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1

Niorthe, Philippe. "Cameroun, images d’une histoire sans images." Écrire l'histoire, no. 9 (June 10, 2012): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/elh.250.

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2

Beuvier, Franck. "Création et tradition. Histoire d’une idéologie de l’art au Cameroun." Gradhiva, no. 24 (December 7, 2016): 136–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/gradhiva.3281.

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3

Fürniss, Susanne. "Les musiques du sud-est Cameroun, reflets d’une histoire mouvementée." Journal des Africanistes, no. 84-2 (July 1, 2014): 8–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/africanistes.3946.

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4

Gosselain, Olivier P. "Poterie, société et histoire chez les Koma Ndera du Cameroun." Cahiers d’études africaines 39, no. 153 (1999): 73–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1999.1965.

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5

Angenent, Caroline. "Histoire du christianisme au Cameroun: des origines à nos jours — approche oecuménique." Church History and Religious Culture 87, no. 2 (2007): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124207x190017.

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6

van 't Spijker, Gerard. "Histoire du christianisme au Cameroun. Des origines à nos jours. Approche œcuménique." Exchange 37, no. 2 (2008): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254308x278648.

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7

HASSANA, HASSANA. "ANALYSE LEXICO-SÉMANTIQUE DES EXPRESSIONS COLONIALES SUR LES TIMBRES-POSTE." FRANCISOLA 2, no. 1 (July 5, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/francisola.v2i1.7522.

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RÉSUMÉ. Ce travail étudie, du point de vue lexico-sémantique, les mots et les expressions sur les timbres-poste. De manière spécifique, il s’agit d’appréhender l’histoire véhiculée par les mots gravés sur les productions philatéliques en circulation au Cameroun pendant la domination allemande, anglaise et française. Sur le plan théorique, cette étude s’inscrit dans le champ de la lexicologie et de la sémantique. L’approche lexicale décrit la structure et la formation des mots en langue allemande, anglaise et française. La démarche sémantique par contre questionne le sens des mots et des discours idéologiques. Sur le plan méthodologique, nous nous appuyons sur un corpus constitué des productions philatéliques. Par le biais de ce corpus, nous focalisons notre attention sur l’interprétation des mots ou des expressions sur les timbres, en mettant en exergue les grandes séquences de l’histoire coloniale au Cameroun. L’intérêt de ce travail est d’interroger l’histoire coloniale sous le prisme des expressions reproduites sur les timbres-poste.Mots-clés : cameroun, colonisation, histoire, lexicologie, philatélie, timbres-poste, sémantique. ABSTRACT. This work studies, from lexico-semantic point of view, the words and expressions on postage stamps. Specifically, it is a question of apprehending the history conveyed by the words engraved on the philatelic productions circulating in Cameroon during the German, English and French domination. From a theoretical point of view, this study falls within the field of lexicology and semantics. The lexical approach describes the structure and formation of words in German, English and French. The semantic approach, on the other hand, questions the meaning of words and ideological discourses. On the methodological level, we rely on a corpus of philatelic productions. Through this corpus, we focus our attention on the interpretation of words or expressions on stamps, highlighting the great sequences of colonial history in Cameroon. The interest of this work is to question the colonial history under the prism of the expressions reproduced on the postage stamps.Keywords: Cameroon, colonization, history, lexicology, philately, postage stamps, semantics.
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8

Cressent, Armelle. "Penser une guerre de libération et (ré)écrire l’histoire." Études littéraires 35, no. 1 (September 20, 2004): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008633ar.

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Résumé Après l’interdiction de Main basse sur le Cameroun par les États camerounais et français, Mongo Beti a repris dans deux romans les problématiques censurées dans son essai. Nous analysons sa démarche « paradoxale » de retour à la fiction pour produire du vrai, ainsi que son audacieux travail de construction historiographique. Ses romans rassemblent en une « guerre de libération » les éléments d’une lutte diffractée par la répression. Ils suggèrent que la vérité de la guerre ne peut être atteinte par une histoire adossée à l’État (post)colonial obsédé par le maintien de l’ordre et, de ce fait, incapable de percevoir ou de tenir compte de la vérité du désordre.
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9

Szymonek, Paulina. "Persecuting Predators: Wolves in Montana through the Eyes of Evelyn Cameron." Zoophilologica, no. 6 (December 29, 2020): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/zoophilologica.2020.06.17.

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Montana w 1907 roku była miejscem, gdzie hodowcy bydła toczyli wojnę przeciw wilkom, a myśliwi opowiadali historie o wilkach wyjętych spod prawa. W tym samym roku pewna mieszkanka pogranicza zdecydowała wychować i oswoić dwa wilcze szczenięta. W czasach, gdy dominowały uprzedzenia wobec drapieżników, Evelyn Cameron próbowała odnaleźć się w świecie zarówno mężczyzn, jak i wilków. Relacje z tych starań zachowały się w pamiętnikach, listach oraz na fotografiach pozostawionych przez Cameron. Artykuł jest próbą prześledzenia historii prześladowań wilka w Montanie w latach 1880–1930, widzianej oczami Evelyn Cameron, oraz ukazania zmiany w postrzeganiu tego gatunku poprzez historię dwóch wilczych szczeniąt imieniem Tussa i Weecharpee.
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Mezop, Alice. "Archéologie, traditions orales et ethnographie au Nord du Cameroun: Histoire du peuplement de la région du Faro durant le dernier millénaire." Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 46, no. 3 (December 2011): 390–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0067270x.2011.609611.

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11

Wassouni, François. "L’enseignement et la recherche en histoire des techniques à l’Université de Ngaoundéré au Cameroun entre 1993 et 2010 : bilan critique et perspectives." e-Phaïstos I, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ephaistos.477.

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12

Bruno, Francesca, Kouakou Kouassi, Marie-Rose Moro, and Dominique Bernard. "Réimaginer la rencontre : utilisation du concept de contre-transfert culturel au retour d’une expérience d’expatriation." Alterstice 6, no. 2 (July 25, 2017): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1040632ar.

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Dans ce travail, l’intérêt du concept de contre-transfert culturel est mis en évidence à travers l’analyse d'une expérience d’expatriation en tant que psychologue dans une ONG locale au Cameroun. Pour cela, différents éléments du contre-transfert ont été distingués en fonction des types de rencontres : avec l’ONG d’une part, le groupe des destinataires de l’intervention d’autre part et avec chacun des participants rencontrés individuellement. L’analyse de la préparation de la mission, en matière de pré-contre-transfert, a permis d’apprécier le rôle important des motivations personnelles et d'autres éléments spécifiques. En outre, le vécu de cette expérience révèle des dynamiques transféro-contre-transférentielles liées aux mondes culturels, historiques et politiques de chacun pouvant modifier la rencontre. C’est par cette analyse approfondie que se révèle l’altérité, alors même qu’en situation d’expatriation les professionnels sont peu préparés à cette reconnaissance. En assemblant tous ces éléments, il est possible au professionnel, à son retour, d’intégrer l’intensité et la complexité d’une telle expérience dans son histoire personnelle et professionnelle et de les transmettre à tous ceux qui s’engagent dans un projet de solidarité internationale.
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Mouralis, Bernard. "MBEMBE Achille, La naissance du maquis dans le Sud-Cameroun (1920-1960) : histoire des usages de la raison en colonie, Paris, Karthala, 1996, 438 p." Études littéraires africaines, no. 2 (1996): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1042634ar.

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14

Aggarwal, Kusum. "CASSIAU-HAURIE (Christophe), Histoire de la Bande dessinée au Cameroun. Préface de Raphaël Thierry. Paris : L’Harmattan, 2016, 234 p. – ISBN 987-2-343-08333-9." Études littéraires africaines, no. 48 (2019): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1068449ar.

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15

ECKERT, ANDREAS. "RETHINKING COLONIAL HISTORY IN CAMEROON. La naissance du maquis dans le Sud-Cameroun (1920–1960): Histoire des usages de la raison en colonie. Par ACHILLE MBEMBE. Paris: Karthala, 1996. Pp. 438. FF 180, paperback (ISBN 2-86537-600-1)." Journal of African History 40, no. 1 (March 1999): 127–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853798397418.

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16

Kah, Henry Kam. "Sites and objects, indigenous library and the history of Laimbwe, Cameroon." Afrika Focus 30, no. 1 (February 26, 2017): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-03001005.

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This study focuses on the construction of the history of the Laimbwe people of Cameroon through indigenous methods of enquiry and/or epistemologies. These include analyses of surviving historical objects, sites and artefacts from the pre-colonial period to the reunification of British Southern Cameroons with the Cameroun Republic in 1961. Some traditional items of the Laimbwe people of Cameroon and existing artefacts as well as sites reveal a very rich history with information that Western and conventional research have not vividly captured. In this paper, we reflect on the salience of these sources in understanding the rich socio-cultural and political history of the Laimbwe. There is a need to document this as an indigenous African library in this age of globalisation so that indigenous knowledge systems are disseminated to a wider academic audience. A construction of Laimbwe history through these indigenous forms of the library present them as new perspectives of local epistemologies beyond the capture of the western library introduced into Africa during the colonial period and even before. It continues to shape the way African national and local histories are written based on Western interpretations and or epistemologies.
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17

Drønen, Tomas Sundnes. "A Missionary Discourse on Conversion: Norwegian Missionaries in Adamawa, Northern Cameroon 1934–1960 Un discours missionnaire sur la conversion. Les missionnaires norvégiens à Adamawa, Nord Cameroun, 1934–1960. Eine missionarische Erklärung der Bekehrung. Norwegische Missionare in Adamawa, Nordkamerun 1934–1960 Un discurso misionero sobre la conversión. Misioneros noruegos en Ada mawa, norte del Camerún 1934–1960." Mission Studies 24, no. 1 (2007): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338307x191598.

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AbstractThis article seeks to shed light on a much-debated question in the history of mission and anthropology: What is the nature of religious conversion? rough archive studies of the literature produced by the Norwegian missionaries in northern Cameroon from 1943 to 1960 the author shows how the missionaries interpreted religious conversion. The missionary discourse on conversion was biased in a specific theological and cultural environment, yet it was open for negotiations with the encountered population. The missionaries used biblical images to describe conversion to Christianity that were coherent with the cultural practices of both the missionaries and the groups that accepted the message of the missionaries in order to describe conversion to Christianity. Biblical images that corresponded with the cultural practice of groups that did not accept the missionaries are, however, absent from the material. A Western Protestant discourse presented spiritual and social oppression, ignorance, sickness, and lack of moral behaviour as obstacles the Africans had to be liberated from in order to be converted to Christianity. The missionaries, lacking knowledge about the social and religious organisation of traditional society, interpreted the "spiritual oppression" as "heathendom," and interpreted it according to their own theological paradigm. The reactions of the local population to this civilising mission made the missionaries modify their approach in order for their project to fit the agency of the new Christians in northern Cameroon. Cet article cherche à éclairer une question très débattue en histoire de la mission et en anthropologie : quelle est la nature de la conversion religieuse ? Étudiant les archives de la littérature produite par les missionnaires norvégiens au Nord Cameroun, de 1943 à 1960, l'auteur montre comment les missionnaires ont interprété la conversion religieuse. Le discours missionnaire sur la conversion a été biaisé par un environnement théologique et culturel spécifique, tout en étant ouvert à la négociation avec les populations rencontrées. Pour décrire la conversion au christianisme, les missionnaires ont utilisé des images bibliques cohérentes avec les pratiques culturelles et des missionnaires et des groupes qui acceptèrent leur message. Les images correspondant à la pratique culturelle des groupes n'ayant pas accepté les missionnaires sont cependant absentes du matériel étudié. Un discours occidental protestant présentait l'oppression spirituelle et sociale, l'ignorance, la maladie et le manque de comportement moral comme des obstacles dont les Africains devaient être libérés pour se convertir au christianisme. Manquant de connaissance sur l'organisation sociale et religieuse de la société traditionnelle, les missionnaires interprétèrent l'oppression spirituelle comme « paganisme » et lui donnèrent le sens du paradigme théologique qu'ils comprenaient, celui du christianisme occidental. Les réactions de la population locale à cette mission civilisatrice ont poussé les missionnaires à modifier leur approche de façon à ce que leur projet rentre dans les schémas des nouveaux chrétiens du Nord Cameroun. Dieser Artikel versucht, eine vieldiskutierte Frage in der Geschichte von Mission und Anthropologie zu beleuchten: Welcher Natur ist die religiöse Bekehrung? Durch Archivstudien der Literatur, die norwegische Missionare in Nordkamerun zwischen 1934 und 1960 produzierten, sucht der Autor zu zeigen, wie die Missionare die religiöse Bekehrung interpretierten. Die missionarische Erklärung wurde durch eine spezifische theologische und kulturelle Umgebung beeinflusst, war aber auch offen für Verhandlungen mit der Bevölkerung vor Ort. Die Missionare verwendeten für die Bekehrung zum Christentum biblische Bilder, die mit den kulturellen Praktiken sowohl der Missionare wie auch der Gruppen übereinstimmten, die die Botschaft der Missionare annahmen. Biblische Bilder solcher Gruppen, die die Missionare nicht annahmen, finden sich allerdings im untersuchten Material nicht. Ein westlich protestantischer Diskurs stellte die spirituelle und soziale Unterdrückung, Unwissenheit, Krankheit und das Fehlen moralischen Handelns als Hindernisse dar, von denen die Afrikaner befreit werden mussten, damit sie zum Christentum bekehrt werden konnten. Die Missionare, denen die Kenntnis der sozialen und religiösen Struktur der traditionellen Gesellschaft fehlte, interpretierten die ,,spirituelle Unterdrückung" als ,,Heidentum", in Übereinstimmung mit einem theologischen Paradigma, das sie kannten, nämlich das westliche Christentum. Die Reaktionen der Bevölkerung vor Ort auf diese Zivilisierungsmission führten dazu, dass die Missionare ihren Zugang veränderten, damit sich ihr Vorhaben in das Handlungsmuster der jungen Christen in Nordkamerun einfügen konnte. Este artículo intenta aclarar un tema muy discutido en la historia de la misión y antropología: ¿Cuál es la naturaleza de la conversión religiosa? A través de estudios de archivos de la literatura producida por misioneros noruegos en el norte de Camerún entre 1934 hasta 1960 el autor muestra cómo los misioneros interpretaron la conversión religiosa. El discurso misionero de la conversión fue influenciado por un ambiente teológico y cultural específico, aunque fue abierto a negociaciones con la población que se encontró. Los misioneros usaron imágenes bíblicas para describir la conversión al cristianismo que eran coherentes con las prácticas culturales tanto de los misioneros como de los grupos que aceptaron el mensaje de los misioneros. Por el contrario, no entraron en el material las imágenes bíblicas que correspondieron con la práctica cultural de grupos que no aceptaron a los misioneros. El discurso protestante occidental presentó la opresión espiritual y social, la ignorancia, la enfermedad y la falta de comportamiento moral como los obstáculos de los que se debía liberar a los africanos para que se los pudiera convertir al cristianismo. Los misioneros, en su desconocimiento de la organización social y religiosa de la sociedad tradicional, interpretaron la "opresión espiritual" como "paganismo" y lo interpretaron de acuerdo con un paradigma que ellos sí comprendieron: el cristianismo occidental. Las reacciones de la población local a esta misión civilizadora llevaron a los misioneros a modificar su acercamiento para que su proyecto pudiera integrarse mejor en la actuación de los nuevos cristianos del norte de Camerún.
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18

Dong Mougnol, Gabriel Maxime, and Willy Didié Foga Konefon. "Migrations et cohabitation politique interethnique dans un quartier de Douala au Cameroun : le cas de New-Bell, 1913-1990." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 17, no. 1 (June 9, 2018): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2018.11.

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19

TERRETTA, MEREDITH. "‘GOD OF INDEPENDENCE, GOD OF PEACE’: VILLAGE POLITICS AND NATIONALISM IN THE MAQUIS OF CAMEROON, 1957–71." Journal of African History 46, no. 1 (March 2005): 75–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853704000374.

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The story of freedom fighter Jean Djonteu provides a new approach to the history of Union des populations du Cameroun (UPC) nationalism in the Grassfields and Mungo regions of Cameroon. Within the context of Baham, his village of origin, Djonteu's actions and tracts reveal his politico-spiritual reasons for joining the UPC militia in its revolutionary fight against Franco-Cameroonian state administration. UPC nationalism and village political culture formed a hybrid of political ideologies, or a ‘village nationalism’ articulating UPC anti-colonialism with Grassfields political concepts of nation and sovereignty that pre-dated European occupation. As this articulation disintegrated, Grassfields populations disengaged from state politics and turned inwards towards village political culture and spirituality rekindled by popular involvement in the UPC nationalist movement.
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Tortella, Gabriel. "Rondo Cameron, 1925–2001." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 19, no. 1 (March 2001): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900008910.

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Rondo Cameron murió el primer día del tercer milenio, de un ataque al corazón, después de una larga y penosa enfermedad; con él se pierde un gran estudioso de la historia económica, y una gran persona. Para quien esto escribe, además, desaparece un gran maestro y amigo.Nacido en un pequeño pueblo de Texas (Linden), de una familia de origen escocés, Rondo fue piloto durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, y estudió Economía en Yale gracias al llamado GI bill, ley que permitía la matrícula universitaria gratuita a los veteranos de guerra. Tras obtener el grado de Masters de Yale en 1949, se doctoró en Economía por la Universidad de Chicago en 1952, con una tesis sobre la inversión francesa en el extranjero, cuya investigación en París fue posible gracias a una beca Fulbright, y cuya dirección corrió a cargo de Earl J. Hamilton. Esta tesis, completada y redondeada, más tarde se convertiría en su primer libro, aclamado internacionalmente y traducido a muchos idiomas, entre otros el español y el francés: Francia y el desarrollo económico de Europa. En este libro se mostraban ya varias características del trabajo de Cameron: investigación minuciosa, amplitud de horizontes, excelente estilo literario, interés por la historia bancaría y por los factores culturales del desarrollo económico, y amor por Europa, y en especial por Francia.
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Saibou, Issa. "Boukar Doumbo : griot, historien-conteur et laudateur de l'élite au Nord-Cameroun." Africultures 61, no. 4 (2004): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/afcul.061.0096.

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22

TERRETTA, MEREDITH. "CAMEROONIAN NATIONALISTS GO GLOBAL: FROM FOREST MAQUIS TO A PAN-AFRICAN ACCRA." Journal of African History 51, no. 2 (July 2010): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000253.

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ABSTRACTThis article reassesses the political alternatives imagined by African nationalists in the ‘first wave’ of Africa's decolonization through the lens of Cameroonian nationalism. After the proscription of Cameroon's popular nationalist movement, the Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC), in the mid-1950s, thousands of Cameroonian nationalists went into exile, most to Accra, where they gained the support of Kwame Nkrumah's Pan-African Bureau for African Affairs. The UPC's external support fed Cameroon's internal maquis (as UPC members called the underground resistance camps within the territories), rooted in culturally particular conceptions of freedom and sovereignty. With such deeply local and broadly international foundations, the political future that Cameroonian nationalists envisaged seemed achievable: even after the Cameroon territories' official independence, UPC nationalists kept fighting. But, by the mid-1960s, postcolonial states prioritized territorial sovereignty over ‘African unity’ and Ghana's support of the UPC became unsustainable, leading to the movement's disintegration.
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MORRISON, TODD G. "CHILDREN OF HOMOSEXUALS AND TRANSSEXUALS MORE APT TO BE HOMOSEXUAL: A REPLY TO CAMERON." Journal of Biosocial Science 39, no. 1 (November 16, 2006): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932006001714.

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Paul Cameron, author of ‘Children of Homosexuals and Transsexuals More Apt to be Homosexual’ (Cameron, 2006) is chairman of the Family Research Institute (FRI), a conservative organization whose mandate is to preserve ‘America’s historic moral framework and the traditional family’ (http://www.familyresearchinst.org/; accessed 18th June 2006). The FRI states that research in scientific journals is needed to prove that ‘homosexuality is a public health threat and a clear and present danger to our civilization’ (http://www.familyresearchinst.org/Default.aspx?tabid = 145; accessed 18th June 2006).
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Prah, Kwesi Dzapong Lwazi Sarkodee. "Cameroon and Rwanda: A Comparative Analysis of Their Postcolonial Economic Histories." International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity 14, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2019.1642771.

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Goldstein, Brian D. "Cameron Logan. Historic Capital: Preservation, Race, and Real Estate in Washington, D.C." American Historical Review 124, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 705–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz114.

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MARVIN, Ursula B. "Oral histories in meteoritics and planetary science: VII. Alastair G. W. Cameron." Meteoritics & Planetary Science 37, S12 (December 2002): B57—B67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1945-5100.2002.tb00904.x.

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Bunnell, Gene. "Historic capital: Preservation, race and real estate in Washington, DC, by Cameron Logan." Journal of Urban Affairs 41, no. 3 (June 14, 2018): 407–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07352166.2018.1483135.

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Gewald, Jan-Bart. "Mbadamassi of Lagos: A Soldier for King and Kaiser, and a Deportee to German South West Africa." African Diaspora 2, no. 1 (2009): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254609x433369.

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Abstract In 1915 troops of the South African Union Defence Force invaded German South West Africa, present day Namibia. In the north of the territory the South African forces captured an African soldier serving in the German army named Mbadamassi. Upon his capture Mbadamassi demanded to be released and claimed that he was a British national from Nigeria. In addition, he stated that he had served in the West African Frontier Force, and that he had been shanghaied into German military service in Cameroon. Furthermore, whilst serving in the German army in Cameroon, Mbadamassi claimed that he had participated in a mutiny, and that, as a consequence, he had been deported to GSWA. The article covers the remarkable military career of the African soldier, Mbadamassi, who between 1903 and 1917 served both the King of the British Empire as well as the Kaiser of the German Empire. In so doing, the article sheds light on the career of an individual African soldier serving in three colonial armies; the West African Frontier Force, the Schutztruppe in Cameroon, and the Schutztruppe in GSWA. The article argues that beyond the fact that colonial armies were institutions of repression, they also provided opportunity for those willing or condemned to serve within their ranks. Furthermore the article provides some indication as to the extent of communication that existed between colonial subjects in the separate colonies of Africa at the time. En 1915, les troupes de l'Union de l'Afrique du Sud ont envahi l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande, l'actuelle Namibie. Dans le Nord du territoire, les forces sud-africaines ont capturé un soldat africain servant dans l'armée allemande nommé Mbadamassi. Celui-ci exigea d'être libéré et revendiqua être un Britannique du Nigeria. De plus, il déclara avoir servi dans la West African Frontier Force et avoir été enrôlé de force dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun. En outre, pendant qu'il servait dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun, Mbadamassi a prétendu avoir pris part à une mutinerie, ce qui avait conduit à sa déportation vers l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. Cet article couvre la remarquable carrière militaire du soldat africain Mbadamassi, qui, entre 1903 et 1917, a servi à la fois le roi de l'empire britannique et le Kaiser de l'empire allemand. Ainsi, l'article éclaire sur la carrière individuelle d'un soldat africain servant dans trois armées coloniales; la West African Frontier Force, le Schutztruppe au Cameroun et le Schutztruppe en Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. L'article soutient qu'au-delà du fait que les armées coloniales étaient des institutions de répression, elles ont aussi offert la possibilité à ceux qui le voulaient ou ceux qui y étaient condamnés de servir dans leurs rangs. En outre, l'article fournit une indication sur l'étendue de la communication qui a existé entre les sujets coloniaux dans les colonies d'Afrique séparées de l'époque.
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Gonder, M. K., S. Locatelli, L. Ghobrial, M. W. Mitchell, J. T. Kujawski, F. J. Lankester, C. B. Stewart, and S. A. Tishkoff. "Evidence from Cameroon reveals differences in the genetic structure and histories of chimpanzee populations." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 108, no. 12 (February 28, 2011): 4766–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1015422108.

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Page, Ben. "The Intestines of the State: Youth, Violence and Belated Histories in the Cameroon Grassfields." Review of African Political Economy 36, no. 121 (September 2009): 464–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240903211323.

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31

Donaldson, Susan V. "Review: Historic Capital: Preservation, Race, and Real Estate in Washington, D.C. by Cameron Logan." Public Historian 40, no. 4 (November 1, 2018): 204–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2018.40.4.204.

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Howell, Kathryn. "Review: Historic Capital: Preservation, Race, and Real Estate in Washington, DC by Logan, Cameron." Journal of Planning Education and Research 39, no. 4 (July 9, 2018): 529–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739456x18787875.

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Kloppenborg, John S. "Critical histories and theories of religion: A response to Burton Mack and Ron Cameron." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 8, no. 3 (1996): 279–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006896x00378.

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Pouillot, Régis, Guillaume Lachenal, Oliver G. Pybus, Dominique Rousset, and Richard Njouom. "Variable epidemic histories of hepatitis C virus genotype 2 infection in West Africa and Cameroon." Infection, Genetics and Evolution 8, no. 5 (September 2008): 676–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.meegid.2008.06.001.

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35

Tamungang, Simon A., Robert A. Cheke, Gilbert Z. Mofor, Richard N. Tamungang, and Fritz T. Oben. "Conservation Concern for the Deteriorating Geographical Range of the Grey Parrot in Cameroon." International Journal of Ecology 2014 (2014): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/753294.

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The need for information on Grey Parrot distribution and vegetation associations for informed management and policy decisions was the basis for this study. A nationwide survey of the Grey Parrot population and habitat status was carried out, using questionnaire and point count methods. From the results, the extent of the contemporary range of the parrots was restricted to Southern Cameroon, which harbours the rainforest. Regional parrot population means ranged from 3,487 parrots in the Littoral to 1,351,275 parrots in the East Regions. The extent of the contemporary range as a percentage of the whole country was 25.4% and as a percentage of the regions with rainforest was 44.5%. The historic range of the bird has been reduced by over 55.5%. Estimated percentage of forest lost per region ranged from 20.4% in the Centre to 57.1% in the East and South Regions. At a global level, Cameroon contributed 9% to the total extent of the range of the Grey Parrot in Africa. The range is increasingly fragmented, contracted, and lost through land-based socioeconomic activities. These degradation pressures on the range called for urgent conservation considerations for long-term survival of the parrot species and its associated biodiversity in Cameroon.
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Ndjio, Basile. "POST-COLONIAL HISTORIES OF SEXUALITY: THE POLITICAL INVENTION OF A LIBIDINAL AFRICAN STRAIGHT." Africa 82, no. 4 (November 2012): 609–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972012000526.

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ABSTRACTThis study addresses the problem of sexuality and ideology in relation to (pan)-Africanist doctrines that have been instrumental in the effort of post-colonial African elites to constitute an exclusive African sexual selfhood. The focus is on their efforts to ‘Africanize’ the sexuality of the masses in a global context that dramatizes the uncontrolled flow of sexual desires, and favours the emergence of new forms of sexual expressions and practices that destabilize the post-colonial sexual order. The leading question informing this study is how a hegemonic heterosexual identity has come to be internalized in post-colonial Africa, and how both men and women have come to believe that to be ‘good’ citizens or ‘real’ Africans they have to become repressed subjects who not only limit their sexuality solely to heterosexual desires, but also have a natural aversion to other forms of sexuality such as same-sex relations. My main argument is that in most African countries, and specifically in Cameroon, both the edification of a phallocratico-patriarchal society and the political invention of the sublimated Muntu, the so-called libidinal African straight, went along with the suppression, annihilation or negation of gays and lesbians, generally misrepresented as deracinated Africans and dangerous ‘witch-others’.
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Njung, George N. "The British Cameroons Mandate Regime: The Roots of the Twenty-First-Century Political Crisis in Cameroon." American Historical Review 124, no. 5 (December 1, 2019): 1715–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1025.

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Abstract A century after the victorious Allied powers distributed their spoils of victory in 1919, the world still lives with the geopolitical consequences of the mandates system established by the League of Nations. The Covenant article authorizing the new imperial dispensation came cloaked in the old civilizationist discourse, entrusting sovereignty over “peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world” to the “advanced nations” of Belgium, England, France, Japan, and South Africa. In this series of “reflections” on the mandates, ten scholars of Europe, Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and the international order consider the consequences of the new geopolitical order birthed by World War I. How did the reshuffling of imperial power in the immediate postwar period configure long-term struggles over minority rights, decolonization, and the shape of nation-states when the colonial era finally came to a close? How did the alleged beneficiaries—more often the victims—of this “sacred trust” grasp their own fates in a world that simultaneously promised and denied them the possibility of self-determination? From Palestine, to Namibia, to Kurdistan, and beyond, the legacies of the mandatory moment remain pressing questions today.
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Melón Jiménez, Miguel Ángel. "De los Cameros a Extremadura : historia y comportamiento de los ganaderos riojanos en tierras de Cáceres (1720-1800)." Brocar. Cuadernos de Investigación Histórica, no. 12 (June 28, 1986): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/brocar.1835.

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Miguel Ángel Melón estudia en este artículo la repercusión de la expansión demográfica y del avance agrario en la Extremadura dieciochesca en la obstaculizaron de la trashumancia, especialmente de la camerana. El artículo completa el anterior al aportar causas externas al fenómeno de la crisis de cameros con abundante documentación, a la vez que ratifica el crecimiento y la fuerza del movimiento de la lucha por la tierra en Cáceres y su comarca.
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BAYART, JEAN-FRANÇOIS. "The intestines of the state. Youth, violence, and belated histories in the Cameroon Grassfields by Argenti, Nicolas." Social Anthropology 17, no. 1 (February 18, 2009): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.2008.00052_2.x.

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Fowler, Ian. "The intestines of the state: youth, violence, and belated histories in the Cameroon Grassfields - By Nicolas Argenti." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 15, no. 2 (June 2009): 429–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9655.2009.01566_19.x.

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Mentan, T. "The Intestines of the State: Youth, violence, and belated histories in the Cameroon Grassfields, by Nicholas Argenti." African Affairs 108, no. 432 (May 8, 2009): 498–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adp028.

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42

Kanouo, Nguo Sylvestre, David Richard Lentz, Khin Zaw, Charles Makoundi, Emmanuel Afanga Archelaus Basua, Rose Fouateu Yongué, and Emmanuel Njonfang. "New Insights into Pre-to-Post Ediacaran Zircon Fingerprinting of the Mamfe PanAfrican Basement, SW Cameroon: A Possible Link with Rocks in SE Nigeria and the Borborema Province of NE Brazil." Minerals 11, no. 9 (August 30, 2021): 943. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/min11090943.

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The pre- to post-Late Neoproterozoic geological histories in the south to southwestern part of Mamfe Basin (SW Cameroon) were reported following analysis of the zircon crystals from their host rocks. A genetic model was developed for the zircon host rocks’ formation conditions, and the registered post-emplacement events were presented. The obtained ages were correlated with the data available for rocks in the Cameroon Mobile Belt, SE Nigeria, and the Borborema Province of NE Brazil. Separated zircons from Araru black to whitish gneiss, Araru whitish-grey gneiss, and Mboifong migmatite were analyzed for their morphology and texture U-Th-Pb composition, and U-Pb ages. Published U-Pb zircon ages for Otu granitic pegmatite, Babi mica schist, and Nkogho I-type anatectic granite were updated. Zircon ages in Araru black to whitish gneiss; Araru whitish-grey, Mboifong migmatite, Babi mica schist, Nkogho I-type anatectic granite, and Otu granitic pegmatite date the Eburnean tectono-magmatic/metamorphic event in Cameroon and SE Nigeria. The Late Paleoproterozoic to Early Mesoproterozoic ages record extensional (continental rift) settings and anorogenic magmatism in the Borborema Province in the NE of Brazil. These ages date collisional phases between the São Francisco–Congo and West African cratons and the Saharan metacraton with metamorphism and magmatism in Cameroon. They also date the Kibarian tectono-magmatic/metamorphism and PanAfrican tectono-magmatic/metamorphism in SE Nigeria. The Late Paleoproterozoic to Early Mesoproterozoic ages date the Cariris Velhos orogeny in the Borborema Province in NE Brazil, with Early Tonian crustal rifting, magmatism, and metamorphism and the collisional phase of the Brasiliano orogeny with syn-collisional plutons and extensive shear zoning and post-collisional granite intrusions.
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Austen, Ralph A., and Jean-Pierre Warnier. "L'esprit d'entreprise au Cameroun." African Economic History, no. 21 (1993): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601830.

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44

Amaazee, Victor Bong. "The ‘Igbo Scare’ in the British Cameroons, c. 1945–61." Journal of African History 31, no. 2 (July 1990): 281–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025044.

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La peur de la domination de la tribu Ibo constitua l'une des raisons majeures pour la décision du Sud-Cameroun Britannique à voter en 1961 pour quitter le Nigéria complètement et de s'unir avec la République du Cameroun. Dès les années 1920, après que la Grande-Bretagne avait obtenu un mandat international sur un part de l'ancienne colonie allemande, elle le gouvernait comme apanage du Nigéria, et le développement, que ce soit économique ou culturel, était très tardif. Les indigènes faisaient concurrence à grande peine aux immigrants du Nigéria, surtout les Ibos, dont la résilience et l'ingéniosité dans le commerce, alliés à leur manque de modestie dans le succès, provoquaient l'envie. Les politiciens camerounais contribuaient aux stéréotypes ethniques en incitant des rumeurs fantasques. Certes, des autres rivalités importaient aussi, mais dans les élections de 1954, 1957 et 1959 le mécontentement avec les liaisons au Nigéria fut clairement associé aux sentiments anti-Ibo.
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45

Ndi Okalla, Joseph-Marie. "The Arts of Black Africa and the Project of a Cfmstian Art." Mission Studies 12, no. 1 (1995): 277–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338395x00312.

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AbstractThis essay is in honour and in memory of the late Prof. Dr. Engelbert MVENG Sf. Born in Cameroon on May 9, 1930, Fr. Mveng has been found murdered in Yaoundé on April 23, 1995 before he would turn 65 years old. In the last thirty years, he was professor at the University of Yaoundé/Cameroon, Department of History. As a historian and theologian, he has enormous contributions to African culture and history, especially in the realm of cultural and religious anthropology as well as in iconology, which have won a wide acclaim. The internationally renowned artistic work of Fr. Mveng which can be found in different churches, chapels and educational centers the world over, underlines the iconographic contribution of Africa to the world and to Christianity. See, for example: Our Lady of Africa in the Basilica of the Annunciation in Nazareth/Israel; the Jesuit Hekima College in Nairobi/Kenya; Uganda Martyrs Altar at Libermann, Douala/Cameroon; Our Lady of the Yaoundé Cathedral/Cameroon; the decoration of the chapel of the Catholic University of Central Africa, Yaoundé/Cameroon ... and various centers in Africa and in the United States ... I have presented the first version of this essay on the occasion of a visit of John Paul II to Cameroon. I enclose a selected bibliography of the writings of Fr. Engelbert Mveng.
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VAN BEEK, WALTER E. A. "INTENSIVE SLAVE RAIDING IN THE COLONIAL INTERSTICE: HAMMAN YAJI AND THE MANDARA MOUNTAINS (NORTH CAMEROON AND NORTH-EASTERN NIGERIA)." Journal of African History 53, no. 3 (November 2012): 301–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000461.

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ABSTRACTA rare document, the diary of a slave raider, offers a unique view into the sociopolitical situation at the turn of the nineteenth century in the colonial backwater of North Cameroon. The Fulbe chief in question, Hamman Yaji, not only kept a diary, but was by far the most notorious slave raider of the Mandara Mountains. This article supplements the data from his diary with oral histories and archival sources to follow the dynamics of the intense slave raiding he engaged in. This frenzy of slaving occurred in a ‘colonial interstice’ characterized by competition between three colonial powers – the British, the Germans and the French, resilient governing structures in a region poorly controlled by colonial powers, and the unclear boundaries of the Mandara Mountains. The dynamics of military technology and the economics of this ‘uncommon market’ in slaves form additional factors in this episode in the history of slavery in Africa. These factors account for the general situation of insecurity due to slave raiding in the area, to which Hamman Yaji was an exceptionally atrocious contributor. In the end a religious movement, Mahdism, stimulated the consolidation of colonial power, ending Yaji's regime, which in all its brutality provides surprising insight in the early colonial situation in this border region between Nigeria and Cameroon.
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Ladǒ, Ludovic. "L’homophobie populaire au Cameroun." Cahiers d'études africaines, no. 204 (November 23, 2011): 921–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.16895.

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48

Desbrisay, Gordon. "Cameron and Stones (eds.), Aberdeen." Scottish Historical Review 83, no. 1 (April 2004): 84–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2004.83.1.84.

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Prkachin, Yvan. "Two Solitudes: Wilder Penfield, Ewen Cameron, and the Search for a Better Lobotomy." Canadian Bulletin of Medical History 38, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 253–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cbmh.486-112020.

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In the 1940s, Wilder Penfield carried out a series of experimental psychosurgeries with the psychiatrist D. Ewen Cameron. This article explores Penfield’s brief foray into psychosurgery and uses this episode to re-examine the emergence of his surgical enterprise. Penfield’s greatest achievement – the surgical treatment of epilepsy – grew from the same roots as psychosurgery, and the histories of these treatments overlap in surprising ways. Within the contexts of Rockefeller-funded neuropsychiatry and Adolf Meyer’s psychobiology, Penfield’s frontal lobe operations (including a key operation on his sister) played a crucial role in the development of lobotomy in the 1930s. The combination of ambiguous data and the desire to collaborate with a psychiatrist encouraged Penfield to try to develop a superior operation. However, unlike his collaboration with psychiatrists, Penfield’s productive working relationship with psychologists encouraged him to abandon the experimental “gyrectomy” procedure. The story of Penfield’s attempt to find a better lobotomy can help us to examine different forms of interdisciplinarity within biomedicine.
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Tchamba Ngotom, Ranèse. "La Grande Guerre au Cameroun à travers l’imagerie postale." Outre-Mers N° 398-399, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 255–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/om.181.0255.

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