Relevant bibliographies by topics / Cameroon. National Federal Assembly

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Cameroon. National Federal Assembly'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 4 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Cameroon. National Federal Assembly"

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Ngara, Christopher Ochanja, and Albert T. Sam-Tsokwa. "Executive-Legislative Relations in Nigeria’s Management of the Border Crisis between Nigeria and Cameroon: The Case of the ICJ Ruling on the Bakassi Peninsula." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 2 (2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n2p61.

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This paper examines Executive-Legislative relations in Nigeria’s management of the border crisis between Nigeria and Cameroon with special focus on the ICJ ruling on the Bakassi Peninsula. Using both primary and secondary data, the paper traced the root cause of the border dispute between Nigeria and Cameroon on the Bakassi Pennisula to colonial legacy of arbitrary boundary demarcation by erstwhile colonial powers, namely; Britain, Germany and France. The border crisis resulted in a protracted litigation and eventually culminated in the ICJ ruling which awarded the Bakassi Peninsula to Cameroo
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Morse, Yonatan L. "The legislature as political control: change and continuity in Cameroon's National Assembly (1973–2019)." Journal of Modern African Studies 59, no. 4 (2021): 485–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x21000288.

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abstractA growing literature has begun to more closely examine African legislatures. However, most of this research has been attentive to emerging democratic settings, and particularly the experiences of a select number of English-speaking countries. By contrast, Cameroon is a Francophone majority country that reintroduced multiparty politics in the early 1990s but continues to exhibit significant authoritarian tendencies. This article provides a longitudinal analysis of Cameroon's National Assembly and builds on a unique biographical dataset of over 900 members of parliament between 1973 and
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Maderspacher, Alois. "The National Archives of Cameroon in Yaoundé and Buea." History in Africa 36 (2009): 453–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0009.

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Even in learned journals on African and imperial history, few references have been made to the records contained in the archives in Cameroon, West Africa. Kamerun was a German colony (Schutzgebiet) from 1884-1916/19. In 1911, the Germans took over New Cameroon (Neu Kamerun), 295,000 km2 of land of French Equatorial Africa, ceded during the second Morocco Crisis. After World War I this transaction was reversed and the German colony was separated into French and British League of Nations Mandates in 1919. These mandates were transformed into United Nations Trusteeships in 1946. Finally, French C
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Olawoyin, Adewale A. "Charting New Waters with Familiar Landmarks The Changing Face of Arbitration Law and Practice in Nigeria." Journal of International Arbitration 26, Issue 3 (2009): 373–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2009021.

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Nigeria is a federation and the rising profile of arbitration law and practice has brought to the fore questions regarding the validity of a substantive federal law on arbitration. The constitutional schematic of legislative competence between the National Assembly and the State Houses of Assembly has generated judicial discourse in other areas of the law which offer an insight into the proper interpretation of the relevant constitutional provisions. This article is a critique of the various arguments in favour of a substantive federal law on arbitration. It is argued, contrary to what appears
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Ileka, Justin C. "An Examination of the Presidential Power to Veto or Assent to Bills in Nigeria." Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 10, no. 6 (2022): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol10n66782.

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ABSTRACT: This paper examines the prerogative given the executive arm of the government to give assent to Bills passed by the legislature along with its corollary power to veto Bills passed by the legislature. This executive prerogative is expressly provided for in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended, which established the legislative, judicial, and executive branches of the government. This prerogative of assent or veto is exercisable by the President of the Federation in respect of Bills passed by the National Assembly or by the Governor of a State with respe
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Ofo, Nat. "Amending the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999." African Journal of Legal Studies 4, no. 2 (2011): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/170873811x577302.

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AbstractThe amendment of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 has not been free of controversies. The latest controversy dogging the amendment relates to whether or not it is necessary for the President to assent to the Bill of the National Assembly amending the Constitution, even after the amendment has been ratified by at least two-thirds of the Houses of Assembly of the States of the Federation. There are two schools of thought on this issue; each with sound arguments in support of their respective position. A dispassionate and realistic consideration of the issue has be
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Okafor, Obiora Chinedu. "Remarkable returns: the influence of a labour-led socio-economic rights movement on legislative reasoning, process and action in Nigeria, 1999–2007." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 2 (2009): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09003826.

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ABSTRACTDuring 1999–2007, a labour-led but broad-based socio-economic rights movement, which focused on a pro-poor (and therefore highly popular) anti-fuel price hike message, persuaded and/or pressured Nigeria's federal legislature, the National Assembly, to: mediate between it and the Executive Branch of Government; take it seriously enough to lobby it repeatedly; re-orient its legislative processes; explicitly oppose virtually all of the Executive Branch's fuel price hikes; and reject key anti-labour provisions in a government bill. Yet the movement did not always succeed in its efforts to
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Onyeaku, Chukwuka, and Tonye Clinton Jaja. "Teaching Constitutional Law Using Real-life Examples: An Example from the Practice of Assent to Bills Passed by the National Assembly After the Tenure of Office of the President and the Assembly." Asian Journal of Legal Education 7, no. 2 (2020): 140–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2322005820914567.

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As a matter of tradition and necessity, teachers of constitutional law within Nigeria (and elsewhere) are often compelled to refer to case law to provide illustrations of principles of constitutional law as enshrined in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended). However, in some instances, where the said constitution does not provide explicit provisions, teachers of constitutional law are compelled to cite foreign case law as persuasive precedents. Still there are instances wherein there are neither foreign case law nor indigenous case law as precedents. In such si
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Ogunsola, Adebowale. "COST OF GOVERNANCE AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF PRESIDENCY, NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AND JUDICIARY EXPENDITURE IN NIGERIA." Journal of Business Management and Accounting 13, no. 1 (2023): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jbma2023.13.1.2.

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It is expected that increase in cost of governance by government should bring about a commensurate increase in the level of economic development of a country, but this seems not to be the case in Nigeria. It is on this premise that the study investigated how cost of governance is related to economic development in Nigeria. The focus of the study is on how presidency expenditure, national assembly expenditure and federal judiciary expenditure are related to economic development (unemployment rate, gross domestic product per capita and inflation rate). The study used time series methodology and
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Nyewusira, Vincent, and Kenneth Nweke. "Anti-Corruption Crusade in Nigeria: An Assessment of the Disposition of the National Assembly (1999-2013)." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4-1 (2017): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0090.

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Abstract Corruption has inadvertently been elevated to a state or national policy with all the symptoms of a hemorrhaging system. While any aggressive and purposeful anti-corruption crusade will always generate popular support and acclaim in Nigeria, it is sure to provoke anger, frustration and resistance among the political class with vested interest in the status quo. Periodically, the National Assembly, whose members largely belong to the latter group, is one of the institutions vested with the constitutional responsibility of preventing and exposing corruption, inefficiency and waste in th
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cameroon. National Federal Assembly"

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Schwaitzer, Lenora de Beaurepaire da Silva. "A Justiça Federal na Era Vargas." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/10265.

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Submitted by lenora schwaitzer (lenoraschwaitzer@yahoo.com) on 2012-11-28T00:02:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 lenora_dissertacao.pdf: 25317204 bytes, checksum: 87a05a2d1b30cbd0b9aeb203afc7ac1e (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Rafael Aguiar (rafael.aguiar@fgv.br) on 2012-11-28T18:21:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lenora_dissertacao.pdf: 25317204 bytes, checksum: 87a05a2d1b30cbd0b9aeb203afc7ac1e (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-11-29T11:16:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lenora_dissertacao.pdf: 25317204 bytes, checksum: 87a05a2d1b30c
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Books on the topic "Cameroon. National Federal Assembly"

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Le sénat au Cameroun et en Afrique: Vade-mecum. L'Harmattan, 2011.

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Meyolo, Joël Narcisse. L'assemblée nationale fédérale du Cameroun (1962-1973): Épicentre de la construction d'une identité narrative camerounaise. Les Presses Universitaires de Yaoundé, 2019.

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Dzeukou, Eric Serge. Les députés du Cameroun =: Cameroonian members of Parliament, 2007-2012. Éditions juridiques camerounaises, 2010.

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4

Cameroon. Règlement de l'Assemblée nationale: Loi no 73/1 du 8 juin 1973 modifiée par la Loi no 89/13 du 28 juillet 1989, et textes annexes. République du Cameroun, 1989.

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(Cameroon), Social Democratic Front. Comments on some aspects of the Electoral Law No. 91/020 of 16/12/91 to lay down conditions covering the election of members of parliament in Cameroon. Social Democratic Front, 1992.

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Cameroon. Code électoral de la République du Cameroun: Loi no 91-020 du 16 décembre 1991, fixant les conditions d'élection des députés à l'Assemblée nationale. République du Cameroun, 1991.

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Cameroon. Electoral code of the Republic of Cameroon. Republic of Cameroon, 1991.

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(Cameroon), Social Democratic Front, ed. Pour des élections véritablement démocratiques au Cameroun: Propositions du S.D.F. Front social démocratique, 1992.

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Eyinga, Abel. Cameroun, 1960-1989, la fin des élections: Un cas d'évolution régressive de la démocratie. L'Harmattan, 1990.

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Guiffo, Jean-Philippe. Le parlement au Cameroun. Éditions de l'Essoah, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Cameroon. National Federal Assembly"

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Waseem, Mohammad. "Constitutional Dynamics." In Political Conflict in Pakistan. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197631300.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on law as politics in the context of constitutionalism operating as a handmaiden of various contenders for power. First, the issue of parliamentary sovereignty became a source of conflict between the elected and non-elected institutions. While the parliament's strength drew upon the mass mandate, the extra-parliamentary forces used the corruption-accountability-nexus to weaken this institution. The judiciary repeatedly authenticated the dissolution of the National Assembly. Second, the federal project suffered the same fate through dismissal of provincial governments by the Centre, provincial autonomy denied de jure and--after the 18<sup>th</sup> Amendment--de facto, and a clash between Islamabad and provincial capitals, especially Karachi. Third, Islamization of laws took a leap forward under Zia's military government, along with a parallel judicial system in the form of Federal Sharia Court. All this led to a religious sub-system in Pakistan.
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Nikitin, Viktor V. "Russia’s foreign policy in the age of Boris Yeltsin through the eyes of Slovak diplomats (1993–1999)." In A Stranger’s Gaze: Diplomats, Journalists, Scholars — Travellers between East and West from the Eighteenth Century to the Twenty-First. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; Nestor-Istoriia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/4469-1767-9.10.

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ased on archival documents from the Embassy of the Slovak Republic in Moscow, which are being introduced into scholarly use for the first time, this essay discusses the two basic approaches of Slovak diplomats to Russian foreign policy. The first approach, utilised during the era of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Andrei V. Kozyrev, was described by Slovak representatives in Russia criticising its pro-Western policy that they said did not meet Russian national interests, but was then being pursued by the then top of the Russian Foreign Ministry. They saw the main problems of Russian diplomacy as being the deterioration of the socio-economic situation of the population of the Russian Federation on the one hand, and Kozyrev's emphasis on “strategic partnership” with the United States on the other, which gave rise to growing anti-American sentiments both among the political elite and the Russian electorate. This led, in particular, to a situation where even the most important bilateral agreements between Russia and the United States were perceived by the deputies of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation as a betrayal of Russian national interests. The second approach, which appeared in Slovak diplomatic reports under the next head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Evgeny M. Primakov, was characterised by, after modifying both their rhetoric and approach to foreign policy, criticism of the minister, which resulted in an attempt by Western countries, especially the United States, to have him removed from his post. This is because Slovakia did not need even a hint of a conflict between Russia and the West, since both the Western and the post-Soviet spaces became the most important and, in a sense, even irreplaceable areas of Slovak foreign policy.
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Toal, Gerard. "Geopolitical Catastrophe." In Near Abroad. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190253301.003.0008.

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On April 25, 2005, President Vladimir Putin addressed the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. In his lengthy speech Putin laid out a series of priorities for the Russian state in the coming decade. These priorities were not new—he had spoken about them in a similar address the year before—and their central aim was well known, “to build,” as he put it in his address, “an effective state system within the current national borders.” However, it was not Putin’s discussion of democracy and corruption in state institutions that generated headlines in the Western media. Instead it was Putin’s prologue for his reform agenda: . . . Above all, we should acknowledge that the collapse of the Soviet Union was a major geopolitical disaster of the century. As for the Russian nation, it became a genuine drama. Tens of millions of our co-citizens and compatriots found themselves outside Russian territory. Moreover, the epidemic of disintegration infected Russia itself. Individual savings were depreciated, and old ideals destroyed. Many institutions were disbanded or reformed carelessly. Terrorist intervention and the Khasavyurt capitulation [the agreement that ended the first Chechen war] that followed damaged the country’s integrity. Oligarchic groups—possessing absolute control over information channels— served exclusively their own corporate interests. Mass poverty began to be seen as the norm. And all this was happening against the backdrop of a dramatic economic downturn, unstable finances, and the paralysis of the social sphere. Many thought or seemed to think at the time that our young democracy was not a continuation of Russian statehood, but its ultimate collapse, the prolonged agony of the Soviet system. But they were mistaken. . . . Putin’s rhetorical device was a conventional decline-and-renewal trope, describing the era of national decline and humiliation that set the stage for his heroic mission of restoring Russia’s strength and capacity. However, Associated Press and BBC news service reports on the speech focused only on one phrase, to which they gave a different translation from that released by the Kremlin (cited above).
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Klepeis, Peter, and Rinku Roy Chowdhury. "Institutions, Organizations, and Policy Affecting Land Change: Complexity Within and Beyond the Ejido." In Integrated Land-Change Science and Tropical Deforestation in the Southern Yucatan. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199245307.003.0017.

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Despite decades of colonization and development initiatives, the southern Yucatán peninsular region remains an economic frontier. The term ‘frontier’, however, hides a complex political economy of social, political, and economic structures in which land managers operate. Presently, multiple interest groups vie for influence, increasingly positioning themselves around sustainability concerns, and attempting to reconcile the competing goals of economic development and environmental preservation. The major political institutions and organizations promoting conservation and development in the region fit into five categories: federally decreed land management regimes, federal and state secretariats, local community-based groups and institutions, national non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and international accords. These institutions and organizations aim to influence land-use decisions in the dominant land access unit, the ejido. The relationships among ejidos, social movements, NGOs, government policy, and international activity in the region are examined here, highlighting how even within a frontier economy, conservation and development visions increasingly influence resource use. Before the Mexican revolution of 1910–17, 96 per cent of Mexico’s rural people were landless (Sinha 1984). These rural poor supported the revolution, in large part, to break up grand haciendas (estates) and to allow campesinos (peasants) access to agricultural land. Ejidos, one of four landtenure types federally mandated, were designed to provide campesinos access to land that could not be transferred easily and thereby taken from them. Based on interpretations of pre-Hispanic land tenure, Article 27 of the Constitution established ejido land to be communal, ruled by an ejido assembly (consisting of all members with land rights in the ejido, or ejidatarios), and used in ejido-defined usufruct. Prior to 1992, when the law was reformed, ejidatarios were prevented from selling their land, renting it, or using it as collateral, and from negotiating deals with private investors. Perhaps more important than these official guidelines, however, are the perceptions of ejidos by state officials. Established, in part, to protect ‘indigenous’ people and not open to privatization, the ejido was stigmatized as ill-suited for modernization (Oasa and Jennings 1982). A bimodal Mexican agrarian policy followed (de Janvry 1981; Tomich, Kilby, and Johnston 1995) in which the potential productive role of ejidatarios was largely ignored (Oasa and Jennings 1982; Sonnenfeld 1992; Tomich, Kilby, and Johnston 1995).
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"There have been changes to institutions: some have had name changes (such as the ‘Assembly’ to ‘European Parliament’); some have had powers removed or added, and some have been relatively recently created (for example, the Committee of the Regions). It is therefore important to be clear about the construction of the EU, the place of the EC, its areas of legal competency and the extent and limits of EC law, name changes of institutions and treaties, and changes to the numbering of articles in the treaties. This introduction sets out the approach taken, and the terms to be used in this section with the reasons for their use explained. The section will also give a historical and chronological review of the development of the Union and the current place of the Community. This should enable you to read most texts in the area with a reasonably clear map of your own of the interconnections between the EU, the EC, EC law and their effects on the English legal system. For the rest of this section the following abbreviated terms will normally be used: • ‘Union’ when referring to the European Union; • ‘Community’ when referring to the European Community; • ‘Community law’ or ‘EC law’ when referring to European Community law. The relationship between the English legal system, the Union and the Community is complex. But then the very concept of the Union itself is complex. The Union was established in 1992 and currently there are 15 Member States, with 13 more candidate States waiting to join. There are three spheres of activity in the Union customarily referred to as the three ‘pillars’ of the Union. Pillar 1: the three founding Communities established in the 1950s: (a) the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC); (b) the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom); (c) European Economic Community (EEC), since 1992 called the European Community, which was set up by the EEC Treaty. Pillar 2: agreed co-operation in the area of foreign affairs and security. Pillar 3: agreed co-operation in the areas of home affairs and justice. It is a Union that is joined together not as a federal system of States, such as the United States of America, nor as a range of States contracting at only the political level. The Union is a supra-national Union of States agreeing to be bound together in part politically, in part co-operatively and socially and in large part through a unique legal order—the acquis communautaire (‘community patrimony’) or ‘Community law’. A legal order that has effect by being incorporated into the legal systems of every Member State, and the English legal system is no exception. The legal order of the Union remains rooted in that part of the Union that is the Community. It is the nature of the legal order that makes the Union unique. For although the Union is established by treaties, it is not just governed by international law and political relationships based on agreement at intergovernmental level. The founding treaties of the Union which date back to the inception of the Communities in the 1950s insist that the law of the Union (which technically remains Community law) becomes part of the legal systems of all of the States who are members of the Union." In Legal Method and Reasoning. Routledge-Cavendish, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781843145103-116.

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Conference papers on the topic "Cameroon. National Federal Assembly"

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Kadooka, Kevin, James Fitzpatrick, and Nicholas Klymyshyn. "Large-Scale Parametric Modeling of Spent Nuclear Fuel Dynamics in the 30 cm Package Drop Scenario." In ASME 2022 Pressure Vessels & Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2022-84747.

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Abstract Packages used to transport spent nuclear fuel (SNF) are required by the U.S. Code of Federal Regulations 10 CFR 71.71 to demonstrate satisfactory performance during a drop scenario. While the CFR is meant to ensure safe package function, it does not evaluate survival of the SNF within. The U.S. Department of Energy Spent Fuel and Waste Science and Technology program is working on closing the knowledge gap related to the response of SNF to external mechanical loads, including the 30 cm package drop scenario in the CFR. In support of this effort, LS-DYNA finite element simulations were
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Klymyshyn, Nicholas, Pavlo Ivanusa, Kevin Kadooka, and Casey Spitz. "Modeling Shock and Vibration on Used Nuclear Fuel During Normal Conditions of Transportation." In ASME 2019 Pressure Vessels & Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2019-93619.

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Abstract In 2017, the United States Department of Energy (DOE) collaborated with Spanish and Korean organizations to perform a multimodal transportation test to measure shock and vibration loads imparted to used nuclear fuel (UNF) assemblies. This test used real fuel assembly components containing surrogate fuel mass to approximate the response characteristics of real, irradiated used nuclear fuel. Pacific Northwest National Laboratory was part of the test team and used the data collected during this test to validate numerical models needed to predict the response of real used nuclear fuel in
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