Journal articles on the topic 'Campaign literature, 1964'

AbstractIndividual private insurance is a risk-management practice that plays an important role in many people’s lives. Despite its prominence in industrialised countries, it remains an understudied area in Japan studies, where most work has focused on social insurance. Using insights from the governmentality literature, and in particular François Ewald’s concept of an ‘insurantial imaginary’, we examine the changing perceptions towards private non-life insurance during Japan’s period of high growth and rapid modernisation (1964–1992). While individual private insurance developed in Western Europe and the US over hundreds of years, it did not take off in Japan until the early postwar era. We argue that, like in Western Europe and the US, individual private insurance in Japan had to overcome normative resistance. The norms in Japan, however, were different. To illustrate this, we look at winning essays from an annual high school writing competition run by the Japanese insurance industry as part of a wide-ranging publicity campaign. We conclude that private insurance in Japan passed through four stages of moral understanding to successfully incorporate existing counter norms centred on ‘sincerity’ and ‘mutual aid’. What was initially viewed with ‘distrust’ ended up as a supposed manifestation of the Japanese ‘spirit’.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyse the latest findings on the economic potential of ageing and compare them primarily from a consumables perspective. The relevant question relating to this research was: What are the economic consequences of the demographic development in relation to consumer demand for products and services in old age? Design/methodology/approach – Narrative systematic publications were thoroughly reviewed and collated. A systematic search was carried out in journals, books, databases, the internet as well as within the scientific community from November 2012 to May 2013. Findings – A total of 115 relevant scientific publications were identified in this review (from 1964 to 2013). In order to gain an actual overview of the relevant literature, the results show the most recent publications from 2000 to 2013. Research limitations/implications – There are three limitations within this paper: First, the search process used only four databases. Second, this review only took into account publications in English and German. Therefore, the review may fail to encompass all published literature. Finally, this study did not endeavour to evaluate the methodological quality of each scientific publication. Study findings were taken as reported. Originality/value – This paper aims at analysing the economic potentials of ageing primarily from the perspective of consumption. The focus of this economics of ageing investigation is on the “demography-related” consequences in terms of the demand behaviour of the older consumers (the elderly as potential buyers). The paper deals with all the “silver economy” as a cross-sector campaign and research area for economics of ageing – a still fairly young discipline, both in science and in practical applications.

Between 1962 and 1963 the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Nikita Khrushchev launched several campaigns against abstractionists and formalists in Moscow, thus marking the end of the so-called Thaw throughout the Soviet Union. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Latvia also started a campaign against national abstractionists and formalists. On the 22nd and 28th of March 1963 the works of the new poets Vizma Belševica, Monta Kroma, Ojārs Vācietis as well as writer Ēvalds Vilks came under the criticism cross-fire at the Intelligentsia Meeting of the Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic. After the criticism from the Communist Party the above mentioned authors also had to be discussed at the Board meetings of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union and the local organization meetings of the Party. The article examines the attitude of the Board of Soviet Writers’ Union towards the campaign initiated by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Latvia in March 1963 by looking at the documents of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union and the Union’s local organization of the Communist Party that are available at the State Archives of Latvia. Crucial and artistic aspects of the works of the above-mentioned authors have not been included in the analysis. Examining the debates that evolved in the Writers’ Union within the ideological campaign, it is possible to state that the Board, which was loyal to the Communist Party, kept its official stance in line with the Party principles, hereafter paying special attention to the ideologically artistic achievements of particular authors. Generally, the position of the Board of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union in respect to the criticized authors can be evaluated as passive, because no repressions were carried out against the new authors and no creative activities were completely suspended by the Board. The campaign of 1963 strongly demonstrates the differences between the generations and the views of the writers. It also reveals the older generation’s struggle for keeping their position and prestige in the field of literature while the younger generation took an increasing opposition.

Previous studies find a strong relationship between armed conflict and gender equality, but only compare armed conflict to no armed conflict onset. However, opposition movements use different means to challenge governments, such as nonviolent or armed strategies. This study explores this variation and poses the question: How does the level of gender equality affect the onset of nonviolent campaigns and armed conflicts? It makes two contributions. First, I quantitatively test the impact of gender equality on different forms of conflict onset, and second, I propose a comprehensive gendered mobilization argument based on strategic choice theory. Nonviolent campaigns rely on mass participation, and the nonviolent conflict literature claims that they are open to a wider array of participants, including women, compared to armed conflicts. I argue that gender norms affect movements’ expectations of mobilization (mass or limited) as well as conflict norms (nonviolent or violent) in society, and subsequently, the choice of conflict strategy. I hypothesize that higher levels of gender equality, measured by fertility rate and female-to-male primary school enrolment ratio, increase the likelihood of nonviolent campaign onset, compared to both armed and no campaign onset. This study analyses country-year data from the UCDP and NAVCO datasets between 1961 and 2006 and finds that increases in gender equality are, on average, associated with an increased likelihood of nonviolent conflict onset.

The 1961 referendum on the new constitution was the first referendum held in the history of the Turkish republic. However, no deeper analysis of this phenomenon has been conducted in the English-language academic literature. This paper undertakes that objective. The new constitution was drafted and adopted under anti-democratic conditions. The post-coup era was a missed opportunity for instituting a stronger democracy. The referendum was the last nationwide vote in which traditional actors played significant roles in determining voting behavior. The notables and major landowners of the under-developed provinces led the masses to vote in favor of the new constitution. Starting in 1965, politics in Turkey became ideology-centered and class-oriented, thus causing the influence of traditional actors to diminish. Although the campaign for votes to support the referendum dominated the political scene in 1961, the electorate showed its distance from the coup anyway.

This essay uses the example of the long‐lived and popular Burma‐Shave advertising campaign to argue that literary critics should extend their attention to the vast amounts of poetry written for advertising purposes in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Burma‐Shave campaign—which featured sequences of rhyming billboards erected along highways in the United States from 1926 to 1963—not only cultivated characteristics of literary and even avantgarde writing but effectively pressured that literariness into serving the commercial marketplace. At the same time, as the campaign's reception history shows, the spirit of linguistic play and innovation at the core of Burma‐Shave's poetry unintentionally distracted consumers' attention away from the commercial message and toward the creative forces of reading and writing poetry. A striking example of popular reading practices at work, this history shows how poetry created even in the most commercial contexts might resist the commodification that many twentieth‐century poets and critics feared. (MC)

There has been a great deal of discussion about the large volumes of foreign fighters involved in civil conflicts in Syria and Iraq over recent years. Yet, there remains little systematic evidence about the effect, if any, that foreign fighters have upon the conflicts they join. Existing literature distinguishes between the resources fighters bring to rebel groups and the liability they represent in regards to campaign cohesion. We seek to establish preliminary evidence as to whether or not foreign fighters contribute to the success of the campaigns they join. Our multinomial logistic and competing risks regression analyses of civil conflicts between 1946 and 2013 suggest that foreign fighters are associated with a decreased likelihood of government victory. Furthermore, we offer partial evidence to suggest that foreign fighters from non-contiguous countries are more likely to help rebels achieve a negotiated settlement or to continue their struggle against the government, but not to directly help them achieve victory.

In the paper, the author considers the reflection of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905 in the works of famous Russian writers of the 19–20th centuries. The heavy and ill-prepared military campaign against Japan, which Russia waged in Manchuria, led to unjustified losses and unsuccessful battles for the Russian army.

In the great suffrage campaign waged in the decade preceding the First World War, women established a multitude of organizations in order to exert collective pressure upon a reluctant House of Commons. Some, such as the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), which was founded by Emmeline Pankhurst, favored confrontational tactics and resorted to occasional violence against property, as a means of attracting notice to the cause. Others, most notably the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies (NUWSS) over which Mrs Millicent Fawcett presided, defined themselves as ‘constitutional’ and utilized the classic methods of persuasion and lobbying, in preference to the more dramatic tactics of their ‘militant’ sisters. Between the extremes of the WSPU and the NUWSS were numerous organizations composed of women activists of varying backgrounds, occupations, and views, sharing nonetheless a common dedication to the principle of female enfranchisement and caught up in the excitement and pageantry of a campaign which at times appeared almost religious in tone and character.

This article presents the history of Masuria created by the propaganda of socialist realism. Itsaim is to show how writers presented the nationality-based verification campaign and opinion pollsin the area of former East Prussia. The author attempts to prove that social realist writers describedthe above-mentioned action as “discovering” Polish identity by the inhabitants of Masuria. In orderto do that, four stories included in the anthology Ziemia serdecznie znajoma, published in 1954, areanalysed to show that strong pressure was exerted on the Masurians to confirm their Polish nationality.

Résumé Dans les années 1950–1960, la télévision française permet à l'exécutif de s'adresser aux téléspectateurs en s'exprimant face à la caméra. Le procédé est largement mis à profit à partir de 1965 par les candidats à l’élection présidentielle dans le temps d'antenne qui leur est octroyé. L'analyse des composantes visuelles et sonores de ce dispositif énonciatif permet de mettre en évidence sa place prépondérante dans la campagne officielle de 2012. L’étude de ses contournements et altérations, des entretiens avec certains des concepteurs des spots, et la comparaison avec les rares autres occurrences rencontrées donnent à comprendre, par contraste, leurs similitudes et leur raison d’être. Simple à réaliser, le face caméra s'impose parce qu'il permet de promouvoir et différencier candidats et programmes, et de s'adresser directement aux électeurs. Mais la plus value persuasive qu'on lui prête est à double tranchant: le coût d'adoption du regard caméra et du prompteur est élevé, son utilisation parfois contre-productive.

In 1968, an antisemitic campaign, launched by the Polish government, caused around 13,000 Jews to leave Poland. About 2500 of these refugees came to Denmark, while only about 25 ended up in Norway. The migration to Norway could potentially have reached low hundreds, but as oral-history sources indicate, the Jewish congregation in Oslo turned down a government initiative in 1969. Based on written and oral sources, and secondary literature, I argue that there was an equally important factor differentiating the two countries. Comparing the Danish and Norwegian refugee reception policies, the article finds that Danish authorities and their NGO partners at decisive stages in the process were more proactive than their Norwegian counterparts in their efforts to persuade Polish Jews to come. The most critical point was in June 1969, when Denmark’s embassy in Warsaw started issuing Jews with automatic visas, while Norway retained its existing application process.

AbstractFolklorists, philologists and ethnomusicologists have emphasized the important role of women for the preservation of Sephardic folklore and traditional literature in the twentieth century. Many scholars accept that Sephardic women who knew and performed folklore where almost illiterate and belonged to lower classes. This article intends to show that at the beginning of the twentieth century, some bourgeois, middle-class Sephardic women, although they had a very Western, modern life style, knew and appreciated the intangible heritage of Sephardic folklore that they had received handed down from their mothers and grandmothers. Those considerations are based on the information and comments about folklore and folksongs contained in the letters of affluent Sephardic Jews who maintained correspondence with Angel Pulido, a Spanish doctor and senator who in 1904 started a political campaign to strenghten ties and relations between Spain and the Sephardic Jews.

This article documents the contributions of Joseph Royeppen, a colonial born Christian activist in South Africa at the turn of the century. Royeppen was a barrister, passive resister and a devout Christian. He was the first colonial born Indian to study law at Cambridge and played an important role in mobilising support for Indian grievances whilst in England. He participated in the first satyagraha campaign in South Africa and endured imprisonment. Yet in the vast corpus of historical literature on South Africans of Indian descent he is given minimal recognition. This paper seeks to rectify this omission by documenting his contributions to the first satyagraha campaign that occurred in the Transvaal between 1907-1911. Royeppen, in his fight against oppression and inequality, embraced multiple roles: an eloquent student, barrister, devout Christian, hawker, passive resister and labourer. He mediated among these varying roles and in the process highlighted not only strength in character but dignity in protest action. A colonial born Indian, he was highly critical of the colonial and British governments and challenged their attempts to deny citizenship rights to South Africans of Indian descent. Joseph Royeppen’s narrative is significant because it highlights the role and contributions of colonial born Indians, in particular the educated elite, to the early political struggles in South Africa. In many ways, they were an important, influential and active constituency in South Africa’s road to democracy.

Since its inception, New Zealand film production has often been characterized by a strong focus on the promotion and marketing of local scenic locations. However, over the last few decades and simultaneously with New Zealand’s rapidly increasing urbanization rates, urban narratives have gained prominence in the cinematic representation of the country, gradually becoming important aspects of national tourism marketing campaigns. This article first provides an overview of New Zealand tourism film’s dynamics of production and recurring themes and narratives from the early twentieth century to the 1960s. It then focuses on Toehold on a Harbour and This Auckland – tourism films produced by the government-led New Zealand National Film Unit and released respectively in 1967 and 1966 – and identifies a turning point in the manufacturing of local urban narratives and in New Zealand urban tourism marketing. My critical and textual analysis of these two case studies notably relies on the examination of archival documents related to their production and on an interview with This Auckland’s director Hugh Macdonald. It ultimately shows how the emergence of ‘cities with a character’ as a tourism marketing tool was in fact a carefully planned, articulated and years-long government-driven strategy.

This article provides an analysis of Dutch election posters in the period from 1946 to 2006. Based on the literature on the professionalization of political communication, several hypotheses are formulated regarding changes in textual and visual elements of those posters. These hypotheses focus on over-time changes in the presence and prominence of the party leader and party logo’s as well as references to specific political issues and ideology in these posters. In total, 225 posters for 23 parties in 19 elections are analyzed. Results reveal that changes in visual elements are in line with the hypotheses, with an increased use of party logo, an increasing presence and prominence of the party leader, and a decreasing focus on ideology. The textual parts of the posters, however, show no or opposite trends. The results call for a more nuanced scientific treatment of the consequences of the professionalization of political communication and demonstrate the necessity to analyze both visual and textual elements of political parties’ communication.

Shortly after the outbreak of World War One, Charles Masterman was appointed by Prime Minister Asquith to oversee a covert literary propaganda campaign in support of the British war effort. Although William Le Queux had been one of the most prominent British anti-German writers during the prewar years, he was not recruited for this governmental endeavour that included many of the nation’s best-known writers. Nonetheless, he continued on his own to publish anti-German propaganda throughout the war. These two articles assess Le Queux’s national security-oriented writings within that broader context, and they offer a methodology for gauging the potential efficacy of such texts based on recent developments in the field of risk-perception studies. Part One provides a historical and methodological foundation for both articles and assesses a number of Le Queux’s pre-1914 works. Part Two (published in Part II of this issue) examines Le Queux’s career and writings from 1914 through to his death in 1927.

Shortly after the outbreak of World War One, Charles Masterman was appointed by Prime Minister Asquith to oversee a covert literary propaganda campaign in support of the British war effort. Although William Le Queux had been one of the most prominent British anti-German writers during the prewar years, he was not recruited for this governmental endeavour that included many of the nation’s best-known writers. Nonetheless, he continued on his own to publish anti-German propaganda throughout the war. These two articles assess Le Queux’s national security-oriented writings within that broader context, and they offer a methodology for gauging the potential efficacy of such texts based on recent developments in the field of risk-perception studies. Part One (published in Part I of this issue) provides a historical and methodological foundation for both articles and assesses a number of Le Queux’s pre-1914 works. Part Two examines Le Queux’s career and writings from 1914 through to his death in 1927.

In 1967, Gordon Tullock asked why firms do not spend more on campaign contributions, despite the large rents that could be generated from political activities. We suggest in this paper that part of the puzzle could come from the fact that one important type of political activity has been neglected by the literature which focuses on campaign contributions or political connections. We call this neglected activity “asset freezing”: situations in which firms delay lay-offs or invest in specific technologies to support local politicians’ re-election objectives. In doing so, firms bear a potentially significant cost as they do not use a portion of their economic assets in the most efficient or productive way. The purpose of this paper is to provide a first theoretical exploration of this phenomenon. Building on the literature on corporate political resources, we argue that a firm's economic assets can be evaluated based on their degree of “political freezability,” which depends on the flexibility of their use and on their value for policy-makers. We then develop a simple model in which financial contributions and freezing assets are alternative options for a firm willing to lawfully influence public policy-making, and derive some of our initial hypotheses more formally.

Throughout the 1970s protest against abortion was organised by two main pressure groups, the Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child and the LIFE organisation. This paper considers the rhetoric employed by the anti-abortion movement during this period by focusing on the campaign literature, the evidence submitted to various committees of inquiry and public statements made by leading anti-abortionists. The findings from a study of a small sample of anti-abortion protestors are also reported. A self-administered questionnaire was completed by sixty-four members of two local branches of the two national pressure groups and semi-structured interviews were conducted with local campaign activists. In the subsequent analysis the anti-abortion movement is depicted as adopting a position of cultural fundamentalism in the face of changing social mores and moral values. Protest against abortion is placed within the wider framework of moral reform. In studying the movement and its supporters use is made of the analytical distinction between assimilative and coercive reform (Gusfield, 1963).

AbstractThe article uses the first population census of postcolonial Ghana to analyze the relationship between statistics and the process of imagining the nation-state. In contrast with much historical and sociological literature, which conceptualizes the relationship between census-taking and state formation in terms of identification, classification, and quantification, the departure point of this analysis is the importance of gaining the trust of the counted subjects. In Ghana, where the possibility of obtaining accurate population returns had been severely hindered by people's distrust in the state, the 1960 population census saw the organization of a capillary education campaign in schools and in the press. By dissecting the iconographies emerging from the Census Education and Enlightenment Campaign, the article makes three contributions. First, it shows that understanding the concrete ways in which statistics inform political imagination requires an expansion of the field of observation beyond the statistical machinery and other “centers of calculation.” Second, complementing James Ferguson's understanding of “development discourse” as an “anti-politics machine,” it is argued that the possibility of making the people of Ghana “census minded” depended on the construction of a much richer set of inherently political representations about the nature of the postcolonial state. Finally, it shows the importance of critically interrogating the political implications acquired by the reception of global statistical practices. It does so by documenting the multiple ways in which the international standards promoted by the United Nations became entwined with the transformation of Ghanaian politics through the mobilization of children and press propaganda.

The publishing activities of the French second-wave feminist movement are well-documented. Less attention has been focused on its attempts to imagine childhood freed from sexism. In the mid-1970s, the Franco-Italian editorial partnership ‘Du côté des petites filles/Dalla Parte delle Bambine’ fought ‘on the side of the little girls’ by publishing a new kind of children's book: politically and aesthetically subversive, and engaged in the period's major feminist debates. Tracing relationships between the publishers involved, this article illustrates how feminist campaigns helped shape new ideas on children and their culture after 1968: child-rearing was both a major point névralgique of the movement as a whole, and an issue requiring action, to provide tools for the struggle. Examining publishing practices, creative artists and books, this study reveals both the intellectual impact of the MLF activists on ideas of childhood and children's literature, and the artistic visions and new poetics they helped nurture.

The Axis campaign in the Balkans resulted in the occupation of Greece (1941–1944) by German, Italian, and Bulgarian forces. During the occupation, a number of ethnic groups raised secessionist demands and aligned themselves with those, who they thought, would better serve their aspirations for greater autonomy. The Muslim minority of Western Thrace stands in sharp contrast to this paradigm, as despite its numerical strength and its proximity with the Turkish “motherland,” as well as its segregation from the Christian majority and the state authorities, it made no organized attempt to secede and followed a pacifist policy. The events of the Axis occupation of Greece have attracted a great deal of academic attention in recent years. The Muslim minority of Thrace by comparison has been the subject of less systematic investigation. In particular, its involvement in these turbulent events has been almost completely neglected by the literature. The present paper seeks to address this gap through the examination of the effect of the Bulgarian occupation on the Muslim population.

Abstract Focusing on Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, “Religious Education and the Anglo-World” historiographically examines the relationship between empire and religious education. In each case the analysis centres on the foundational moments of publicly funded education in the mid- to late-nineteenth centuries when policy makers created largely Protestant systems of religious education, and frequently denied Roman Catholics funding for private education. Secondly, the period from 1880 to 1960 during which campaigns to strengthen religious education emerged in each context. Finally, the era of decolonisation from the 1960s through the 1980s when publicly funded religious education was challenged by the loss of Britishness as a central ideal, and Roman Catholics found unprecedented success in achieving state aid in many cases. By bringing these disparate national literatures into conversation with one another, the essay calls for a greater transnational approach to the study of religious education in the Anglo-World.

AbstractThis paper reexamines ND 2443+, a Neo-Assyrian administrative record excavated at Calah in 1952, and first published by Barbara Parker in 1961 (Iraq 23, pp. 27-28). A new translation of this important text is presented, followed by a few notes and a discussion on the relation between the Israelite exile Hilqī-Iāu, and the city Sagbat/Bīt-Sagbat in Media. The text should be dated to the last years of Tiglath-pileser III since it mentions Bēl-Harrān-bēlu-usur, the nāgir ekalli, first appointed ca. 775 B.C., and the Israelites Hilqī-Iāu and Gir-Iāu, probably exiled from Israel after the 733-732 B.C. campaign. In light of the new interpretation of ND 2443+ the issue of “the cities of Media” (1 Kgs 17:6; 18:14) is reconsidered, and it is suggested that ND 2443+ indicates the deportation of Israelites to Media in the last years of Tiglath-pileser III.

The article describes the so-called requisition campaign carried out in Vilnius city and region and Kaunas, Lithuania, the aim of which was to recover the cultural heritage which was supposed to stay abroad as a result of the change of borders after World War II for the Polish State and its citizens People connected with the Cultural Department established by the Polish Committee of National Liberation in 1944 at the Office of the Chief Plenipotentiary for Evacuation in the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic. The Cultural Department carried out this activity under the Agreement between the Polish Committee of National Liberation and the Government of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic regarding the evacuation of Polish citizens from Soviet Lithuania and Lithuanian citizens from Poland concerning the mutual repatriation of peoples. The article aims to recall the private collections and most important cultural institutions in Vilnius from the period before 1939 which failed to be transported from Vilnius to Poland, despite the great efforts of many people. However, regardless of the result, the actions described and those who conducted them deserve to be recalled and mentioned in the subject-matter literature.

AbstractDuring the colonial period sexually transmitted infections (STIs) came to be recognised as a major public health problem in African cities. Thus, STI control and urban modernisation became deeply entangled as authorities redrew spatial and social boundaries to manage populations and their cross-cultural interaction. Public health measures, urban planning and policing were part of a coordinated effort to neutralise the potential impact of rapidly growing African urban migration on the Belgian Congo’s ‘model’ capital Leopoldville. While STI control was facilitated by new drugs (arsenicals, sulfonamides and antibiotics) to treat syphilis, chancroid, gonorrhoea and chlamydia (bacterial STIs), the effects of the 1929 economic crisis and urban social change illustrated the limits of colonial authority. Redesigning urban spaces and repressive measures to curb polygyny and prostitution operated in a parallel fashion with the expansion of health coverage, new treatments and awareness campaigns. To gain a better understanding of the evolution of STI incidence among African urban populations during the colonial period between 1910 and 1960, extensive archival records and secondary literature were consulted to assess the interplay between improved screening, diagnostic and therapeutic methods with demographic and social change. They show that STI rates, probably peaked during the pre-1929 period and apart from a short period in the early 1930s associated with mass screening, declined until becoming residual in the 1950s. Reflecting upon sanitary interventions and their broader dimensions, the article analyses the evolution of treatment regimes and their impact in the changing urban organisation and environment of the colony’s capital.

Significant changes in the library network development of Tambov region have occurred as a result of reforming the administrative-territorial division. The counties and townships abolition has led to a change of the libraries typology. The Central Provincial Library was first transformed into the Central District Library (before 1934), then - into the Central Municipal one (until 1937), and, finally, to the Regional one (in 1937). A specific feature of the period under review was opening a central library in each district (with a network of mobile libraries), as well as the organizing stationary libraries at enterprises and large state- and collective-farms. Urban population was mostly served by a network of trade union libraries, rural inhabitants - by a library network of the People's Commissariat of Education. In 1940 the number of public libraries in Tambov region reached 552, including 453 ones in the countryside. The network of public (mass) libraries included the following libraries: state district ones - 42, state municipal ones - 4, state rural ones - 102, state children ones - 7, village state public library and reading rooms - 158, public libraries at the regional culture houses and other club facilities - 12, collective-farm ones - 56, trade union ones - 131, public libraries of other agencies and organizations - 27. Strengthening ideological pressure on library services resulted in the tightening of censorship, mass withdrawal of the ideologically harmful literature. Collections of seized books marked «do not give masses» were created in the libraries as special funds. New editions entered the region in a limited number. In general, in the 1930s the book composition in the library stocks of Tambov region is characterized by the following data by branches of knowledge: anti-religious literature was 2,2%, social studies - 19,5%, natural science - 4,6%, applied sciences - 6,2%, agriculture - 5,1%, history and geography - 6,5%, fiction - 28,7%, others - 27,2%. The total library fund had not enough fiction and books on natural history, book sections on technology and agriculture needed accession. By the beginning of 1941 the amount of the public libraries fund in Tambov region was totaled 843,948 copies. To improve significantly the level of library service the nation-wide measures have been taken, among them were the following: Library Campaign, All-Union Library Census, All-Union competition for the best area on performing the librarianship in the countryside. They were aimed at drawing public attention to the serious problems existed in the librarianship. However, the Library Campaign was not properly developed in Tambov region. Scanty funding, general unpreparedness, inadequate qualifications of librarians and other factors affected negatively to achieve this goal.

AbstractIn 1965 Jamaica was declared free of malaria by the World Health Organisation (WHO), thus ending centuries of death and suffering from the disease. This declaration followed the successful completion of the WHO’s Malaria Eradication Programme (MEP) on the island, initiated in 1958. This account first explores the antecedent control measures adopted by the government up to the MEP. These, as advocated by the previous malaria ‘experts’ who had reported on the disease on the island concentrated on controlling the vector and the administration of quinine for individual protection. Although Jamaica suffered no catastrophic epidemics of island-wide scope, malaria was a constant cause of mortality and morbidity. Major change came in the wake of the Second World War within the changing political context of national independence and international development. In 1957 the Jamaican government joined the global WHO programme to eradicate malaria. The Jamaican campaign exposes many of the problems noted in other studies of such top–down initiatives in their lack of attention to the particular circumstances of each case. Despite being described as ‘a textbook pattern’ of malaria eradication, the MEP in Jamaica suffered from a lack of sufficient preparation and field knowledge. This is most obviously illustrated by the fact that all literature on the programme sent to Jamaica in the first two years was in Spanish. That the MEP exploited the technological opportunity provided by dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT) with advantage in Jamaica is not disputed but as this analysis illustrates this success was by no means guaranteed.

Islam was introduced to Taiwan in two different periods via migrations of populations from the continent. The first one occurred in the seventeenth century in the wake of Ming loyalist Zheng Chenggong’s campaign of resistance against the Qing. The later one was in the mid-twentieth century following Chiang Kai-shek’s retreat to Taiwan after the defeat of the Nationalists in the Civil War against the Communist Party. Taipei’s Grand Mosque was built in 1960 following the second migration of Muslim population from mainland China. At the end of the 1950s, the Chinese Muslim Association (CMA) in Taiwan commissioned the construction of Taipei’s Grand Mosque to Chinese architect Yang Cho-cheng. The building, inaugurated in 1960 in front of several leaders of the Muslim world, is an architectural anomaly in Taipei’s urban landscape and it has strangely been overlooked by the most relevant contemporary western literature on building mosques in non-Muslim countries. Three important mosques were built in non-Muslim countries in the first half of the twentieth century: the Jamia Mosque in Hong Kong (1915); the Kobe Mosque (1935); and the Old Tokyo Mosque (1938) in Japan. At first glance, Taipei’s Grand mosque is immediately recognizable to the general public as a temple of Muslim faith, because it features elements traditionally associated with mosques, such as the dome, and the two slender minarets. For its design, the architect Yang Cho-cheng combined several Islamic architectural traditions (Umayyad, Fatimid, Safavid, and Ottoman) with new building techniques like the use of reinforced concrete. Even if it might look like some sort of architectural pastiche, it is actually the manifesto of the foreign politics of Taiwan in the 1960s. The following article is a detailed architectural analysis of Yang Cho-cheng’s Grand Mosque and all the factors which led to its peculiar design. Keywords: Taiwan, Islam, Islamic Architecture, Taipei, Mosque design, 1960s. Abstrak Islam diperkenalkan ke Taiwan dalam dua tempoh yang berbeza melalui migrasi penduduk dari benua itu. Yang pertama berlaku pada abad ketujuh belas semasa kempen penentangan Ming Zheng Chenggong terhadap Qing. Yang kemudiannya adalah pada pertengahan abad kedua puluh selepas berundurnya Chiang Kai-shek ke Taiwan selepas kekalahan Nasionalis kepada Parti Komunis dalam Perang Saudara. Masjid Besar Taipei dibina pada tahun 1960 berikutan penghijrahan kedua penduduk Islam dari tanah besar China. Pada penghujung tahun 1950-an, Persatuan Cina Islam (CMA) di Taiwan telah menyerahkan kerja pembinaan Masjid Besar Taipei kepada arkitek Cina bernama Yang Cho-cheng. Bangunan yang dirasmikan pada tahun 1960 di hadapan beberapa pemimpin dunia Islam, adalah anomali seni bina lanskap di bandar Taipei tetapi ironinya kesusasteraan barat kontemporari seperti tidak mengiktiraf pembinaan masjid-masjid di negara bukan Islam. Terdapat tiga buah masjid penting yang telah dibina negara bukan Islam pada separuh tahun pertama abad kedua puluh: Masjid Jamia di Hong Kong (1915); Masjid Kobe (1935); dan Masjid Tokyo Lama (1938) di Jepun. Sekilas pandang, masjid Grand Taipei diketahui oleh masyarakat umum sebagai tempat pengibadatan orang Islam, kerana ia mempunyai unsur-unsur tradisi sebuah masjid, seperti mempunyai kubah, dan dua batang menara yang tinggi. Dalam reka bentuk senibinanya, arkitek Yang Cho-cheng telah menggabungkan beberapa tradisi seni bina Islam (Umayyad, Fatimid, Safavid, dan Uthmaniyyah) dengan teknik bangunan baru seperti penggunaan konkrit bertetulang. Walaupun ia kelihatan seperti sejenis karya senibina, ia sebenarnya adalah manifesto politik asing Taiwan pada tahun 1960-an. Artikel ini bertujuan menganalisa seni bina dengan terperinci mengenai Masjid Besar yang dibina oleh Yang Cho-cheng dan semua faktor yang membawa kepada keunikan reka bentuk seni binanya. Kata Kunci: Taiwan, Islam, Arkitek Islam, Taipei, Rekabentuk Masjid, 1960s.

For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime against humanity. In the post-apartheid era, it is expectedthat all South Africans enjoy and celebrate the full extent of their human rights. However, it appears that the envisaged rights are not equally enjoyed by all. This is because widening inequalities in the health-care system, in schooling, and in the lucrative sporting arena have not been amicably and irrevocably resolved. Furthermore, it is still the norm that the most vulnerable of South Africans, especially rural Africans, find it difficult, and sometimes, impossible to access adequate and even essential healthcare services. Central to the possible questions to emerge from this discourse are the following(i) What is the current state of South Africa’s health system at the turn of 23 years of its majority rule? (ii) Why is the South African health system still unable to sufficiently deliver the socioeconomic health rights of most South African people? It is against this background that this article uses a critical discourse analysis approach in its broadest form to provide a nuanced Afrocentric assessment of South Africa’s human rights record in the health sector since the year 1994. Data for this article is generated through the review of the cauldron of published and unpublished academic, official and popular literature.

For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime against humanity. In the post-apartheid era, it is expectedthat all South Africans enjoy and celebrate the full extent of their human rights. However, it appears that the envisaged rights are not equally enjoyed by all. This is because widening inequalities in the health-care system, in schooling, and in the lucrative sporting arena have not been amicably and irrevocably resolved. Furthermore, it is still the norm that the most vulnerable of South Africans, especially rural Africans, find it difficult, and sometimes, impossible to access adequate and even essential healthcare services. Central to the possible questions to emerge from this discourse are the following(i) What is the current state of South Africa’s health system at the turn of 23 years of its majority rule? (ii) Why is the South African health system still unable to sufficiently deliver the socioeconomic health rights of most South African people? It is against this background that this article uses a critical discourse analysis approach in its broadest form to provide a nuanced Afrocentric assessment of South Africa’s human rights record in the health sector since the year 1994. Data for this article is generated through the review of the cauldron of published and unpublished academic, official and popular literature.

Background. The history of theater criticism in Ukraine is a poorly understood science area. The process of formation and development of Theater Studies education is even less learned page of our theatrical process. Currently we have mainly short background history descriptions of the single theatrical departments than the reproduction of the whole process. Kharkiv Theater Institute (now the Kharkiv National University of Arts named after I. P. Kotlyarevsky) is highlighted in several publications that date back to the jubilee dates of the educational institution (the articles by N. Logvinova (1992 [17]), H. Botunova (2007 [9]), H. Botunova in collaboration with I. Lobanova (2017 [8]) and with I. Lobanova and Yu. Kovalenko (2012 [6]). Taking into account the reference and informational nature of these writings, the question of the methodology of teaching specialized disciplines, in particular, theatrical criticism, practically is not considered. The aim of this study is to analyze the process of formation of theater studies education within the boundaries of Kharkiv theatrical school, to determine the main methodological principles of theater criticism teaching in the context of the theatrical process development in general and the theatrical critical thought in particular, and also to consider the objective and subjective factors that were influenced on the schooling process in theatrical criticism area. Results. The development of theatrical criticism is directly related to the development of theatrical art. The active theatrical movement of the 1920’s has produced a great wave of theatrical criticism that was unprecedented in Ukrainian journalism. Among the factors that influenced the formation of the institute of theater criticism is the development of theater education in Kharkiv of the same period. And the most important thing is that authoritative theorists and practitioners have been involved in the organization and functioning of these educational institutions, teaching historical and theoretical disciplines: I. Turkeltaub, A. Bielecki, Ya. Mamontov, I. Shevchenko, M. Voronyi. It would seem that the logic of the theatrical process and theater education and the level of theatrical-critical thought should one way or another lead to the creation of the theatrical faculty (department) in one of Kharkiv’s higher educational institutions. However, the devastating defeat of the Ukrainian theater during the theatrical disputes of the late 1920’s and the further physical elimination of both theatrical artists and the chroniclers of their work, did not leave a trace of the rise and diversity of critical thought. The repressive processes also did not walked past and the sphere of theater education. In 1934, the Musical-Theater Institute in Kharkiv was closed. The rapid stage of development of all areas of theatrical art, which could lead to the establishment of a vocational school, was artificially torn and slowed down the process of establishing Theater Studies education on a certain time. A new stage in the history of Kharkiv’s theatrical criticism, which ultimately led to the establishment of vocational education, began after the liberation of the city in 1944, when the faculty of Theater Studies was opened at the Kharkiv Theater Institute due to initiative of S. Ignatov and A. Pletniov. Historical and theoretical disciplines were dominated in the theatre theorist’ education. Also there were a few subjects provides skills and ability to analyze drama, performance, directing and acting, the modern theatrical process: “Introduction to Theater Studies”, “Theatrical Criticism Workshop”, “Theory of Literature and Drama”. However, their teaching was extremely unsystematic. In search of the “Criticism” teacher the institute appealed to one of the most experienced theatrical reviewers V. Morsky, who had more than 20 years of experience in journalism at that time. This discipline did not have a clear developed program, work plan, methodological development, there was not even a well-known name, and it appears as “Reviewer Practicum”, “Theater Criticism”, “Theatrical Criticism Workshop”. V. Morsky was an active journalist and his method of teaching was based primarily on personal experience and everyday practice. The most important thing that was instilled to students is the need to write and publish. At the classes, students discussed and analyzed Kharkiv theaters’ performances, write reviews and read them directly in class. If there were not enough theatrical events, the lector chose music concerts and new movies to analyze. Active and gifted students were attracted to the review work in the newspaper “Krasnoye Znamya”, where he headed the Department of Culture, and they were beginning be published from a student’s times. He taught his students to analyze first the aesthetic and artistic qualities of artistic works, and not ideological and sociological components. An equally important factor in the young critics’ formation was the newspaper theatrical journalism, which was at a high professional level in Kharkiv in the late 1940’s. The theater life in the city was regularly covered in newspapers by V. Morsky, G. Gelfandbein, L. Zhadanov (L. Livshits) and B. Milyavsky. The prime of theatrical and generally artistic life, the rise of local journalism did not last long. The new repressive campaign in the USSR in 1946–1949 held in the field of science, literature, culture and the art. During these campaigns, a pleiad of highly talented teachers was fired from the institute or they quitted. It destroyed major of Kharkiv journalism in the 1940’s, including the first teacher of theatrical critique V. Morsky that was arrested and soon died in exile. Theatrical criticism as a profession for many years has lost its position of influence on the artistic process and disappeared from the Institute schedule in the function of classroom discipline for some time. Significantly decreased the amount of wishing to restock the ranks of “rootless cosmopolitans” (so they were reviled by official propaganda); the competition for Theater Studies department was virtually non-existent. Conclusions. Formation of the Theater Studies Department, developing teaching methods of one of the core subjects – theater criticism – at the Kharkiv Theater Institute took place against a background of difficult conditions of historical reality saturated ideological and political repression. This fact has not contributed to the development of theater criticism. National Theater Studies must go a long way to recreate an objective picture of the development of Ukrainian theatrical criticism, to define its stages and trends, fill in the lacunae in the biographies of scientists and formulate the originality of the methodology each of them.

BackgroundGP consultation rates for influenza-like illness (ILI) are poorly known in France and there is a paucity of literature on this topic. In the few articles that have been published, the results are heterogeneous.AimThe aim of the present study was to estimate the proportion of ILI inducing a GP consultation, and to assess its determinants.Design & settingParticipants of a French web-based cohort study who reported ≥1 ILI episode between 2012 and 2015 were included. Sociodemographic characteristics, access to health care, and health status variables were collected.MethodHealthcare-seeking behaviour was analysed and factors associated with a GP consultation identified using a conditional logistic regression.ResultsOf the 6023 ILI episodes reported, 1961 (32.6%) led to a GP consultation, with no difference between those at risk of influenza complications and those not (P = 0.42). A GP consultation was more frequent for individuals living in a rural area (odds ratio [OR] = 1.21, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.02 to 1.43); those with a lower educational level (OR = 1.43, 95% CI = 1.18 to 1.74); those using the internet to find information about influenza (OR = 1.63, 95% CI = 1.30 to 2.03); patients presenting with worrying symptoms (fever, cough, dyspnoea, sputum, or asthenia); patients having a negative perception of their own health status (OR = 1.51, 95% CI = 1.07 to 2.13; and those having declared a personal doctor (OR = 2.86, 95% CI = 1.72 to 4.76). A GP consultation was less frequent for individuals using alternative medicine (OR = 0.68, 95% CI = 0.58 to 0.78).ConclusionThis study allows the identification of specific factors associated with GP consultation for an ILI episode. These findings may help to coordinate health information campaigns and to raise awareness, especially among individuals at risk of influenza complications.

The purpose of the paper is to unblended analysis of sources and literature on the repressive policy of Soviet power against the representatives of Ukrainian cinema. In general, the main principles of party-state policy in the field of cinematography, including the mechanism of the influence of ideology on the cinematographic process in the Ukrainian SSR, are grounded, and the interaction between public administration and creative organizations is grounded; The main methods and forms of the repressive policy directed against the artists of Ukrainian cinema are described. The existing structure severely restricted the powers and independence of the respective republican units of management. In Ukraine, the general management of cinematography was carried out by the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR through the State Committee of the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR on cinematography - a union republican body that did not have the necessary independence in determining the main principles of the development of cinema art. Derzhkino's powers included economic, financial functions and control over the ideological content of film production. Derzhkinos powers included economic, financial functions and control over the ideological content of film production. It was in its structure that the Cinema Repertoire Control Inspection functioned, the decision of which depended on the fate of films: from the approval of the script to the release of the film on the screen. In those years, the practice of «film on the shelf» was extended, when films that were fully licensed for rental by all instances were fully prepared for rental, in the final version they did not satisfy the authorities, they were banned from showing. A more liberal requirement was the processing of unsatisfactory moments. The control over the repertoire of films that fell into the audience was reliant on the Main Directorate of Film and Film. The article uses the following research methods: comparative-historical, typologies, classifications, problem-chronological, objectivity, multifactor, which allow to study complex social phenomena, concrete events and facts in their dynamics. In the course of the study, it was found that during this period there was a structuring and centralization of the management system of the cinematographic industry, the general leadership of which belonged to the State Committee of the USSR. It is proved that during the years of stagnation the influence of the command-administrative system and the rigorous subordination to the principles of party ideology, which involved interference with creative processes, increase of authorizing powers of administrative structures and increase of censorship, was intensified. It was found out that after the thaw was extinguished, Ukrainian cinema was subject to strict regulation of the canons of «socialist realism». Ideological policy was secured by relevant party and state regulations, which provided a party assessment of the development of cinematography, criticized areas that were not interested in the party-bureaucratic system, the thematic orientation of cinema was normalized. Against the representatives of this course, the authorities used the usual spectrum of methods of struggle: blatant criticism and discredit in the media, in party and government decisions at the gathering of cinematographers; prosecution and imprisonment. The process of organization of the state campaign against the school of poetry films in the context of implementation of the policy of narrowing the sphere of application of the Ukrainian language and reducing the production of films in the Ukrainian language is analyzed. The planning of the work of film studios, censorship on the subject of films became the main tools for enhanced control over the development of Ukrainian cinema during the studied period. The interaction of public administration and creative organizations - the Union of Cinematographers of Ukraine, which was a pro-government structure and controlled by the party bureaucracy, was grounded, although one of its statutory tasks was protection of the creative, professional, copyright and public rights of its members.

In questo saggio si svolgerà una comparazione dei tre brevi romanzi di Calvino La formica argentina (1952), La nuvola di smog (1958), La speculazione edilizia (1957), con le opere di Malerba in cui maggiormente emerge il suo impegno ecologico: Il serpente (1966), Salto mortale (1968) e Fantasmi romani (2006). Tra questi romanzi che trattano con nerbo la tematica etico-ambientale, esiste un dialogo molto forte a livello testuale e ideologico, certamente maturato dall’amicizia e dagli scambi tra i due autori. Malerba e Calvino, uomini di città cresciuti però in stretto rapporto con la campagna, si rivelano attenti osservatori dei mutamenti economici, antropologici e ambientali che l’Italia subiva nell’epoca del boom. Lontana da qualsiasi lirismo romantico e da sentimenti nostalgici per un mitico passato, la relazione tra letteratura e ambiente affiora nei testi come una forma di denuncia ecologica contro inquinamento, speculazione edilizia e sottomissione degli organismi non-umani. Sia Malerba sia Calvino si fanno portavoce della necessità di smascherare le ideologie dominanti e boicottare le logiche binarie come natura / cultura. Nella battaglia che inscenano tra umano e non-umano emerge la loro prospettiva “ecocentrica” che attribuisce un valore intrinseco ad ogni organismo vivente e al loro spazio naturale a prescindere dalla loro utilità e profitto per l’essere umano. Abstract This essay compares Italo Calvino’s short novels La Formica Argentina (1952), La Nuvola di Smog (1958), and La Speculazione Edilizia (1957), with Luigi Malerba’s works, in which his strong environmental consciousness most comes to light: Il Serpente (1966), Salto Mortale (1968) and Fantasmi Romani (2006). These works engage in a textual and ideological “ecocentric” dialogue about the environment and society, which was certainly the result of the close friendship and professional exchanges between the two authors. This project thus participates in ecocriticism through an investigation of the textual and ideological dialogue between these texts. Rather than merely romantic lyricism and feelings of nostalgia for the mythical past, the relationship between literature and the environment emerges in the texts as a form of ecological denunciation against pollution, building development, and the subjugation of non-human organisms. Malerba and Calvino, city men who spent their upbringing in close contact with nature, reveal themselves to be attentive observers of the economical, anthropological, and environmental changes that Italy underwent in the period known as the economic boom. Both Malerba and Calvino bring to the fore the urgency to unmask dominant ideologies and to boycott perceived binary oppositions of nature versus culture. Through these texts, they stage a battle between the human and non-human, bringing together their “ecocentric” perspective with their goal of bestowing an intrinsic value to every living organism and their natural space. Resumen Este ensayo compara tres novelas cortas de Italo Calvino La formica argentina (1952), La nuvola di smog (1958), La speculazione edilizia (1957), con las obras de Luigi Malerba, en las que más manifiesta su empeño ecológico: Il serpente (1966), Salto mortale (1968) e Fantasmi romani (2006). Entre estas novelas, que tratan con vigor la temática ético-medioambientalista, existe un diálogo muy fuerte a un nivel textual e ideológico, ciertamente madurado desde la amistad y los intercambios entre los dos autores. Malerba y Calvino, hombres de ciudad pero que crecieron en cercano contacto con la naturaleza, se revelan cuidadosos observadores de los mutaciones económicas, antropológicas y medioambientales que el Italia sufría en la época del boom de los años cincuenta y sesenta. Lejana de cualquier lirismo romántico y de sentimientos nostálgicos por un pasado mítico, la relación entre literatura y medio ambiente aparece en los textos como una forma de denuncia ecológica contra la contaminación, la especulación edil y la sumisión de los organismos no-humanos. Tanto Malerba como Calvino devienen portavoces de la necesitad de desenmascarar las ideologías dominantes y boicotear las lógicas binarias como naturaleza / cultura. En la lucha que escenifican entre el humano y no-humano emerge su perspectiva “ecocéntrica” que atribuye un valor intrínseco a cada organismo viviente y a su espacio natural sin importar los beneficios económicos.

Following the Footsteps of the Soldiers of the Jędrzejów District of the Home Army in the Years 1939-1956. Part 1: The Conspiracy in KarolówkaThe family of Przemysław Janoff (Janów), a forester and administrator of the forests and goods of the landowner Górski family, has lived since 1936 in Motkowice, a small town located 14 km east of Jędrzejów. The forest lodge Karolówka became a center of underground activity during the German occupation. Przemysław Janoff, codename „Stary”, together with his son Sergiusz, codename „Set”, soldiers of the Union of Armed Struggle, and later of the Home Army, acted in the intelligence, sabotage and reception of airdrop. They also organized transfers, stored weapons, and conducted radio monitoring. In the forest lodge, secret classes were organized and people sought by the Gestapo were protected. An unknown part of the family’s activity was the action of helping Jews by creating the first link of the „chain of life”. The Janoff family hid Jews from the Jędrzejów ghetto, who, after a short stay in hiding, were later transported to safe places. The aid campaign for the Jewish doctor Hirsch Beer in Jędrzejów was the only one mentioned in historical literature. Since 1943 Sergiusz Janoff „Set” carried out the underground tasks together with Andrzej Ropelewski, codename „Karaś”, and in 1944, when participating in the armed actions of a sabotage group, he met with brothers Wesołowski - Leszek, codename „Strzała” and Wiesiek, codename „Orzeł”, guerillas from the „Barabasz” and later the „Spaleni” group. Common experiences made young people friends for the rest of their lives. The basic thread of the article is the story of four friends shown against the background of the underground and armed activities of the poviat level of the Home Army. Mentioning the details of the biographies of the protagonists and many other characters aims to convey the realities of the underground everyday life and the atmosphere of the German occupation. A study of the characters, attitudes and choices of Home Army soldiers during the war gives rise to reflection on their fate in post-war Poland. This article is therefore a fragment of a larger undertaking and aims at initiating a cycle of publications. Unknown facts and those already described which required verification were examined on the basis of new historical sources and re-analysis of the already known ones.

The city of Naples (Campanian region, Southern Italy) has been hit by the strongest earthquakes located inside the seismogenic areas of the Southern Apennines, as well as by the volcano-tectonic earthquakes of the surrounding areas of the Campi Flegrei, Ischia and Vesuvius volcanic districts. An analysis of the available seismic catalogues shows that in the last millennium, more than 100 earthquakes have struck Naples with intensities rating I to III on the Mercalli–Cancani–Sieberg (MCS) scale over the felt level. Ten of these events have exceeded the damage level, with a few of these possessing an intensity greater than VII MCS. The catastrophic earthquakes of 1456 (I0 = XI MCS), 1688 (I0 = XI MCS) and 1805 (I0 = X MCS) occurred in the Campania–Molise Apennines chain, produced devastating effects on the urban heritage of the city of Naples, reaching levels of damage equal to VIII MCS. In the 20th century, the city of Naples was hit by three strong earthquakes in 1930 (I0 = X MCS), 1962 (I0 = IX MCS) and 1980 (I0 = X MCS), all with epicenters in the Campania and Basilicata regions. The last one is still deeply engraved in the collective memory, having led to the deaths of nearly 3000 individuals and resulted in the near-total destruction of some Apennine villages. Moreover, the city of Naples has also been hit by ancient historical earthquakes that originated in the Campanian volcanic districts of Campi Flegrei, Vesuvio and Ischia, with intensities up to VII–VIII MCS (highest in the Vesuvian area). Based on the intensity and frequency of its past earthquakes, the city of Naples is currently classified in the second seismic category, meaning that it is characterized by “seismicity of medium energy”. In this paper, we determine the level of damage suffered by Naples and its monuments as a result of the strongest earthquakes that have hit the city throughout history, highlighting its repetitiveness in some areas. To this aim, we reconstructed the seismic history of some of the most representative urban monuments, using documentary and historical sources data related to the effects of strong earthquakes of the Southern Apennines on the city of Naples. The ultimate purpose of this study is to perform a seismic macro-zoning of the ancient center of city and reduce seismic risk. Our contribution represents an original elaboration on the existing literature by creating a damage-density map of the strongest earthquakes and highlighting, for the first time, the areas of the city of Naples that are most vulnerable to strong earthquakes in the future. These data could be of fundamental importance to the construction of detailed maps of seismic microzones. Our study contributes to the mitigation of seismic risk in the city of Naples, and provides useful advice that can be used to protect the historical heritage of Naples, whose historical center is a UNESCO World Heritage site.

-James Sidbury, Peter Linebaugh ,The many-headed Hydra: Sailors, slaves, commoners, and the hidden history of the revolutionary Atlantic. Boston: Beacon Press, 2000. 433 pp., Marcus Rediker (eds)-Ray A. Kea, Herbert S. Klein, The Atlantic slave trade. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1999. xxi + 234 pp.-Johannes Postma, P.C. Emmer, De Nederlandse slavenhandel 1500-1850. Amsterdam: De Arbeiderspers, 2000. 259 pp.-Karen Racine, Mimi Sheller, Democracy after slavery: Black publics and peasant radicalism in Haiti and Jamaica. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2001. xv + 224 pp.-Clarence V.H. Maxwell, Michael Craton ,Islanders in the stream: A history of the Bahamian people. Volume two: From the ending of slavery to the twenty-first century. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998. xv + 562 pp., Gail Saunders (eds)-César J. Ayala, Guillermo A. Baralt, Buena Vista: Life and work on a Puerto Rican hacienda, 1833-1904. 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Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. 203 pp.-Peter Redfield, Daniel Miller ,The internet: An ethnographic approach. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2000. ix + 217 pp., Don Slater (eds)-Deborah S. Rubin, Carla Freeman, High tech and high heels in the global economy: Women, work, and pink-collar identities in the Caribbean. Durham NC: Duke University Press, 2000. xiii + 334 pp.-John D. Galuska, Norman C. Stolzoff, Wake the town and tell the people: Dancehall culture in Jamaica. Durham NC: Duke University Press, 2000. xxviii + 298 pp.-Lise Waxer, Helen Myers, Music of Hindu Trinidad: Songs from the Indian Diaspora. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998. xxxii + 510 pp.-Lise Waxer, Peter Manuel, East Indian music in the West Indies: Tan-singing, chutney, and the making of Indo-Caribbean culture. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2000. xxv + 252 pp.-Reinaldo L. 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Gordon, Existentia Africana: Understanding Africana existential thought. New York; Routledge, 2000. xiii +228 pp.-Alex Dupuy, Bob Shacochis, The immaculate invasion. New York: Viking, 1999. xix + 408 pp.-Alex Dupuy, John R. Ballard, Upholding democracy: The United States military campaign in Haiti, 1994-1997. Westport CT: Praeger, 1998. xviii + 263 pp.-Anthony Payne, Jerry Haar ,Canadian-Caribbean relations in transition: Trade, sustainable development and security. London: Macmillan, 1999. xxii + 255 pp., Anthony T. Bryan (eds)-Bonham C. Richardson, Sergio Díaz-Briquets ,Conquering nature: The environmental legacy of socialism in Cuba. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000. xiii + 328 pp., Jorge Pérez-López (eds)-Neil L. Whitehead, Gérard Collomb ,Na'na Kali'na: Une histoire des Kali'na en Guyane. Petit Bourg, Guadeloupe: Ibis Rouge Editions, 2000. 145 pp., Félix Tiouka (eds)-Neil L. Whitehead, Upper Mazaruni Amerinidan District Council, Amerinidan Peoples Association of Guyana, Forest Peoples Programme, Indigenous peoples, land rights and mining in the Upper Mazaruni. Nijmegan, Netherlands: Global Law Association, 2000. 132 pp.-Salikoko S. Mufwene, Ronald F. Kephart, 'Broken English': The Creole language of Carriacou. New York: Peter Lang, 2000. xvi + 203 pp.-Salikoko S. Mufwene, Velma Pollard, Dread talk: The language of Rastafari. Kingston: Canoe Press: Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. Revised edition, 2000. xv + 117 pp.

The global spread of Salafism, though it began in the 1960s and 1970s, only started to attract significant attention from scholars and analysts outside of Islamic studies as well as journalists, politicians, and the general public following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks perpetrated by Al-Qaeda Central. After the attacks, Salafism—or, as it was pejoratively labeled by its critics inside and outside of the Islamic tradition, “Wahhabism”—was accused of being the ideological basis of all expressions of Sunni militancy from North America and Europe to West and East Africa, the Arab world, and into Asia. According to this narrative, Usama bin Laden, Ayman al-Za- wahiri, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, and other Sunni jihadis were merely putting into action the commands of medieval ‘ulama such as Ibn Taymiyya, the eighteenth century Najdi Hanbali Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and modern revolutionary ideologues like Sayyid Qutb and ‘Abdullah ‘Azzam. To eradicate terrorism, you must eliminate or neuter Salafism, say its critics. The reality, of course, is far more complex than this simplistic nar- rative purports. Salafism, though its adherents share the same core set of creedal beliefs and methodological approaches toward the interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith and Sunni legal canon, comes in many forms, from the scholastic and hierarchical Salafism of the ‘ulama in Saudi Arabia and other Muslim majority countries to the decentralized, self-described Salafi groups in Europe and North America who cluster around a single char- ismatic preacher who often has limited formal religious education. What unifies these different expressions of Salafism is a core canon of religious and legal texts and set of scholars who are widely respected and referenced in Salafi circles. Thurston grounds his fieldwork and text-based analysis of Salafism in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and home to one of the world’s largest single Muslim national populations, through the lens of this canon, which he defines as a “communally negotiated set of texts that is governed by rules of interpretation and appropriation” (1). He argues fur- ther that in the history of Nigerian Salafism, one can trace the major stages that the global Salafi movement has navigated as it spread from the Arab Middle East to what are erroneously often seen as “peripheral” areas of the Islamic world, Africa and parts of Asia. The book is based on extensive fieldwork in Nigeria including interviews with key Nigerian Salafi scholars and other leading figures as well as a wide range of textual primary sourc- es including British and Nigerian archival documents, international and national news media reports, leaked US embassy cables, and a significant number of religious lectures and sermons and writings by Nigerian Salafis in Arabic and Hausa. In Chapter One, Thurston argues that the Salafi canon gives individ- ual and groups of Salafis a sense of identity and membership in a unique and, to them, superior religious community that is linked closely to their understanding and reading of sacred history and the revered figures of the Prophet Muhammad and the Ṣaḥāba. Salafism as an intellectual current, theology, and methodological approach is transmitted through this can- on which serves not only as a vehicle for proselytization but also a rule- book through which the boundaries of what is and is not “Salafism” are determined by its adherents and leading authorities. The book’s analytical framework and approach toward understanding Salafism, which rests on seeing it as a textual tradition, runs counter to the popular but problematic tendency in much of the existing discussion and even scholarly literature on Salafism that defines it as a literalist, one-dimensional, and puritani- cal creed with a singular focus on the Qur’an and hadith canon. Salafis, Thurston argues, do not simply derive religious and legal rulings in linear fashion from the Qur’an and Prophetic Sunna but rather engage in a co- herent and uniform process of aligning today’s Salafi community with a set of normative practices and beliefs laid out by key Salafi scholars from the recent past. Thurston divides the emergence of a distinct “Salafi” current within Sunnis into two phases. The first stretches from 1880 to 1950, as Sun- ni scholars from around the Muslim-majority world whose approaches shared a common hadith-centered methodology came into closer contact. The second is from the 1960s through the present, as key Salafi institutions (such as the Islamic University of Medina and other Saudi Salafi bodies) were founded and began attracting and (perhaps most importantly) fund- ing and sponsoring Sunni students from countries such as Nigeria to come study in Saudi Arabia, where they were deeply embedded in the Salafi tra- dition before returning to their home countries where, in turn, they spread Salafism among local Muslims. Nigeria’s Muslim-majority north, as with other regions such as Yemen’s northern Sa‘ada governorate, proved to be a fertile ground for Salafism in large part because it enabled local Muslims from more humble social backgrounds to challenge the longtime domi- nance of hereditary ruling families and the established religious class. In northern Nigeria the latter was and continues to be dominated by Sufi or- ders and their shaykhs whose long-running claim to communal leadership faced new and substantive theological and resource challenges following the return of Nigerian seminary students from Saudi Arabia’s Salafi scho- lastic institutions in the 1990s and early 2000s. In Chapters Two and Three, Thurston traces the history of Nigerian and other African students in Saudi Arabia, which significantly expanded following the 1961 founding of the Islamic University of Medina (which remains the preeminent Salafi seminary and university in the world) and after active outreach across the Sunni Muslim world by the Saudi govern- ment and Salafi religious elite to attract students through lucrative funding and scholarship packages. The process of developing an African Salafism was not one-dimensional or imposed from the top-down by Saudi Salafi elites, but instead saw Nigerian and other African Salafi students partici- pate actively in shaping and theorizing Salafi da‘wa that took into account the specifics of each African country and Islamic religious and social envi- ronment. In Nigeria and other parts of West and East Africa, this included considering the historically dominant position of Sufi orders and popular practices such as devotion to saints and grave and shrine visitation. African and Saudi Salafis also forged relationships with local African partners, in- cluding powerful political figures such as Ahmadu Bello and his religious adviser Abubakar Gumi, by attracting them with the benefits of establishing ties with wealthy international Islamic organizations founded and backed by the Saudi state, including the Muslim World League. Nigerian Salafis returning from their studies in Saudi Arabia actively promoted their Salafi canon among local Muslims, waging an aggressive proselytization campaign that sought to chip away at the dominance of traditional political and religious elites, the Sufi shaykhs. This process is covered in Chapter Four. Drawing on key sets of legal and exegetical writ- ings by Ibn Taymiyya, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and other Salafi scholars, Nigerian Salafis sought to introduce a framework—represented by the canon—through which their students and adherents approach re- ligious interpretation and practice. By mastering one’s understanding and ability to correctly interpret scripture and the hadith, Salafis believe, one will also live a more ethical life based on a core set of “Salafi” principles that govern not only religious but also political, social, and economic life. Salaf- ism, Thurston argues, drawing on the work of Terje Østebø on Ethiopian Salafism, becomes localized within a specific environment.As part of their da‘wa campaigns, Nigerian Salafis have utilized media and new technology to debate their rivals and critics as well as to broad- en their own influence over Nigerian Muslims and national society more broadly, actions analyzed in Chapter Five. Using the Internet, video and audio recorded sermons and religious lectures, books and pamphlets, and oral proselytization and preaching, Nigerian Salafis, like other Muslim ac- tivists and groups, see in media and technology an extension of the phys- ical infrastructure provided by institutions such as mosques and religious schools. This media/cyber infrastructure is as, if not increasingly more, valuable as the control of physical space because it allows for the rapid spread of ideas beyond what would have historically been possible for local religious preachers and missionaries. Instead of preaching political revo- lution, Nigerian Salafi activists sought to win greater access to the media including radio airtime because they believed this would ultimately lead to the triumph of their religious message despite the power of skeptical to downright hostile local audiences among the Sufi orders and non-Salafis dedicated to the Maliki juridical canon.In the realm of politics, the subject of Chapter Six, Nigeria’s Salafis base their political ideology on the core tenets of the Salafi creed and canon, tenets which cast Salafism as being not only the purest but the only true version of Islam, and require of Salafis to establish moral reform of a way- ward Muslim society. Salafi scholars seek to bring about social, political, and religious reform, which collectively represent a “return” to the Prophet Muhammad’s Islam, by speaking truth to power and advising and repri- manding, as necessary, Muslim political rulers. In navigating the multi-po- lar and complex realm of national and regional politics, Thurston argues, Nigerian Salafi scholars educated in Saudi Arabia unwittingly opened the door to cruder and more extreme, militant voices of figures lacking the same level of study of the Salafi canon or Sunni Islam generally. The most infamous of the latter is “Boko Haram,” the jihadi-insurgent group today based around Lake Chad in Nigeria, Chad, and Niger, which calls itself Jama‘at Ahl al-Sunna li-l-Da‘wa wa-l-Jihad and is led by the bombastic Abubakar Shekau. Boko Haram, under the leadership first of the revivalist preacher Mu- hammad Yusuf and then Shekau, is covered at length in the book’s third and final part, which is composed of two chapters. Yusuf, unlike mainstream Nigerian Salafis, sought to weaponize the Salafi canon against the state in- stead of using it as a tool to bring about desired reforms. Drawing on the writings of influential Arab jihadi ideologues including Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and the apocalyptic revolutionary Juhayman al-‘Utaybi, the lat- ter of whom participated in the 1979 seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Yusuf cited key Salafi concepts such as al-walā’ min al-mu’minīn wa-l-bara’ ‘an al-kāfirīn (loyalty to the Believers and disavowal of the Disbelievers) and beliefs about absolute monotheism (tawḥīd) as the basis of his revival- ist preaching. Based on these principle, he claimed, Muslims must not only fulfill their ritual duties such as prayer and fasting during Ramadan but also actively fight “unbelief” (kufr) and “apostasy” (ridda) and bring about God’s rule on earth, following the correct path of the community of the Prophet Abraham (Millat Ibrāhīm) referenced in multiple Qur’anic verses and outlined as a theological project for action by al-Maqdisi in a lengthy book of that name that has had a profound influence on the formation of modern Sunni jihadism. Instead of seeing Boko Haram, particularly under Shekau’s leadership, as a “Salafi” or “jihadi-Salafi” group, Thurston argues it is a case study of how a group that at one point in its history adhered to Salafism can move away from and beyond it. In the case of Shekau and his “post-Salafism,” he writes, the group, like Islamic State, has shifted away from the Salafi canon and toward a jihadism that uses only stripped-down elements from the canon and does so solely to propagate a militaristic form of jihad. Even when referencing historical religious authorities such as Ibn Taymiyya, Thurston points out, Boko Haram and Islamic State leaders and members often do so through the lens of modern Sunni jihadi ideologues like Juhay- man al-‘Utaybi, al-Maqdisi, and Abu Mus‘ab al-Zarqawi, figures who have come to form a Sunni jihadi canon of texts, intellectuals, and ideologues. Shekau, in short, has given up canonical Salafism and moved toward a more bombastic and scholastically more heterodox and less-Salafi-than- jihadi creed of political violence. Thurston also pushes back against the often crude stereotyping of Af- rican Islamic traditions and movements that sees African Muslims as being defined by their “syncretic” mix of traditional African religious traditions and “orthodox” Islam, the latter usually a stand-in for “Arab” and “Middle Eastern” Islam. Islam and Islamic movements in Africa have developed in social and political environments that are not mirrors to the dominant models of the Arab world (in particular, Egypt). He convincingly points out that analysis of all forms of African Islamic social and political mobi- lization through a Middle East and Egypt-heavy lens obscures much more than it elucidates. The book includes useful glossaries of key individuals and Arabic terms referenced in the text as well as a translation of a sermon by the late, revered Salafi scholar Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albani that is part of the mainstream Salafi canon. Extensive in its coverage of the his- tory, evolution, and sociopolitical and religious development of Salafism in Nigeria as well as the key role played by Saudi Salafi universities and religious institutions and quasi-state NGOs, the book expands the schol- arly literature on Salafism, Islam in Africa, and political Islam and Islamic social movements. It also contributing to ongoing debates and discussions on approaches to the study of the role of texts and textual traditions in the formation of individual and communal religious identity. Christopher AnzaloneResearch Fellow, International Security ProgramBelfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University& PhD candidate, Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University

Abstract This article addresses a gap in the literature on military adaptation by focusing on the first step in the adaptive process: detecting failure. We argue that institutionalised feedback loops are a critical mechanism for facilitating detection. Feedback loops are most effective when they filter information and distribute lessons learned to senior tactical commanders. In turn, effective filtration depends on incorporating frontline soldiers and specialists into intelligence cells while creating a protected space for dissent. We evaluate our theory against both irregular and conventional wars fought by the British Army: the counterinsurgency campaign in the Southern Cameroons (1960–1) as well as the evolution of British assault tactics on the Western Front of the First World War (1914–18).

Este artigo se propõe a discutir, com relação à experiência militar da Força Expedicionária Brasileira (FEB) na Campanha da Itália (1944/ 45) na Segunda Guerra Mundial, dois aspectos que a literatura disponível considera centrais para o entendimento da organização da violência a partir das instituições militares: as formas pelas quais se dá a construção de uma identidade coletiva entre os seus membros e o papel que dentro desse processo é desempenhado pelos sentimentos experimentados pelos indivíduos. Este artigo pretende interpretar as evidências legadas sobre esses tópicos a partir de fontes fontes legadas pela História Militar e pela Psiquiatria Militar brasileiras numa perspectiva interdisciplinar. Abstract This article intends to discuss, with relationship to the military experience of the Brazilian Expeditionary Force (FEB) in the Campaign of Italy (1944/45) in Second World War, two aspects that the available literature considers central for the understanding of the organization of the violence starting from the military institutions: the forms for the which works the construction of a collective identity among of its members and the paper that inside of this process it is carried out by the feelings tried by the individuals. This text intends to interpret the evidences delegated on these topics starting from sources available by the Military History and for the Psychiatry Military Brazilians in a interdisciplinar perspective.

The struggle against apartheid was fought on many fronts. Internationally, the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) across a number of countries engaged in a range of activities that highlighted the atrocities of the Pretoria regime and the plight of the majority in South Africa. An important site of struggle against apartheid was in the sports sphere. Ireland and the Irish AAM played a significant role in this regard. The AAMs in Australia, Britain, Ireland, New Zealand, and the United States, among others, recorded victories against apartheid through demonstrations, boycotts, and the ban on participation of South African teams in international tours, tournaments, and events. A number of scholars have highlighted the role of the international AAM and its campaigns against apartheid sport. To date, historical studies of the anti-apartheid struggle and South African sport have primarily focused on Britain and New Zealand and, to a lesser extent, the United States. Irish sporting contacts with South Africa extend back over a century. Thus, focusing on the case study of Irish AAM activism against segregated sport further adds to the literature on the sports boycott and the struggle against apartheid. This article draws on Jacob Dlamini’s notion of “moral agents” in understanding players’, teams’, and sports associations’ decisions to continue to play with apartheid, despite international opposition. Drawing from archives in Ireland and South Africa, this article adds new details to the struggle against apartheid rugby in South African sport between 1964 and 1989.

Objective: this study examined scholarly output relating to nursing advocacy contributions toward influencing policy by authors in countries of the Pan American Health Organization. Method: the study utilizes a bibliographic analysis of papers indexed in Scopus authored by PAHO member state scholars. VOSviewer conducted coauthor and cooccurrence analysis to generate visualizations of the relationships between authors, countries of origin and keywords. Results: 7,773 papers with 21,523 authors met the inclusion criteria. An increase of publications on policy starting in 1962 was found. Co-authorship identified a fragile relationships structure with few authors bridging networks of collaboration. By country of origin, 22 of 35 member states contributed to policy literature; 17 in a connected network and 5 contributing but neither connected to peers nor other member states. Keyword analysis identified 20 specific data clusters. Conclusion: our findings are aligned with the Nursing Now Campaign. This bibliographic analysis provides an important benchmark into current policy advocacy activity in PAHO against which future progress in the region can be assessed. There is scope for greater collaboration amongst authors and this could be targeted toward engagement of nurses in member states not-yet or only partially active in this space.

History is not over and that includes media history. Jay Rosen (Zelizer & Allan 33) The media in their reporting on terrorism tend to be judgmental, inflammatory, and sensationalistic. — Susan D. Moeller (169) In short, we are directed in time, and our relation to the future is different than our relation to the past. All our questions are conditioned by this asymmetry, and all our answers to these questions are equally conditioned by it. Norbert Wiener (44) The Clash of Geopolitical Pundits America’s geo-strategic engagement with the world underwent a dramatic shift in the decade after the Cold War ended. United States military forces undertook a series of humanitarian interventions from northern Iraq (1991) and Somalia (1992) to NATO’s bombing campaign on Kosovo (1999). Wall Street financial speculators embraced market-oriented globalization and technology-based industries (Friedman 1999). Meanwhile the geo-strategic pundits debated several different scenarios at deeper layers of epistemology and macrohistory including the breakdown of nation-states (Kaplan), the ‘clash of civilizations’ along religiopolitical fault-lines (Huntington) and the fashionable ‘end of history’ thesis (Fukuyama). Media theorists expressed this geo-strategic shift in reference to the ‘CNN Effect’: the power of real-time media ‘to provoke major responses from domestic audiences and political elites to both global and national events’ (Robinson 2). This media ecology is often contrasted with ‘Gateholder’ and ‘Manufacturing Consent’ models. The ‘CNN Effect’ privileges humanitarian and non-government organisations whereas the latter models focus upon the conformist mind-sets and shared worldviews of government and policy decision-makers. The September 11 attacks generated an uncertain interdependency between the terrorists, government officials, and favourable media coverage. It provided a test case, as had the humanitarian interventions (Robinson 37) before it, to test the claim by proponents that the ‘CNN Effect’ had policy leverage during critical stress points. The attacks also revived a long-running debate in media circles about the risk factors of global media. McLuhan (1964) and Ballard (1990) had prophesied that the global media would pose a real-time challenge to decision-making processes and that its visual imagery would have unforeseen psychological effects on viewers. Wark (1994) noted that journalists who covered real-time events including the Wall Street crash (1987) and collapse of the Berlin Wall (1989) were traumatised by their ‘virtual’ geographies. The ‘War on Terror’ as 21st Century Myth Three recent books explore how the 1990s humanitarian interventions and the September 11 attacks have remapped this ‘virtual’ territory with all too real consequences. Piers Robinson’s The CNN Effect (2002) critiques the theory and proposes the policy-media interaction model. Barbie Zelizer and Stuart Allan’s anthology Journalism After September 11 (2002) examines how September 11 affected the journalists who covered it and the implications for news values. Sandra Silberstein’s War of Words (2002) uncovers how strategic language framed the U.S. response to September 11. Robinson provides the contextual background; Silberstein contributes the specifics; and Zelizer and Allan surface broader perspectives. These books offer insights into the social construction of the nebulous War on Terror and why certain images and trajectories were chosen at the expense of other possibilities. Silberstein locates this world-historical moment in the three-week transition between September 11’s aftermath and the U.S. bombings of Afghanistan’s Taliban regime. Descriptions like the ‘War on Terror’ and ‘Axis of Evil’ framed the U.S. military response, provided a conceptual justification for the bombings, and also brought into being the geo-strategic context for other nations. The crucial element in this process was when U.S. President George W. Bush adopted a pedagogical style for his public speeches, underpinned by the illusions of communal symbols and shared meanings (Silberstein 6-8). Bush’s initial address to the nation on September 11 invoked the ambiguous pronoun ‘we’ to recreate ‘a unified nation, under God’ (Silberstein 4). The 1990s humanitarian interventions had frequently been debated in Daniel Hallin’s sphere of ‘legitimate controversy’; however the grammar used by Bush and his political advisers located the debate in the sphere of ‘consensus’. This brief period of enforced consensus was reinforced by the structural limitations of North American media outlets. September 11 combined ‘tragedy, public danger and a grave threat to national security’, Michael Schudson observed, and in the aftermath North American journalism shifted ‘toward a prose of solidarity rather than a prose of information’ (Zelizer & Allan 41). Debate about why America was hated did not go much beyond Bush’s explanation that ‘they hated our freedoms’ (Silberstein 14). Robert W. McChesney noted that alternatives to the ‘war’ paradigm were rarely mentioned in the mainstream media (Zelizer & Allan 93). A new myth for the 21st century had been unleashed. The Cycle of Integration Propaganda Journalistic prose masked the propaganda of social integration that atomised the individual within a larger collective (Ellul). The War on Terror was constructed by geopolitical pundits as a Manichean battle between ‘an “evil” them and a national us’ (Silberstein 47). But the national crisis made ‘us’ suddenly problematic. Resurgent patriotism focused on the American flag instead of Constitutional rights. Debates about military tribunals and the USA Patriot Act resurrected the dystopian fears of a surveillance society. New York City mayor Rudy Guiliani suddenly became a leadership icon and Time magazine awarded him Person of the Year (Silberstein 92). Guiliani suggested at the Concert for New York on 20 October 2001 that ‘New Yorkers and Americans have been united as never before’ (Silberstein 104). Even the series of Public Service Announcements created by the Ad Council and U.S. advertising agencies succeeded in blurring the lines between cultural tolerance, social inclusion, and social integration (Silberstein 108-16). In this climate the in-depth discussion of alternate options and informed dissent became thought-crimes. The American Council of Trustees and Alumni’s report Defending Civilization: How Our Universities are Failing America (2002), which singled out “blame America first” academics, ignited a firestorm of debate about educational curriculums, interpreting history, and the limits of academic freedom. Silberstein’s perceptive analysis surfaces how ACTA assumed moral authority and collective misunderstandings as justification for its interrogation of internal enemies. The errors she notes included presumed conclusions, hasty generalisations, bifurcated worldviews, and false analogies (Silberstein 133, 135, 139, 141). Op-ed columnists soon exposed ACTA’s gambit as a pre-packaged witch-hunt. But newscasters then channel-skipped into military metaphors as the Afghanistan campaign began. The weeks after the attacks New York City sidewalk traders moved incense and tourist photos to make way for World Trade Center memorabilia and anti-Osama shirts. Chevy and Ford morphed September 11 catchphrases (notably Todd Beamer’s last words “Let’s Roll” on Flight 93) and imagery into car advertising campaigns (Silberstein 124-5). American self-identity was finally reasserted in the face of a domestic recession through this wave of vulgar commercialism. The ‘Simulated’ Fall of Elite Journalism For Columbia University professor James Carey the ‘failure of journalism on September 11’ signaled the ‘collapse of the elites of American journalism’ (Zelizer & Allan 77). Carey traces the rise-and-fall of adversarial and investigative journalism from the Pentagon Papers and Watergate through the intermediation of the press to the myopic self-interest of the 1988 and 1992 Presidential campaigns. Carey’s framing echoes the earlier criticisms of Carl Bernstein and Hunter S. Thompson. However this critique overlooks several complexities. Piers Robinson cites Alison Preston’s insight that diplomacy, geopolitics and elite reportage defines itself through the sense of distance from its subjects. Robinson distinguished between two reportage types: distance framing ‘creates emotional distance’ between the viewers and victims whilst support framing accepts the ‘official policy’ (28). The upsurge in patriotism, the vulgar commercialism, and the mini-cycle of memorabilia and publishing all combined to enhance the support framing of the U.S. federal government. Empathy generated for September 11’s victims was tied to support of military intervention. However this closeness rapidly became the distance framing of the Afghanistan campaign. News coverage recycled the familiar visuals of in-progress bombings and Taliban barbarians. The alternative press, peace movements, and social activists then retaliated against this coverage by reinstating the support framing that revealed structural violence and gave voice to silenced minorities and victims. What really unfolded after September 11 was not the demise of journalism’s elite but rather the renegotiation of reportage boundaries and shared meanings. Journalists scoured the Internet for eyewitness accounts and to interview survivors (Zelizer & Allan 129). The same medium was used by others to spread conspiracy theories and viral rumors that numerology predicted the date September 11 or that the “face of Satan” could be seen in photographs of the World Trade Center (Zelizer & Allan 133). Karim H. Karim notes that the Jihad frame of an “Islamic Peril” was socially constructed by media outlets but then challenged by individual journalists who had learnt ‘to question the essentialist bases of her own socialization and placing herself in the Other’s shoes’ (Zelizer & Allan 112). Other journalists forgot that Jihad and McWorld were not separate but two intertwined worldviews that fed upon each other. The September 11 attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade Center also had deep symbolic resonances for American sociopolitical ideals that some journalists explored through analysis of myths and metaphors. The Rise of Strategic Geography However these renegotiated boundariesof new media, multiperspectival frames, and ‘layered’ depth approaches to issues analysiswere essentially minority reports. The rationalist mode of journalism was soon reasserted through normative appeals to strategic geography. The U.S. networks framed their documentaries on Islam and the Middle East in bluntly realpolitik terms. The documentary “Minefield: The United States and the Muslim World” (ABC, 11 October 2001) made explicit strategic assumptions of ‘the U.S. as “managing” the region’ and ‘a definite tinge of superiority’ (Silberstein 153). ABC and CNN stressed the similarities between the world’s major monotheistic religions and their scriptural doctrines. Both networks limited their coverage of critiques and dissent to internecine schisms within these traditions (Silberstein 158). CNN also created different coverage for its North American and international audiences. The BBC was more cautious in its September 11 coverage and more global in outlook. Three United Kingdom specials – Panorama (Clash of Cultures, BBC1, 21 October 2001), Question Time (Question Time Special, BBC1, 13 September 2001), and “War Without End” (War on Trial, Channel 4, 27 October 2001) – drew upon the British traditions of parliamentary assembly, expert panels, and legal trials as ways to explore the multiple dimensions of the ‘War on Terror’ (Zelizer & Allan 180). These latter debates weren’t value free: the programs sanctioned ‘a tightly controlled and hierarchical agora’ through different containment strategies (Zelizer & Allan 183). Program formats, selected experts and presenters, and editorial/on-screen graphics were factors that pre-empted the viewer’s experience and conclusions. The traditional emphasis of news values on the expert was renewed. These subtle forms of thought-control enabled policy-makers to inform the public whilst inoculating them against terrorist propaganda. However the ‘CNN Effect’ also had counter-offensive capabilities. Osama bin Laden’s videotaped sermons and the al-Jazeera network’s broadcasts undermined the psychological operations maxim that enemies must not gain access to the mindshare of domestic audiences. Ingrid Volkmer recounts how the Los Angeles based National Iranian Television Network used satellite broadcasts to criticize the Iranian leadership and spark public riots (Zelizer & Allan 242). These incidents hint at why the ‘War on Terror’ myth, now unleashed upon the world, may become far more destabilizing to the world system than previous conflicts. Risk Reportage and Mediated Trauma When media analysts were considering the ‘CNN Effect’ a group of social contract theorists including Anthony Giddens, Zygmunt Bauman, and Ulrich Beck were debating, simultaneously, the status of modernity and the ‘unbounded contours’ of globalization. Beck termed this new environment of escalating uncertainties and uninsurable dangers the ‘world risk society’ (Beck). Although they drew upon constructivist and realist traditions Beck and Giddens ‘did not place risk perception at the center of their analysis’ (Zelizer & Allan 203). Instead this was the role of journalist as ‘witness’ to Ballard-style ‘institutionalized disaster areas’. The terrorist attacks on September 11 materialized this risk and obliterated the journalistic norms of detachment and objectivity. The trauma ‘destabilizes a sense of self’ within individuals (Zelizer & Allan 205) and disrupts the image-generating capacity of collective societies. Barbie Zelizer found that the press selection of September 11 photos and witnesses re-enacted the ‘Holocaust aesthetic’ created when Allied Forces freed the Nazi internment camps in 1945 (Zelizer & Allan 55-7). The visceral nature of September 11 imagery inverted the trend, from the Gulf War to NATO’s Kosovo bombings, for news outlets to depict war in detached video-game imagery (Zelizer & Allan 253). Coverage of the September 11 attacks and the subsequent Bali bombings (on 12 October 2002) followed a four-part pattern news cycle of assassinations and terrorism (Moeller 164-7). Moeller found that coverage moved from the initial event to a hunt for the perpetrators, public mourning, and finally, a sense of closure ‘when the media reassert the supremacy of the established political and social order’ (167). In both events the shock of the initial devastation was rapidly followed by the arrest of al Qaeda and Jamaah Islamiyah members, the creation and copying of the New York Times ‘Portraits of Grief’ template, and the mediation of trauma by a re-established moral order. News pundits had clearly studied the literature on bereavement and grief cycles (Kubler-Ross). However the neo-noir work culture of some outlets also fueled bitter disputes about how post-traumatic stress affected journalists themselves (Zelizer & Allan 253). Reconfiguring the Future After September 11 the geopolitical pundits, a reactive cycle of integration propaganda, pecking order shifts within journalism elites, strategic language, and mediated trauma all combined to bring a specific future into being. This outcome reflected the ‘media-state relationship’ in which coverage ‘still reflected policy preferences of parts of the U.S. elite foreign-policy-making community’ (Robinson 129). Although Internet media and non-elite analysts embraced Hallin’s ‘sphere of deviance’ there is no clear evidence yet that they have altered the opinions of policy-makers. The geopolitical segue from September 11 into the U.S.-led campaign against Iraq also has disturbing implications for the ‘CNN Effect’. Robinson found that its mythic reputation was overstated and tied to issues of policy certainty that the theory’s proponents often failed to examine. Media coverage molded a ‘domestic constituency ... for policy-makers to take action in Somalia’ (Robinson 62). He found greater support in ‘anecdotal evidence’ that the United Nations Security Council’s ‘safe area’ for Iraqi Kurds was driven by Turkey’s geo-strategic fears of ‘unwanted Kurdish refugees’ (Robinson 71). Media coverage did impact upon policy-makers to create Bosnian ‘safe areas’, however, ‘the Kosovo, Rwanda, and Iraq case studies’ showed that the ‘CNN Effect’ was unlikely as a key factor ‘when policy certainty exists’ (Robinson 118). The clear implication from Robinson’s studies is that empathy framing, humanitarian values, and searing visual imagery won’t be enough to challenge policy-makers. What remains to be done? Fortunately there are some possibilities that straddle the pragmatic, realpolitik and emancipatory approaches. Today’s activists and analysts are also aware of the dangers of ‘unfreedom’ and un-reflective dissent (Fromm). Peter Gabriel’s organisation Witness, which documents human rights abuses, is one benchmark of how to use real-time media and the video camera in an effective way. The domains of anthropology, negotiation studies, neuro-linguistics, and social psychology offer valuable lessons on techniques of non-coercive influence. The emancipatory tradition of futures studies offers a rich tradition of self-awareness exercises, institution rebuilding, and social imaging, offsets the pragmatic lure of normative scenarios. The final lesson from these books is that activists and analysts must co-adapt as the ‘War on Terror’ mutates into new and terrifying forms. Works Cited Amis, Martin. “Fear and Loathing.” The Guardian (18 Sep. 2001). 1 March 2001 <http://www.guardian.co.uk/Archive/Article/0,4273,4259170,00.php>. Ballard, J.G. The Atrocity Exhibition (rev. ed.). Los Angeles: V/Search Publications, 1990. Beck, Ulrich. World Risk Society. Malden, MA: Polity Press, 1999. Ellul, Jacques. Propaganda: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes. New York: Vintage Books, 1973. Friedman, Thomas. The Lexus and the Olive Tree. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1999. Fromm, Erich. Escape from Freedom. New York: Farrar & Rhinehart, 1941. Fukuyama, Francis. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press, 1992. Huntington, Samuel P. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996. Kaplan, Robert. The Coming Anarchy: Shattering the Dreams of the Post Cold War. New York: Random House, 2000. Kubler-Ross, Elizabeth. On Death and Dying. London: Tavistock, 1969. McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1964. Moeller, Susan D. Compassion Fatigue: How the Media Sell Disease, Famine, War, and Death. New York: Routledge, 1999. Robinson, Piers. The CNN Effect: The Myth of News, Foreign Policy and Intervention. New York: Routledge, 2002. Silberstein, Sandra. War of Words: Language, Politics and 9/11. New York: Routledge, 2002. Wark, McKenzie. Virtual Geography: Living with Global Media Events. Bloomington IN: Indiana UP, 1994. Wiener, Norbert. Cybernetics: Or Control and Communication in the Animal and the Machine. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1948. Zelizer, Barbie, and Stuart Allan (eds.). Journalism after September 11. New York: Routledge, 2002. Links http://www.guardian.co.uk/Archive/Article/0 Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Burns, Alex. "The Worldflash of a Coming Future" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0304/08-worldflash.php>. APA Style Burns, A. (2003, Apr 23). The Worldflash of a Coming Future. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0304/08-worldflash.php>

Siliceous spicules in demosponges exist in a variety of shapes, some of which look like minute spheres of glass. They are called “sterrasters” when they belong to the Geodiidae family (Tetractinellida order) and “selenasters” when they belong to the Placospongiidae family (Clionaida order). Today, the Geodiidae represent a highly diverse sponge family with more than 340 species, occurring in shallow to deep waters worldwide, except for the Antarctic. The molecular phylogeny of Geodiidae is currently difficult to interpret because we are lacking morphological characters to support most of its clades. To fill this knowledge gap, the surface microornamentations of sterrasters were compared in different genera. Observations with scanning electron microscopy revealed four types of surfaces, which remarkably matched some of the Geodiidae genera: type I characteristic of Geodia, type II characteristic of Pachymatisma, Caminus, and some Erylus; type III characteristic of other Erylus; type IV characteristic of Caminella. Two subtypes were identified in Geodia species: warty vs. smooth rosettes. These different microornamentations were mapped on new Geodiidae COI (Folmer fragment) and 28S (C1–D2) phylogenetic trees. The monophyly of the Geodiidae was once again challenged, thereby suggesting that sterrasters have evolved independently at least three times: in the Geodiinae, in the Erylinae and in Caminella. Surface microornamentations were used to review the fossil record of sterrasters and selenasters through the paleontology literature and examination of fossils. It was concluded that “rhaxes” in the literature may represent mixes of sterrasters and selenasters: while Rhaxella spicules may belong to the Placospongiidae, Rhaxelloides spicules belong to the Geodiidae. The putative Geodiidae fossil genera, Geoditesia, and Geodiopsis, are reallocated to Tetractinellida incertae sedis. Isolated Miocene-Pliocene fossil sterrasters Hataina (Huang, 1967), Silicosphaera (Hughes, 1985) and Conciliaspongia (Robinson and Haslett, 1995) become junior synonyms of Geodia (Lamarck, 1815). Overall, the fossil record suggested that Geodiidae was present at least since the Middle Jurassic (163–166 Mya), while Geodia sterrasters were present since the Santonian/Campanian boundary, Late Cretaceous (83.6 Mya).ZooBank Article Registrationurn:lsid:zoobank.org:pub:91B1B3AC-8862-4751-B272-8A3BDF4DEE77.