opponents of the military regime because of the use of an unsuccessful thesis about the "division of power". The Office of the Special Envoy tried to "save face" by insisting that Heizer had never suggested power sharing as an option, and the interview with N. Heizer was misinterpreted. The mission of the new ASEAN Special Envoy, Prak Sokhonn, was not crowned with great success either. During his visit to Myanmar, he met only with representatives of the regime and did not meet with all interested parties, which contradicts the five-point consensus.
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KUCHERENKO, Grigory N. "REAM NAVAL BASE AS ONE OF THE FACTORS OF TENSION IN RELATIONS BETWEEN CHINA AND THE UNITED STATES." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(60) (2023): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2023-4-3-60-102-109.
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Since gaining independence, the Kingdom of Cambodia has been striving for neutrality in its foreign policy, which includes a ban on the deployment of foreign troops on its territory, refusal to join military-political blocs, and balancing the interests of China and the United States. At the same time, military cooperation with the PRC is perceived by Washington negatively. This article examines the impact of the Ream naval base on the interaction between Phnom Penh and the two superpowers, as well as on Chinese-US relations.
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Ear, Sophal. "Aid Dependence in Cambodia: How Foreign Assistance Undermines Democracy." CONTEMPORARY SOUTHEAST ASIA 35, no. 2 (2013): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs35-2g.
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Gunn, Geoffrey C. "Cambodia: Progress and Challenges since 1991 and Aid Dependence in Cambodia: How Foreign Assistance Undermines Democracy." Asian Affairs 44, no. 2 (July 2013): 318–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.795373.
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Hess, Gary R., John P. Glennon, Edward C. Keefer, and David W. Mabon. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955-1957. Vol. 21: East Asian Security; Cambodia; Laos." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 809. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081397.
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Young, Sokphea. "Protests, Regulations, and Environmental Accountability in Cambodia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 38, no. 1 (April 2019): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419845515.
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In the realm of global environmental governance, accountability has been key to the debate concerning pervasive environmental deterioration. Among the factors underlying this deterioration, a perceived challenge is the lack of clear mechanisms for identifying to whom the actors in environmental governance in general, and in other sectors, for example, hydropower, agricultural land, mining, and infrastructure in particular, are accountable to for their actions. To investigate the challenge of this situation, this article explores the ways in which the protest movements of grass-roots communities and non-governmental organizations endeavour to hold government and foreign corporations accountable for the actions they have taken which have contributed to environmental degradation in Cambodia. Drawing on two case studies, this article argues that these protest movements have played an increasing role in requiring environmental accountability from both government and corporations.
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Marcum, John A. "Angola: The Present Opportunity." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 17, no. 1 (1988): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050078x.
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As remote and improbable a venue for a crisis in American foreign policy as Quemoy or the Gulf of Tonkin, Angola (1975) came to assume a Munich-like symbolism in the calculations of Americans who perceived a threat of Soviet expansionism into the third world during the latter years of the Brezhnev era. Smarting from a political/military shutout in Angola that came on the heels of a humiliating American exodus from Saigon, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger pointed to Angola as the “principal” cause of a deterioration in U.S.-Soviet relations. Subsequent policy confrontations over Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Nicaragua and Cambodia reinforced this perception of Angola as the beginning of the end of detente.
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Vershinina, Valeria V., Ekaterina V. Koldunova, and Nikita S. Kuklin. "Southeast Asian States’ Approaches to Peacekeeping and Conflict Resolution." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 265–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-2-265-277.
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This paper conducts a comparative analysis of three cases - Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam - to examine the distinctive features of Southeast Asian states’ involvement in peacekeeping. These cases provide representative insights into the motivations and experiences of regional states that joined UN peacekeeping operations at different historical junctures: Indonesia in the 1950s, Thailand in the 1990s, and Vietnam in the 2000s. By identifying the common and unique aspects of this engagement, the authors argue that Southeast Asian nations’ approaches to peacekeeping are deeply rooted in the values that underpin their foreign and domestic policies. Appealing to these values, Southeast Asian states contribute conceptual innovations to existing peacekeeping models, which are predominantly based on Western perspectives. By generalizing the peacekeeping experiences of Southeast Asian states, this paper fills a gap between broader publications that focus on Asian peacekeeping practices and single-country studies. The research underscores that Southeast Asian states, following a challenging period of decolonization and nation-building in the framework imposed by the Westphalian international relations system, have been trying to infuse their own approaches into the Westernized realm of international interaction. Since the 1950s, several regional states have participated in UN peacekeeping operations. The involvement of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in resolving the Cambodian conflict in the late 1980s and the Thailand - Cambodia settlement in 2008-2011 has stimulated the development of regional peacekeeping practices. By contributing to peacekeeping operations, Southeast Asian states aspire to enhance their regional and even global influence. In certain instances, their engagement in peacekeeping has ideological, cultural or religious motivations, or stems from specific foreign and domestic policy considerations.
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Aba, Fransiskus Xaverius Lara. "Institutional Change and Macroeconomic Variables in the ASEAN—Indonesia, Vietnam, and Cambodia: The Effects of a Trade War between China and USA." Economies 9, no. 4 (December 9, 2021): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies9040195.
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A trade war between the United States and China resulted in an increase in trade tariffs on imported goods entering each of these countries. Southeast Asian countries that have trade relations with the two countries, especially in terms of non-oil and gas exports of 25% to 35%, will be affected by export demand. Furthermore, the effects of the trade war will reduce gross domestic product (GDP) in Southeast Asian countries or the ASEAN and increase the current account deficit. On the other hand, the effects of the trade war that led to the decision of foreign investors to move their manufacturing base out of China will produce a flow of foreign investment that is ready to be captured by every ASEAN country.
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Grimm, Sonja. "Aid Dependence in Cambodia: How Foreign Assistance Undermines Democracy. By Sophal Ear. New York: Columbia University Press, 2012. 208p. $60.00." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 1 (March 2016): 272–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592715004181.
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Path, Kosal. "The Origins and Evolution of Vietnam's Doi Moi Foreign Policy of 1986." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 8, no. 2 (March 20, 2020): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2020.3.
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AbstractDrawing on new archival evidence, this paper focuses on the origins of Vietnam's foreign economic policy of 1986, better known as doi moi (renovation). The existing scholarship contends that doi moi ideas emerged amid Vietnam's socio-economic crisis during the late 1970s through a bottom-up process of market-oriented activities by local authorities. I argue, however, that these scholars overlooked the early ideas of economically engaging the West to obtain advanced technology to raise the Vietnamese products’ quality, and therefore, their competitiveness in the socialist bloc. Following the Paris Peace Accords in January 1973, Vietnamese diplomats-turned reformists studied the role of western technology and capital investment in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The Politburo entrusted Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Nguyen Co Thach, a senior advisor to Hanoi's chief negotiator Le Duc Tho in Paris, to conduct a series of clandestine studies on the role of western technology in economic relations between East and West. Thach's learning about the West's technological revolution led them to the shocking conclusion that the Soviet bloc was at least a decade behind the West in technological development. The fear of Vietnam being trapped in economic backwardness propelled these reformers to advocate bold ideas of economically engaging the West in the post-Vietnam War era to extract advanced technology to support post-war economic development and modernisation. However, it took an economic crisis (1977–78), followed by another costly two-front war against Cambodia and China between 1979 and 1985, for reformist Nguyen Co Thach's ideas to prevail over the conservative faction's military-first policy.
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Bunthorn, Khath. "Soft Power in India’s Act East Policy: A Cambodian Perspective." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 79, no. 2 (June 2023): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284231165110.
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In the contemporary multipolar world order, great powers are on the rise. As they possess coercive hard power, they also tend to have persuasive soft power in international relations. Soft power has become one of the most important dimensions of the foreign policies of great powers. Over the past decades, the use of soft power in the Asian context has gained significant traction. As an emerging power, India has begun to realise the usefulness of its rich culture and ancient civilisation as an indispensable source of soft power in the practice of public diplomacy. Specifically, New Delhi has utilised soft power in its Act East Policy (AEP) towards Southeast Asia, where historical connections and cultural legacy are deep between the two regions. In this context, the article examines the concept of soft power and its implications in India’s AEP. It argues that rather than asserting influence on the recipient country, India’s soft power is instrumental in building its international image as a benign power in international politics. The article looks at Cambodia as a case study to see how India’s international image has been perceived in the Southeast Asian kingdom, given that both countries share strong cultural and civilisational links.
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Wang, Jianwei. "Chinese Perspectives on Multilateral Security Cooperation." Asian Perspective 22, no. 3 (December 1998): 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.1998.a921090.
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Abstract: The article examines China’s evolving perceptions and consequent policy changes regarding multilateral security cooperation in the post-cold war period. At the global level the article discusses China’s changed atttitude toward UN peacekeeping operations. Since the early 1980s, China has gradually endorsed their legitimacy and increased its contribution and participation. While China in general supports most Chapter VI operations, it is nevertheless more reluctant to vote for Chapter VII operations. China’s involvement in the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) is analyzed to illustrate its cognitive and policy limitations. At the regional level, the article explores Chinese policy on various initiatives of multilateral security consultation and cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region, including relations with ASEAN and the multilateral security talks on the Korean peninsula. Overall, China has been more cautious about security multilateralism than about economic multilateralism. Yet in the Chinese foreign policy establishment, “new thinking on security cooperation” has been taking shape. It emphasizes a low degree of institutionalization, non-military alliances, and economic security.
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Clymer, Kenton J. "Christopher Brady, United tates Foreign Policy Towards Cambodia, 1977–92: A Question of Realities. New York: St.Martin's Press, 1999. 227 pp. $65.00." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 1 (January 2001): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2001.3.1.146.
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Bourdier, Frédéric. "From Confrontation to Mediation: Cambodian Farmers Expelled by a Vietnamese Company." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 38, no. 1 (April 2019): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419845537.
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Concessions granted to investors in Cambodia have generated a deep sense of insecurity in rural forested areas. Villagers are not confined to a passive “everyday resistance of the poor,” as mentioned by James Scott, insofar as they frequently engage in frontal strategies for recovering land. Such has been the case in the northeastern provinces, where indigenous livelihoods are recurrently threatened by foreign and national companies. But what happens when a land conflict ends up in a stakeholder dialogue? The article intends to follow such a story that occurred for the first time in Ratanakiri, in a vast territory inhabited by several ethnic groups. After gruelling hostilities with the encroacher, dispossessed farmers finally accepted, encouraged by international/national NGOs, to comply with existing mechanisms associated with international law regulations and World Bank procedures. It ends up in an institutionalised mediation, technical and apolitical, which turned to the disadvantage of the people, with evident power imbalance. Our analysis, while portraying the trajectories of national/international actors involved in the mediation process, reveals the effects on this mediation on local sociopolitical organisations.
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Shao, Kuo-kang. "Zhou Enlai's Diplomacy and the Neutralization of Indo-China, 1954–55." China Quarterly 107 (September 1986): 483–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000039874.
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A vital key to Zhou Enlai's diplomacy in Indo-China during 1954 and 1955 was his systematic effort to “neutralize” the region. Zhou, as Chinese premier and foreign minister, laid the foundations of China's approach to Indo-China. Subsequently, his policy of neutralization and its application to Indo-China focused on the enlargement of the “area of collective peace” along China's southern frontiers. This general formula reflected Zhou's primary concern for China's territorial security and economic development. In Zhou's estimation the immediate western military threat to China's security could be curbed effectively if Indo-China became a “neutralized” region in which the three local states, that is, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, were not allowed to enter into alliances with any outside major powers. Only by terminating French colonial domination in Indo-China and restraining major-power interference in the internal affairs of these three states could the peace and stability of Indo-China be secured.
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Ruan, Wen-Xi, Xin Yu, Sheng-Yuan Wang, Tian-Cheng Zhao, and Ya-Zhen Liu. "Exploration of China–ASEAN Trade Relations in the Context of Sustainable Economic Development—Based on the Lotka–Volterra Model." Sustainability 15, no. 1 (December 28, 2022): 517. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su15010517.
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The concept of sustainable development as a consensus is being recognized and practiced by the international community, and how to promote China–ASEAN trade relations and stable and sustainable economic development is an important guarantee for the coordinated economic development of the region. This paper studies the trade relationship between China and the ten ASEAN countries by using the theory of ecological population evolution and determines the ecological trade relationship between China and the ten ASEAN countries by establishing the Lotka–Volterra model of the evolution of two populations—the relationship of competition, the relationship of partial benefit, and the relationship of mutually beneficial symbiosis—so as to analyze the degree of trade friction between the two sides and propose corresponding strategies for coordinated development of the regional economy. According to the results of the population evolution competition model, there is a competitive relationship between China, Brunei, and Vietnam, which may cause trade friction. China has a trade-biased relationship with Indonesia, Cambodia, Malaysia, and Singapore, which is less likely to cause trade friction. China’s trade with Laos, Myanmar, the Philippines, and Thailand is mutually beneficial. The possibility of trade friction is low, and the trade relationship between China and ASEAN as a whole is also mutually beneficial. On this basis, in order to further enhance the trade relations between PRC and the ten ASEAN countries and promote the coordinated development of the regional economy, this paper puts forward the policy suggestions of improving infrastructure, strengthening independent innovation, seeking cooperation areas, and actively investing in foreign direct investment.
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Neak, Vibol. "A Relation Shaped by Geopolitical Ambitions: The United States and Cambodia during the Cold War." IKAT: The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 3, no. 1 (August 16, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ikat.v3i1.44992.
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The diplomatic relation between the United States and Cambodia began during the Cold War, before Cambodia achieved independence from France in 1953. This article examines the political constellation between the two states during the Cold War. The United States had been an ally and a firm supporter of Cambodia at certain times, while also being controversial enemies in other moments. The relationship worsened during the Cold War, and the two countries had gone from allies to enemies. It could be argued that the relationship deteriorated due to several reasons: the US’ foreign policy, which was crafted to contain communism, Cambodia’s failure to be truly neutral as it was often biased to the communist bloc, and the impact of third-party states.
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Yanti, Efi Afrida, Yusrawati Hasibuan, Ardiana Batubara, and Yusniar Siregar. "EFEKTIFITAS PENYULUHAN MEDIA LEAFLET DAN METODE CERAMAH TERHADAP PENGETAHUAN DAN SIKAP SISWI TENTANG PERNIKAHAN DINI DI SMA NEGERI 1 PANCUR BATU DELI SERDANG TAHUN 2019." COLOSTRUM : Jurnal Kebidanan 1, no. 2 (July 8, 2020): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.36911/colostrum.v1i2.690.
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Introduction: The Council Foreign Relations (CFR) study states that the phenomenon of child marriage is found in many parts of the world. Indonesia is one of the countries with the highest percentage of child marriages in the world (rank 37) and the second highest in ASEAN after Cambodia (WHO 2016).
Methods: This type of research used quantitative research methods used are quasi-experimental (quasi-experimental) with pretest-posttest two group design. This study aims to determine how the effectiveness of media counseling, leaflets and lecture methods against student knowledge and attitudes about early marriage at SMA Negeri 1 Pancur Batu. This research was conducted in SMA Negeri 1 Pancur Batu with a population of 124 students with a sample of 55 students.
Results and Discussion: The results of the study found that the average knowledge of students about early marriage before being given health education with leaflet media was (21.4%) and after being given health education was (28.6%). While the results of the lecture method can be obtained that the average knowledge of students about early marriage before being given health education was (3.6%) and after being given health education by the lecture method was (89.3%).
Conclusion:.The conclusion of this research was that the Lecture Method is more effective in increasing students' knowledge and attitudes about early marriage compared to the media leaflets.
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Siekmann, Robert. "The Development of the United Nations Law Concerning Peace-Keeping Operations." Leiden Journal of International Law 5, no. 2 (October 1992): 273–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650000251x.
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Especially as a consequence of the termination of the Cold War, the détente in the relations between East en West (Gorbachev's ‘new thinking’ in foreign policy matters) and, finally, the disappearance of the Soviet Union, the number of UN peace-keeping operations substantially increased in recent years. One could even speak of a ‘proliferation’. Until 1988 the number of operations was twelve (seven peace-keeping forces: UNEF ‘I’ and ‘II’, ONUC, UNHCYP, UNSF (West New Guinea), UNDOF AND UNIFIL; and five military observer missions: UNTSO, UNMOGIP, UNOGIL, UNYOM and UNIPOM). Now, three forces and seven observer missions can be added. The forces are MINURSO (West Sahara), UNTAC (Cambodia) and UNPROFOR (Yugoslavia); the observer groups: UNGOMAP (Afghanistan/Pakistan), UNIIMOG (Iran/Iraq), UNAVEM ‘I’ and ‘II’ (Angola), ONUCA (Central America), UNIKOM (Iraq/Kuwait) and ONUSAL (El Salvador). UNTAG (Namibia), which was established in 1978, could not become operational until 1989 as a result of the new political circumstances in the world. So, a total of twenty-three operations have been undertaken, of which almost fifty percent was established in the last five years, whereas the other half was the result of decisions taken by the United Nations in the preceding forty years (UNTSO dates back to 1949). In the meantime, some ‘classic’ operations are being continued (UNTSO, UNMOGIP, UNFICYP, UNDOF, and UNIFIL), whereas some ‘modern’ operations already have been terminated as planned (UNTAG, UNGOMAP, UNIIMOG, UNAVEM ‘I’ and ‘II’, and ONUCA). At the moment (July 1992) eleven operations are in action – the greatest number in the UN history ever.
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Krasner, Stephen D. "State, Power, Anarchism." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 1 (March 2011): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003312.
Full textAbstract:
The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia.By James C. Scott. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009. 464p. $35.00.The book under discussion is James C. Scott's latest contribution to the study of agrarian politics, culture, and society, and to the ways that marginalized communities evade or resist projects of state authority. The book offers a synoptic history of Upland Southeast Asia, a 2.5 million–kilometer region of hill country spanning Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Burma, and China. It offers a kind of “area study.” It also builds on Scott's earlier work on “hidden transcripts” of subaltern groups and on “seeing like a state.” The book raises many important theoretical questions about research methods and social inquiry, the relationship between political science and anthropology, the nature of states, and of modernity more generally. The book is also deeply relevant to problems of “state-building” and “failed states” in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. As Scott writes, “The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and state-making cannot be understood apart from it. This is also what makes it an anarchist history” (p. x).In this symposium, I have invited a number of prominent political and social scientists to comment on the book, its historical narrative, and its broader theoretical implications for thinking about power, state failure, state-building, and foreign policy. How does the book shed light on the limits of states and the modes of resistance to state authority? Are there limits, theoretical and normative, to this “anarchist” understanding of governance and the “art of being governed”?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Roberts, Neil. "State, Power, Anarchism." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 1 (March 2011): 84–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003324.
Full textAbstract:
The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. By James C. Scott. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009. 464p. $35.00.The book under discussion is James C. Scott's latest contribution to the study of agrarian politics, culture, and society, and to the ways that marginalized communities evade or resist projects of state authority. The book offers a synoptic history of Upland Southeast Asia, a 2.5 million–kilometer region of hill country spanning Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Burma, and China. It offers a kind of “area study.” It also builds on Scott's earlier work on “hidden transcripts” of subaltern groups and on “seeing like a state.” The book raises many important theoretical questions about research methods and social inquiry, the relationship between political science and anthropology, the nature of states, and of modernity more generally. The book is also deeply relevant to problems of “state-building” and “failed states” in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. As Scott writes, “The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and state-making cannot be understood apart from it. This is also what makes it an anarchist history” (p. x).In this symposium, I have invited a number of prominent political and social scientists to comment on the book, its historical narrative, and its broader theoretical implications for thinking about power, state failure, state-building, and foreign policy. How does the book shed light on the limits of states and the modes of resistance to state authority? Are there limits, theoretical and normative, to this “anarchist” understanding of governance and the “art of being governed”?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Greenhouse, Carol J. "State, Power, Anarchism." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 1 (March 2011): 88–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003336.
Full textAbstract:
The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. By James C. Scott. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009. 464p. $35.00.The book under discussion is James C. Scott's latest contribution to the study of agrarian politics, culture, and society, and to the ways that marginalized communities evade or resist projects of state authority. The book offers a synoptic history of Upland Southeast Asia, a 2.5 million–kilometer region of hill country spanning Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Burma, and China. It offers a kind of “area study.” It also builds on Scott's earlier work on “hidden transcripts” of subaltern groups and on “seeing like a state.” The book raises many important theoretical questions about research methods and social inquiry, the relationship between political science and anthropology, the nature of states, and of modernity more generally. The book is also deeply relevant to problems of “state-building” and “failed states” in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. As Scott writes, “The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and state-making cannot be understood apart from it. This is also what makes it an anarchist history” (p. x).In this symposium, I have invited a number of prominent political and social scientists to comment on the book, its historical narrative, and its broader theoretical implications for thinking about power, state failure, state-building, and foreign policy. How does the book shed light on the limits of states and the modes of resistance to state authority? Are there limits, theoretical and normative, to this “anarchist” understanding of governance and the “art of being governed”?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Manicas, Peter. "State, Power, Anarchism." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 1 (March 2011): 92–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003348.
Full textAbstract:
The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. By James C. Scott. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009. 464p. $35.00.The book under discussion is James C. Scott's latest contribution to the study of agrarian politics, culture, and society, and to the ways that marginalized communities evade or resist projects of state authority. The book offers a synoptic history of Upland Southeast Asia, a 2.5 million–kilometer region of hill country spanning Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Burma, and China. It offers a kind of “area study.” It also builds on Scott's earlier work on “hidden transcripts” of subaltern groups and on “seeing like a state.” The book raises many important theoretical questions about research methods and social inquiry, the relationship between political science and anthropology, the nature of states, and of modernity more generally. The book is also deeply relevant to problems of “state-building” and “failed states” in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. As Scott writes, “The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and state-making cannot be understood apart from it. This is also what makes it an anarchist history” (p. x).In this symposium, I have invited a number of prominent political and social scientists to comment on the book, its historical narrative, and its broader theoretical implications for thinking about power, state failure, state-building, and foreign policy. How does the book shed light on the limits of states and the modes of resistance to state authority? Are there limits, theoretical and normative, to this “anarchist” understanding of governance and the “art of being governed”?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Clunan, Anne. "State, Power, Anarchism." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 1 (March 2011): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271000335x.
Full textAbstract:
The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. By James C. Scott. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009. 464p. $35.00.The book under discussion is James C. Scott's latest contribution to the study of agrarian politics, culture, and society, and to the ways that marginalized communities evade or resist projects of state authority. The book offers a synoptic history of Upland Southeast Asia, a 2.5 million–kilometer region of hill country spanning Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Burma, and China. It offers a kind of “area study.” It also builds on Scott's earlier work on “hidden transcripts” of subaltern groups and on “seeing like a state.” The book raises many important theoretical questions about research methods and social inquiry, the relationship between political science and anthropology, the nature of states, and of modernity more generally. The book is also deeply relevant to problems of “state-building” and “failed states” in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. As Scott writes, “The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and state-making cannot be understood apart from it. This is also what makes it an anarchist history” (p. x).In this symposium, I have invited a number of prominent political and social scientists to comment on the book, its historical narrative, and its broader theoretical implications for thinking about power, state failure, state-building, and foreign policy. How does the book shed light on the limits of states and the modes of resistance to state authority? Are there limits, theoretical and normative, to this “anarchist” understanding of governance and the “art of being governed”?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Jayaraman, T. K., Thurai Murugan Nathan, and Cheong-Fatt Ng. "Remittances and growth nexus in three transitional countries in the ASEAN region: A panel study with Static Random Effect Model." Remittances Review 6, no. 1 (May 26, 2021): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/rr.v6i1.1138.
Full textAbstract:
Inward remittances (REM) are playing a major part in the economic growth process in the East Asia and Pacific region. Among the ten members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), six are low middle income countries (LMICs), which are supported by growing annual remittances from the rest of the world as well as four members of ASEAN, namely Brunei and Singapore, which are, two high income countries; and two upper middle income countries namely Malaysia and Thailand. Aside from augmenting real resources in the form of foreign exchange reserves, REM contributes to the alleviation of poverty by supplementing the recipient households’ incomes. Among the six LMICS of ASEAN, three countries, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, known as transitional countries since the mid-1990s towards a full market regime, received much less attention from researchers due to the inadequate number of annual data series for empirical studies. This paper is an attempt to fill the gap by a panel econometric study on REM and growth nexus during the 18-year period (2000-17). The findings are: (i) the REM inflows have been promoting economic growth; and (ii) the spread of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) has had a positive and significant influence, thereby confirming the similar finding of studies elsewhere that ICT plays an effective contingent role in the remittance-growth nexus.
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Rogozhina, N. "The Countries of Southeast Asia and the Chinese Initiative Belt and Road: a Model of Interaction." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 10 (2021): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-10-91-102.
Full textAbstract:
The choice of the countries of Southeast Asia as an example for analyzing the nature of interaction between developing countries and China within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is not accidental. The very logic of China’s stated goals of gaining dominant positions in the world economy and politics makes it inevitable that the countries of Southeast Asia located in geographic proximity to it are included in its long-term economic and political plans. The question, however, is to what extent do they meet the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves? The solution to this question is the main subject of research in the article. There are objective prerequisites for mutually beneficial cooperation. The Belt and Road projects are viewed by China as a tool for economic expansion into the region with the prospect of taking a leading position there, using the interest of Southeast Asian countries in the inflow of foreign investment to create modern infrastructure, the lack of which narrows their opportunities for further economic growth, maintaining competitiveness and developing integration ties within ASEAN Community. Expert assessments made by international organizations confirm the positive impact of OBOR projects on the economic development of Southeast Asian countries and although today it is too early to draw any conclusions, since the initiative is only at the initial stage of its implementation in the region, nevertheless the case studies presented in the article indicate a mismatch in the positions of the parties on a number of issues related to the financing of projects, their lack of transparency. non-compliance with environmental and social requirements. The support of the initiative on the part of the Southeast Asian countries does not automatically mean their acceptance of the terms of the agreements proposed by China, which are far from always consistent with their national interests and give rise to fears in society about its expansionist intentions. Therefore, in many Southeast Asian countries, participation in OBOR projects is turning into a subject of political discourse, which reflects the presence of disagreements in society and confrontation of interests regarding the advisability of rapprochement with China, given the associated economic and political risks. The countries of Southeast Asia can be conditionally divided into two groups according to their relation to the Belt and Road initiative. The first group includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar, whose position can be described as national pragmatism. While supporting the Chinese initiative in general, they nevertheless assess the possible risks of their participation in projects and seek to reduce them. The second group is represented by Laos and Cambodia, whose leadership unconditionally supports the Chinese initiative, guided by the interests of their own survival, which largely depends on Chinese assistance. Therefore, the prospect of falling into a debt trap and increasing economic dependence on the PRC and even the threat of losing sovereignty does not deter them from participating in highly controversial projects from a commercial point of view. Based on the analysis made, the author comes to the conclusion that, given the existing alignment of political forces in Southeast Asia, China can count on promoting its initiative in the region, which, however, does not automatically lead to an increase in its political influence and to the creation of a China-centric model of regional order. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (agreement № 075-15-2020-783).
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Form, Wolfgang. "Justice 30 Years Later? The Cambodian Special Tribunal for the Punishment of Crimes against Humanity by the Khmer Rouge." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 6 (November 2009): 889–923. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903230827.
Full textAbstract:
After a two-year tug-of-war between the US, the UN, and Phnom Penh, the Cambodian government, supported by massive international intervention, brought some of those accused of committing Khmer Rouge atrocities to trial before an independent court. The atrocities, which verged on genocide, were perpetrated between 1975 and 1979. The plan was to create a special tribunal consisting of both indigenous and foreign judges to try the perpetrators. Newspapers from 2002 reported that the first indictment would be issued some time during that year. As we know today, this proved to be a rosily optimistic prediction.
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Vinogradov, Ilia. "The Formation of a Strategic Partnership between China and Thailand: the Role of Belt and Road Initiative." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 2 (2024): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080029955-7.
Full textAbstract:
This article attempts to consider the features of formation the strategic partnership between the PRC and Thailand, by tracing bilateral relations from mutual hostility in the 1950s–1960s, establishing official contacts in the 1970s amid the changes in international politics and during the Cambodian crisis, as well as deepening cooperation on a bilateral and multilateral levels in the post-Cold War era. The important role of Thailand in the process of bridge-building between China and ASEAN is noted. The article notes that there is a consensus among the Thai elite on the need to strengthen cooperation with China, which gives Thailand new opportunities for economic growth. China is a major trading partner and key investor for Thailand and provides significant opportunities in realizing Thailand's ambitions to develop advanced technology and infrastructure. An important component of Thai foreign policy is balancing between Great Powers. However, after the 2014 coup d'etat amid deteriorating relations with the United States, Thailand's military elite significantly expanded its strategic partnership with the PRC. This is evidenced by the growing supply of Chinese military equipment and the scale of joint military exercises. Particular importance in strengthening cooperation is the development of the China–Laos–Thailand transport corridor within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, which provides countries with new logistics opportunities. The article notes that in negotiations with China, Thailand follows a policy of economic independence and consistently defends its national interests, which cause delays in the implementation of the project, but China is forced to reckon with this.
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Un, Kheang. "China’s Foreign Investment and Assistance: Implications for Cambodia’s Development and Democratization." Peace and Conflict Studies, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.46743/1082-7307/2009.1108.
Full textAbstract:
With a strong economy and newly acquired confidence following three decades of rapid economic expansion, China has pursued an outward looking policy based upon foreign direct investment, development assistance and trade targeting particularly the developing world. Such expansion has drawn concerns over its impact on human rights, democratization and the environment. This paper assesses these concerns by examining Sino-Cambodia relations over the past sixteen years. It concludes that while trade, development assistance, and investment have had positive effects on Cambodia’s economic development, concerns that these engagements have derailed deeper democratization in Cambodia are not deterministic. Cambodia’s authoritarian trajectory is less a product of China’s engagement and more of the Cambodian elites’ defiance of Western efforts at democratic promotion and belief in state developmentalism—economic prosperity with tight political control.
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TUNG, NGUYEN CONG. "Chinese Economic Statecraft in Southeast Asia and Its Uneven Impact in Laos and Cambodia." Issues & Studies, December 27, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s101325112350011x.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines how China has successfully translated its economic might into political clout in Laos and Cambodia. The country’s role as a major trading partner, foreign investor, and provider of aid to both countries has contributed substantially to their national development. This massive influx of Chinese investment and aid has also yielded positive results, as both countries have demonstrated a more accommodating attitude toward Beijing on a variety of issues. However, Chinese economic statecraft has had differing degrees of influence on the foreign policymaking of Laos and Cambodia, particularly with regard to their foreign policies toward Vietnam, a critical secondary state in Southeast Asia. While Cambodia has been less hesitant to bandwagon with China, Laos is still seeking to balance between China and Vietnam. This paper argues that Laos and Cambodia’s existing perceptions of Vietnam dictate in part how they respond to China’s economic inducements and affect the outcomes of Chinese economic statecraft.
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Khanh, Bui Nam. "CHINESE FACTOR IN CAMBODIA AND ITS IMPACT ON VIETNAM." VNU Journal of Foreign Studies 35, no. 5 (November 13, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.25073/2525-2445/vnufs.4421.
Full textAbstract:
Cambodia is a neighboring country with a close history, a traditional partner and a potential commercial market, and it has have an important position in Vietnam’s foreign policy. Therefore, the study of assessing the “big country” in Cambodia, including China and the impact on Vietnam is very necessary in both scientific and practical aspects. Through a historical approach and on the basis of international relations analysis, the article analyzes why the Chinese factor has increased in Cambodia in recent years. How is China’s relationship with Cambodia in the fields of politics - diplomacy, economy, defense, security, culture and communication? The article also indicates that the Chinese factor will increase in Cambodia in the near future and evaluates the impact of this issue on Vietnam.
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Ueda, Kenichi, and Chanthol Hay. "Design of a Central Bank Digital Currency in a Highly Dollarized Emerging Market Economy: The Case of Cambodia." Asian Economic Policy Review, March 20, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aepr.12464.
Full textAbstract:
Cambodia is one of the first two countries that adopted a retail central bank digital currency (CBDC) in October 2020. The design of the CBDC, called the Bakong, is a bit unique. We find a few design flaws that could potentially damage the central bank and then the Cambodian economy as a whole. We show some key statistics from our own survey in 2022 to support our arguments. The Bakong is offered in two currencies, the Khmer Riel (KHR) and the US dollar (USD), as Cambodia has been highly dollarized. We discuss theoretical predictions for the CBDC based on three kinds of substitutes: paper money, bank deposits, and foreign currencies. The third one is specific to the Bakong. Unlike a typical local currency CBDC, the USD Bakong may substitute for the KHR more. Moreover, it has been announced that the retail Bakong is legally not a liability of the central bank, but from the viewpoint of the underlying technology and economics, it is a central bank liability.
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Zhao, Xinlei. "The Hirschman effect re‐examined from the perspective of security perception: A case study of Southeast Asian countries and China." Asian Politics & Policy, July 2, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12750.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe dependency relationship in economic and trade cooperation between countries has long been a subject of ongoing debate among scholars of international relations. Albert Hirschman proposed his theory, known as the “Hirschman effect,” which examines how profit‐making groups influence the foreign policies of nations. However, this article contends that interest groups alone cannot fully account for the Hirschman effect. Through examining cases involving Southeast Asian countries and China, it becomes evident that security needs and interest preferences collectively influence the strength of the Hirschman effect between small and large countries. Specifically, Cambodia, Malaysia, and the Philippines illustrate varying degrees of the Hirschman effect, with Cambodia exhibiting a positive effect, Malaysia demonstrating a composite effect, and the Philippines displaying a negative effect.
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Kim, Eunji, and Sijeong Lim. "Can foreign aid improve the donor country's image among a third-party country's public? The case of a world heritage site restoration project." Japanese Journal of Political Science, February 6, 2023, 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109922000299.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This study explores whether and under what conditions foreign aid can help improve the donor country's image in countries that did not receive aid. We identified a world heritage site restoration project, which is visible, localized, has no political strings attached, and deals with global public good, as a most-likely type of foreign aid that can generate this positive effect. In light of the literature suggesting that tensions with the target country undermine public diplomacy effectiveness, we expect the positive effect will be more pronounced in non-recipient countries with which the donor country has a more amicable relationship. To empirically investigate our argument, we field a survey experiment in a developed non-aid-recipient country, Australia. We provide information to the Australian public about an aid project to restore the Angkor Monument in Cambodia conducted either by China or South Korea. We find that information on Korea's aid to Cambodia improves the image of Korea and the willingness to cooperate with the Korean government among Australians. No such effect, however, is observed in the case of similar aid by China whose relations with Australia have been strained in multiple domains. Our findings have policy implications for donor countries seeking to utilize the soft power element of foreign aid as a public diplomacy tool.
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Kouangpalath, Phimthong, and Karen Meijer. "Water-Energy Nexus in Shared River Basins: How Hydropower Shapes Cooperation and Coordination." Change and Adaptation in Socio-Ecological Systems 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cass-2015-0010.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe construction of hydropower plants on transboundary rivers is seldom done with equal benefits to all riparians, and therefore presents coordination and cooperation challenges. Without a supra-national authority in charge of transboundary river basins, coordination between sectors (water, energy and environment) and cooperation between countries largely depends on willingness of the individual nation states and the power relations between these countries. This paper discusses how the interests and relative power positions of actors in transboundary water management shape the outcomes, and what roles are played by River Basin Organisations and foreign investors (especially in hydropower development). These issues are illustrated with examples from the Mekong river in Southeast Asia (Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam), the Euphrates-Tigris (Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Iran and Kuwait) and the Çoruh in Turkey and Georgia.
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Grant, Hollie, and Philippe Le Billon. "Unrooted responses: Addressing violence against environmental and land defenders." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space, July 12, 2020, 239965442094151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654420941518.
Full textAbstract:
This study considers how participants in community forestry and development organizations respond to forest-related violence. The literature suggests that responses should seek to address the underlying causes of violence, enforce the rule of law, and promote human rights and political empowerment. Yet, these responses are often obstructed and neutralized by power relations and governance challenges, including pervasive corruption and patrimonialism. In Cambodia, the combination of distrust towards corrupt and abusive authorities, rigid legal-rational hierarchies and social conventions, as well as the belief that patrimonialism serves wealthy individuals and lack of awareness of rights makes it difficult to seek, and even less obtain justice for forest-related violence. Few communities, supporting NGOs and foreign donors appear willing and capable of addressing the roots of forest violence, leading to compromises undermining conservation objectives, systemic injustice, and continued exposure to violence for environmental and land defenders. The study points at four areas for further research to reduce the risks of physical harm for defenders, sustain community conservation objectives, and strengthen accountability for forest violence.
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Basiev, Marat S. "On the Theory of Deconcentration of Power." State power and local self-government, February 8, 2024, 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1813-1247-2024-2-16-20.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the issues of the theory of deconcentration in the domestic and foreign scientific literature. In this context, the author consistently examines the existing positions regarding the understanding of the category “deconcentration” and its relationship with the concept of “decentralization”, and also studies the types of deconcentration. In particular, it is noted that in the Russian legal system, unlike other countries, this term is not used. Thus, deconcentration as one of the factors of the organization of power has been reflected in France and Cambodia. However, despite the absence of mention in Russian legislation, this mechanism is widely used within the framework of the territorial organization of public administration. As for the literature, most researchers point out that deconcentration is one of the forms of decentralization of public power. At the same time, among other manifestations of the latter, it is characterized by the least degree of autonomy of local government structures. The author understands by deconcentration the movement of the central government to the periphery through the formation of territorial subjects (or the empowerment of local subjects) as agents (representatives) of the central government, characterized by relations of power and subordination and not involving the creation of a separate level of public authority. The article also touches upon the issue of classification of the types of the analyzed legal phenomenon.
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Nair, Deepak. "Populists in the shadow of great power competition: Duterte, Sukarno, and Sihanouk in comparative perspective." European Journal of International Relations, May 19, 2023, 135406612311738. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540661231173866.
Full textAbstract:
This article takes the study of populism beyond political parties and individual leaders and foregrounds coalitions in the making and unmaking of populist projects. It compares Rodrigo Duterte’s presidency in the Philippines with figures of an older vintage in postcolonial Southeast Asia—the Cold War neutralists President Sukarno of Indonesia and Prince Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia, neither of whom fit neatly within dominant frameworks of populism in International Relations (IR). Drawing on Rogers Brubaker’s conceptualization of populism as a “discursive and stylistic repertoire,” I argue that the projects of Duterte, Sukarno, and Sihanouk embody populism in general and are suggestive of a distinct type vis-à-vis right- or left-wing party and individual populists. Specifically, these are populists who presided over ideologically diverse coalitions in contexts of intrusive Great Power competition. This comparison advances the study of populism in IR in three ways. First, rather than populist political parties and leaders, this article focuses on populists crafting coalitions in contexts of weak party milieus. Second, it draws on a capacious conceptualization of populism (as repertoire) which pushes beyond exclusively “ideological,” “strategic,” and “discursive” conceptions and better accounts for the empirical diversity of this phenomenon outside Euro-American shores. Third, this article highlights a novel pathway by which international politics shapes the fates of populism. The three cases show how a strident discourse of anti-colonialism glued populists’ diverse coalitions at home, while populists’ external alignment choices and efforts to steer “independent” foreign policies exacerbated coalitional fault lines, straining, if not unraveling, their projects.
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"Recensions / Reviews." Canadian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 1 (March 2002): 175–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423902778220.
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