Journal articles: 'Campaign promises'

1

PANOVA, ELENA. "Partially Revealing Campaign Promises." Journal of Public Economic Theory 19, no. 2 (April 7, 2016): 312–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jpet.12189.

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Stewart-Amidei, Christina. "Campaign ʼ92: Promises Made." Journal of Neuroscience Nursing 24, no. 6 (December 1992): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01376517-199212000-00001.

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Marwat, Safi Ullah Khan, Sadia Kousar, and Shafaeen Latif. "Analysis of Awami National Party's Theory and Practice During its Rule in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (2008-2013)." Global Political Review VII, no. I (March 30, 2022): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(vii-i).09.

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In Pakistan, the political parties, during their election campaigns, present their manifestoes with a promise to solve the multiple issues and problems of the people. However, after winning elections, either due to hurdles within the existing system or inefficiency and incompetency of political parties, those promises are not fulfilled. Awami National Party, as a political party, also promised many reforms during its election campaign in 2008. It won a considerable number of seats in provincial assembly of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, but, it lacked simple majority to form a government in KP independently. Hence, it made a coalition government in partnership with Pakistan Peoples Party in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Having Ameer Haider Khan Hoti as its own Chief Minister, Awami National Party tried to fulfil its electoral promises practically. An analysis of its ruling tenure in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (2008-2013) reflects that after coming into power, though, it could not fulfil all of its electoral promises but, practically, it remained true to its words in a larger extent.

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LIBERMAN, ALIDA. "Permissible Promise-Making Under Uncertainty." Journal of the American Philosophical Association 5, no. 4 (2019): 468–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/apa.2019.26.

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AbstractI outline four conditions on permissible promise-making: the promise must be for a morally permissible end, must not be deceptive, must be in good faith, and must involve a realistic assessment of oneself. I then address whether promises that you are uncertain you can keep can meet these four criteria, with a focus on campaign promises as an illustrative example. I argue that uncertain promises can meet the first two criteria, but that whether they can meet the second two depends on the source of the promisor's uncertainty. External uncertainty stemming from outside factors is unproblematic, but internal uncertainty stemming from the promisor's doubts about her own strength leads to promises that are in bad faith or unrealistic. I conclude that campaign promises are often subject to internal uncertainty and are therefore morally impermissible to make, all else being equal.

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Marshall, Eliot. "Campaign Promises Delay Waste Program." Science 234, no. 4778 (November 14, 1986): 816. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.234.4778.816.a.

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Aragonès, Enriqueta, Andrew Postlewaite, and Thomas Palfrey. "Political Reputations and Campaign Promises." Journal of the European Economic Association 5, no. 4 (June 1, 2007): 846–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jeea.2007.5.4.846.

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MARSHALL, E. "Campaign Promises Delay Waste Program." Science 234, no. 4778 (November 14, 1986): 816. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.234.4778.816.

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Keefer, Philip, and Razvan Vlaicu. "Vote buying and campaign promises." Journal of Comparative Economics 45, no. 4 (December 2017): 773–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jce.2017.07.001.

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Valiauskaitė, Aistė. "Elections in the Public Sphere: the Analysis of Lithuanian TV Debates „Lyderių Forumas“." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 4 (January 1, 2011): 166–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2011.4.1785.

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The article analyses the information that spreads in the media during the election campaign. It looks at the aspect of promises made by politicians through an academic lens. The definition of a political promise is explained; some insights are devoted to an analysis of the reasons why some promises are more commonly fulfilled. The paper mostly concentrates on the role of the media, combining ideas of media theorists with the investigation of pre-election TV debates “Lyderių forumas”.Keywords: campaign, objectivity, parliamentary elections, political communication, professionalism, promise, tv debates.

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Sooh-Rhee Ryu. "Promises are Promises? A Study of Campaign Promise Fulfillment among South Korean Legislators, 2008–2012." Korea Journal 57, no. 1 (March 2017): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.25024/kj.2017.57.1.65.

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Михайлова, Катя. "Rhetorical and Discursive Features of the Election Campaigns for the Early Parliamentary Elections in Bulgaria in 2021." Rhetoric and Communications, no. 53 (October 31, 2022): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.55206/ndxh8776.

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Abstract: 2021 is a record year for election campaigns, as two out of a total of 4 are early campaigns for parliamentary elections. Our democratic his¬tory shows a predominance of early election campaign for parliamentary elections – 8 out of 13. This fact puts forth the hypothesis of the early election campaign as a specific political chronotype, that determines the future of society. The object of the article is political communication in this chronotype. The focus is put on two rhetoric decisions that determine the tone of the campaign and the meanings the candidates define as socially significant – the promise they make about the type of campaign and the slogans through which they express their collective assessment of the state of society and their ideological and political aspiration. The aim is to derive markers for construction of communication in an early election campaign for early parliamentary elections. It is expected that in a time of political agony when society and voters need a positive key, the promises for a positive campaign will increase. The hypothesis was verified through media monitoring. It is assumed that the "we - they" opposition, usually used in the communication in regular election campaigns as well as the adherence to dystopian discourse will be replaced by innovative rhetoric forms in a positive key. The hypothesis is tested through a content analysis of political slogans in the 2021 early campaigns. Keywords: political communication, slogan, dystopic discourse, positive campaign, early election campaign, chronotype.

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12

Brooks, Thom. "Vote Buying and Tax-cut Promises." Theoria 63, no. 146 (March 1, 2016): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2016.6314602.

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Abstract Both vote buying and tax-cut promises are attempts to manipulate voters through cash incentives in order to win elections, but only vote buying is illegal. Should we extend the ban on vote buying to tax-cut promises? This article will argue for three conclusions. The first is that tax-cut promises should be understood as a form of vote buying. The second is that campaign promises are a form of vote buying. The third conclusion is that campaign promises, including tax-cut promises, should not be banned. An important distinction is drawn between enforceable wrongful incentives and unenforceable wrongful incentives. The difference between vote buying and tax-cut promises is not wrongfulness but enforceability.

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Sholeh, M. Asrorun Niam. "Political Promises in the Lens of Islamic Theology and Jurisprudence: A Case Study of Surabaya Mayor Election 2020." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 28, no. 2 (November 30, 2020): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.28.2.6985.

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This research studied the status of political promises declared by Mayor candidates of Surabaya election 2020 during their campaigns started from September 26, 2020. It was field-library research with qualitative analysis. Data were collected by observing online media that particularly reports the election's campaign activities. They were then analyzed by using Islamic theology and jurisprudence approaches combined with structural-functionalism, symbolic interactionism, and social contract theories. It found four main remarks: first, Quranic verses and Prophetic traditions as theological underpinnings have definitely guided moral standards of Islamic politics, especially how to make such political promises. Secondly, the political realism of promises is a language of transactional politics and communication practice. Thirdly, political promises could only be legitimated by fulfilling strike pre-requirements and within very urgent conditions. Finally, the legal status of political promises must be contextual and conditional.

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Ikechukwu-Ibe, Chioma Juliet, Sopuruchi Christian Aboh, and Christopher Uchenna Agbedo. "Pragmatic Analysis of Presidential Campaign Manifestos of Muhammadu Buhari and Donald Trump." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 11, no. 8 (August 1, 2021): 952–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1108.11.

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The study examines the presidential campaign manifestos of Presidents Muhammadu Buhari of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in 2015 and Donald Trump of the United States of America in 2016. Specifically, it sets out to analyse these presidents’ campaign speech promises on security using the cooperative principle, ascertain the conformity of their promises on job creation to the theory of cooperative principle. The study also sets out to examine the two presidents’ campaign promises on health care using the theory of cooperative principle. Using the secondary source as method of data collection, the analysis is based on one of the tenets of the Gricean (1975) Cooperative Principle- maxim of quality. The study, therefore, adopts Paul Grice’s (1975) Cooperative Principle (CP) as its theoretical framework. The findings of the study suggest that both Presidents Muhammadu Buhari and Donald Trump observed the conversational maxim of quality at some point in their presidential campaign speech promises on security, job creation and health care, but violated it at some other point. In all, the maxim of quality as a conversational rule was not fairly observed by both presidents in their presidential campaign manifestos in 2015 and 2016 respectively.

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15

Pétry, François, and Dominic Duval. "Electoral Promises and Single Party Governments: The Role of Party Ideology and Budget Balance in Pledge Fulfillment." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 4 (September 13, 2018): 907–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000379.

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AbstractThe determinants of fulfilling campaign promises in Canada over the period 1994–2015 are analyzed in a comparative perspective. All other factors being equal, we find that promises to reduce government spending are more likely to be fulfilled by the Conservatives than by the Liberals. Majority and re-elected governments facing a budget surplus are more likely to fulfill their election promises than minority and newly elected governments facing a budget deficit. Promises are more likely to be fulfilled at the start than at the end of a mandate. We also find a small but noticeable increase in the rate of fulfilling campaign promises over time.

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Pallister, Kevin. "Digital Caudillos: The Use of Social Media in Guatemalan Presidential Campaigns." Journal of Politics in Latin America 13, no. 2 (May 11, 2021): 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x211010319.

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This article contributes to the scholarship on Latin American campaigning by presenting data on the use of social media by presidential candidates in Guatemala’s 2019 election, including a content analysis of more than 2,000 Facebook posts along fifteen variables. The data show that Facebook use by presidential campaigns is ubiquitous and allows campaigns to disseminate messages in non-traditional formats. Candidates use their Facebook accounts to mention issues of concern to voters and to make promises to fix the country’s problems, but offer far more slogans and vague promises than detailed policy proposals. They also rarely attack other candidates or tout their own qualifications for the presidency. The data also reveal systematic differences in campaign messaging between frontrunner and long-shot candidates.

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17

Toldson. "Campaign Promises and HBCU Advocacy: When a promise is really a pitch (Editor’s Commentary)." Journal of Negro Education 88, no. 1 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7709/jnegroeducation.88.1.0001.

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18

Johnson, Gregg B., and Sooh-Rhee Ryu. "Repudiating or Rewarding Neoliberalism? How Broken Campaign Promises Condition Economic Voting in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 52, no. 4 (2010): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2010.00096.x.

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AbstractWhy do voters reward or punish the incumbent government? A number of studies show that economic performance often drives support, though the strength of this relationship is often conditional. This article suggests that economic voting may also be conditioned by the breaking and keeping of campaign promises. A number of presidents throughout Latin America have campaigned explicitly against neoliberal economic policies, only to pursue them aggressively once in office. This study argues that presidents who abandon their promises assert the executive's responsibility for the economy and raise the salience of economic issues in the next election. Consequently, voters respond rationally to these policy switches, rewarding them when they succeed and punishing them when they fail. Using data from 78 presidential elections across 18 countries, this study finds substantial evidence that broken promises exacerbate the consequences of poor economic performance and magnify the benefits of good economic performance.

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19

Müller, Stefan. "Media Coverage of Campaign Promises Throughout the Electoral Cycle." Political Communication 37, no. 5 (May 5, 2020): 696–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2020.1744779.

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20

Casey, Q. "Health care promises fly during New Brunswick election campaign." Canadian Medical Association Journal 182, no. 15 (September 27, 2010): E711—E712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3677.

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21

Shetty, Salil. "The Millennium Campaign: Getting governments to keep their promises." Development 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.development.1100106.

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22

Ekman, Mats. "Advance voting and political competition." Constitutional Political Economy 33, no. 1 (October 7, 2021): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10602-021-09351-9.

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AbstractThis paper appears to be the first to analyse political campaign incentives when the electorate vote at different moments before Election Day, a phenomenon known as early or advance voting. Many jurisdictions accommodate such voting by accepting mail-in ballots or by opening polling places before Election Day. Since politicians can thereby add campaign promises while citizens vote, they have an incentive to add promises valued by late-voting segments as Election Day approaches. This implies that early-voting segments of the electorate will pay higher taxes and receive lower transfers than had been announced when they voted. Late-voting segments benefit.

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23

ASHWORTH, SCOTT. "Campaign Finance and Voter Welfare with Entrenched Incumbents." American Political Science Review 100, no. 1 (February 2006): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055406062009.

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Two candidates compete for elective office. Each candidate has information she would like to reveal to the voters, but this requires costly advertising. The candidates can solicit contributions from interest groups to finance such advertising. These contributions are secured by promises to perform favors for the contributors, should the candidate win the election. Voters understand this and elect the candidate they like best, taking into account their expectations about promises to special interests. There is an incumbency advantage in fundraising, which is sometimes so great that the incumbent faces no serious opposition at all. Introducing partial public financing through matching funds improves voter welfare in districts that have advertising under the decentralized system, while it can reduce welfare in other districts. The optimal policy must strike a balance between these two effects.

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24

Tatalovich, Raymond. "Presidents and Promises: From Campaign Pledge to Presidential Performance.Jeff Fishel." Journal of Politics 48, no. 1 (February 1986): 189–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2130934.

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25

Shaw, Carolyn M. "President Clinton's First Term: Matching Campaign Promises with Presidential Performance." Congress & the Presidency 25, no. 1 (March 1998): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343469809507808.

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Myerson, Roger B. "Incentives to Cultivate Favored Minorities Under Alternative Electoral Systems." American Political Science Review 87, no. 4 (December 1993): 856–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938819.

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A simple model is used to compare, under different electoral systems, the incentives for candidates to create inequalities among otherwise homogeneous voters, by making campaign promises that favor small groups, rather than appealing equally to all voters. In this game model, each candidate generates offers for voters independently out of a distribution that is chosen by the candidate, subject only to the constraints that offers must be nonnegative and have mean 1. Symmetric equilibria with sincere voting are analyzed for two-candidate elections and for multicandidate elections under rank-scoring rules, approval voting, and single transferable vote. Voting rules that can guarantee representation for minorities in multiseat elections generate, in this model, the most severely unequal campaign promises.

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Jacobs, Nicholas F., and Sidney M. Milkis. "Get Out of the Way: Joe Biden, the U.S. Congress, and Executive-Centered Partisanship During the President’s First Year in Office." Forum 19, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 709–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2022-2041.

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Abstract On the campaign trail and at his inauguration, Joe Biden pledged, above all else, to be a uniter to restore the soul of America. At the end of his first year in office, many campaign promises have been met, but unity has not been one. Far from transcending partisanship as promised, Biden has embraced the levers of presidential discretion and power inherent within the modern executive office to advance partisan objectives. He is not just a victim of polarization, but actively contributes to it. This is not unexpected. Rather it is the culmination of a decades-long reorientation within both major parties: the rise of an executive-centered party-system, with Democrats and Republicans alike relying on presidents and presidential candidates to pronounce party doctrine, raise campaign funds, campaign on behalf of their partisan brethren, mobilize grass roots support, and advance party programs. Like Barack Obama and Donald Trump before him, Biden has aggressively used executive power to cut the Gordian knot of partisan gridlock in Congress. Even pandemic politics is not immune to presidential partisanship; in fact, it has accentuated the United States’ presidency-centered democracy, which weakens the public resolve to confront and solve national problems.

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Conaghan, Catherine M. "Ecuador's Gamble: Can Correa Govern?" Current History 106, no. 697 (February 1, 2007): 77–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2007.106.697.77.

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Asako, Yasushi. "Partially Binding Platforms: Campaign Promises vis-à-vis Cost of Betrayal." Japanese Economic Review 66, no. 3 (November 2, 2014): 322–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jere.12053.

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Ringquist, Evan J., Milena I. Neshkova, and Joseph Aamidor. "Campaign Promises, Democratic Governance, and Environmental Policy in the U.S. Congress." Policy Studies Journal 41, no. 2 (May 2013): 365–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/psj.12021.

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Harrington, Jr ,. Joseph E. "The Impact of Reelection Pressures on the Fulfillment of Campaign Promises." Games and Economic Behavior 5, no. 1 (January 1993): 71–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/game.1993.1004.

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32

Calzado, Mercedes. "Election campaign audiences and urban security: Citizens and elections promises during a mediatized political campaign (Argentina 2015)." Communication & Society 33, no. 2 (April 20, 2020): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.33.2.155-169.

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Este artículo analiza la relación entre la ciudadanía con la publicidad electoral sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de Argentina en 2015. Durante este año, el crimen urbano fue una de las mayores preocupaciones del país al punto de que cuatro de los seis candidatos presidenciales produjeron spots específicos sobre el tópico. En este contexto, el artículo se pregunta: ¿Qué implicaba la inseguridad para los ciudadanos?, ¿acordaban con las promesas de campaña?, ¿cómo interpretaron los materiales audiovisuales sobre inseguridad? El objetivo es explorar cómo las denominadas audiencias electorales interpretaron las publicidades sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de 2015 y reflexionar sobre sobre su lugar en los procesos de mediatización política. La realización de seis grupos focales permitió concluir que las audiencias electorales: i. vivencian con preocupación la inseguridad en la ciudad, desconfían de la justicia, la policía y de sus representantes políticos; ii. no critican las promesas puntuales de los candidatos, sino que procuran develar las intenciones reales o engañosas de las publicidades electorales; iii. definen los fragmentos de publicidad electoral como construidos en clave emotiva (por tanto, falsos), o como lógicos y racionales (por tanto, cercanos a la verdad).

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Ihsan, Rizky. "Joe Biden’s Foreign Policy: What to Expect from the New United States President." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 18, no. 1 (June 27, 2022): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v18i1.4514.89-98.

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Joseph Biden came to the oval office with his wealth of experience in government affairs, including as the chair in the United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee. According to his campaign promises, the upcoming Biden administration’s foreign policy is aimed at improving the US’ international credibility based on liberal values. This article will further examine his political aspirations, based on the speech, campaign promises, and official statements. The argument is that although the US would be likely to embrace liberal values under his administration, international constraints may limit his ability in foreign policy agenda-setting. In managing its relations with China, for example, the US would be more likely to be driven by its interest rather than its values, particularly by continuing the anti-China coalition with its allies in the Indo-Pacific.

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Ihsan, Rizky. "Joe Biden’s Foreign Policy: What to Expect from the New United States President." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 18, no. 1 (June 27, 2022): 88–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v18i1.4514.88-98.

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Joseph Biden came to the oval office with his wealth of experience in government affairs, including as the chair in the United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee. According to his campaign promises, the upcoming Biden administration’s foreign policy is aimed at improving the US’ international credibility based on liberal values. This article will further examine his political aspirations, based on the speech, campaign promises, and official statements. The argument is that although the US would be likely to embrace liberal values under his administration, international constraints may limit his ability in foreign policy agenda-setting. In managing its relations with China, for example, the US would be more likely to be driven by its interest rather than its values, particularly by continuing the anti-China coalition with its allies in the Indo-Pacific.

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35

Benton, Allyson Lucinda. "Partisan policy promises and sector-specific stock-market performance: evidence from Mexico's 2006 presidential campaign." Business and Politics 15, no. 2 (August 2013): 187–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bap-2012-0037.

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Scholars have long held that partisan politics cause aggregate-level fluctuations in markets. However, if investors hold different policy preferences, the effects of election campaigns on their behavior should be more nuanced. In particular, investors in economic sectors benefiting from neo-liberal economic policies might respond favorably to gains in support by right-leaning candidates, whereas those expected to profit from state-led economic development might react favorably to gains by left-leaning contenders. To test these propositions, I examine stock market performance by economic sector during Mexico's 2006 presidential race. Statistical analysis of pre-election polls and stock market returns during the campaign reveals that, although investors did not react to potential partisan policy change in the ways originally expected, they did respond to polling news differently by economic sector. The findings demonstrate the importance of disaggregating stock, bond, and currency markets according to economic criteria, and thus the limitations of aggregate level analysis for research on politics and markets.

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Muhammad Fikri, Fatkhurohman Putra Alam Putra, and Zainal Abidin. "PENGELOLAAN KAMPANYE DIGITAL PASANGAN KARNA SUSWANDI-KHOIRANI (KARUNIA) PADA PILKADA SITUBONDO 2020." Journal Publicuho 5, no. 4 (January 8, 2023): 1234–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35817/publicuho.v5i4.65.

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The purpose of this writing is to find out the Management of the Digital Campaign for the Karna Suswandi- Khoirani (Karunia) Pair in the 2020 Situbondo Pilkada. The writing method used is a qualitative approach by conducting in-depth interviews with informants who are considered relevant in answering the problem formulation. The data collected in this study are primary and secondary data. Data analysis techniques to answer research problems use the opinion of Mile Huberman and Saldana (2014). The results of the research are that in the 2020 Situbondo Regional Head Election, the management of the digital campaign for the Karna Suswandi-Khoirani Pair is by forming a Cyber Team to manage the campaign through social media. In carrying out political campaigns through Facebook Cyber social media, they make positioning efforts through the dissemination or dissemination of work programs or political promises to the pair Karna Suswandi-Khoirani. Then do branding to attract the attention and interest of the community. Likewise with Segmenting, by selecting Facebook groups with many members of the Situbondo community, because those who have voting rights and who will cast their voting rights in the 2020 Pilkada are Situbondo residents

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Fernandez-Vazquez, Pablo, and Alexander G. Theodoridis. "Believe It or Not? Partisanship, Preferences, and the Credibility of Campaign Promises." Journal of Experimental Political Science 7, no. 2 (May 27, 2019): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2019.16.

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AbstractWe use a novel survey experiment with a broadly representative sample to reveal an important phenomenon in voter integration of campaign communications: preference-mediated partisan motivation. When evaluating the credibility of candidate position changes on minimum wage policy (a readily quantifiable and salient issue domain), partisans do not take a new stance at face value, apply universal skepticism, or simply afford more credibility to co-partisans. Instead, they process a candidate’s stance through an interaction between the voter’s partisan allegiance and their own policy preference. Partisans update more when a co-partisan moves closer to them than when the candidate shifts away from them. The opposite pattern emerges with the other party’s candidates: partisans tend to be more receptive if the candidate moves away from them. This feature of campaign message acceptance has profound implications for political communication and our understanding of partisan cognition.

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Swanson, Cory. "President Greenwald's Man." After Dinner Conversation 3, no. 1 (2022): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/adc2022313.

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To what degree do serious issues require serious consequences for politicians who fail to address them? Should politicians who fail to keep campaign promises have greater consequences than not being reelected? In this work of philosophical short story fiction, Brian Greenwald is running a unique presidential campaign. Not only is he a single-issue candidate for stopping global warming, but an ominous figure follows him everywhere with the promise to kill him at the end of his term if he fails to move the needle. The electorate knows this, and elects Greenwald President in a landslide. Everything he does in office is focused on the single goal of lower greenhouse gas emissions. At the end of his first term emissions have gone flat, but not down. By the end of his second term, even after exceptional efforts, global greenhouse gas emissions have failed to significantly fall. Good to his word, the ominous figure kills him for failing to deliver.

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39

Sencer, Stephen D. "Read My Lips: Examining the Legal Implications of Knowingly False Campaign Promises." Michigan Law Review 90, no. 2 (November 1991): 428. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1289560.

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40

Ringquist, Evan J., and Carl Dasse. "Lies, Damned Lies, and Campaign Promises? Environmental Legislation in the 105th Congress*." Social Science Quarterly 85, no. 2 (June 2004): 400–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0038-4941.2004.08502009.x.

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41

Marschall, Melissa J., and Robert J. McKee. "From Campaign Promises to Presidential Policy: Education Reform in the 2000 Election." Educational Policy 16, no. 1 (January 2002): 96–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904802016001006.

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42

HAMANN, KERSTIN. "Linking Policies and Economic Voting." Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 8 (October 2000): 1018–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033008002.

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Economic voting literature has shown that voters hold governments responsible for the state of the economy. Election studies have also found that voters punish governing parties that divert from their campaign promises and move their policy positions. These bodies of literature cannot convincingly explain the repeated reelection of the Socialist Party, which passed supply-side economic measures at odds with campaign promises and its traditional ideology. Furthermore, the party succeeded in gaining reelection regardless of the state of the economy and despite consistently high unemployment. In this article, it is argued that to better understand the repeated electoral success of the Socialist Party, three additional factors have to be taken into account: the party system, compensatory policies, and internal party politics. These factors allowed the Spanish Socialist Party to build an electoral support coalition based on lower classes, rural voters, and voters dependent on state-subsidized income.

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Tana, Maria Thaemar C. "The Philippines in 2021: Duterte’s Limited Achievements and Unkept Promises." Philippine Political Science Journal 43, no. 1 (April 27, 2022): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10031.

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Abstract The article examines the main issues and events that defined 2021. It looks at the Duterte government’s key domestic and foreign policies, as well as its successes and failures in addressing new and existing challenges. The article finds that while there had been some accomplishments, Duterte falls short in fulfilling most of his 2016 campaign promises. However, despite Duterte’s shortcomings, his popularity remains high, although it remains to be seen if this will carry over to next year’s elections and whether or not his legacies will endure.

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Saarela, T. "PARE0035 WHAT IS YOUR HEALTH ACTION IN 2020?" Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 79, Suppl 1 (June 2020): 1304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2020-eular.2319.

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Background:At the turn of the year and decade, it is a time when magazine columns and social media channels are full of New Year’s resolutions. We are thinking about weight control, fewer kilos, healthier lifestyles, increased mobility, mental well-being, more time with family and friends, learning new things, etc. For many New Year’s resolution is related to well-being, often a healthier diet and exercise.What if these promises were properly inspired? What if we encouraged people to make especially good decisions supporting musculoskeletal health and do good deeds?The Finnish Rheumatism Association and its partners started this project to encourage people make health promoting new year resolutions and tell them publicly.Objectives:The aim of the project is to promote the musculoskeletal health of the population and to raise citizens’ awareness of musculoskeletal health and illness. The purpose of the project is to inspire people to make promises and do deeds to support of musculoskeletal health. The project utilized people’s tendency to make New Year’s resolutions.Even small actions and everyday life changes are going in the right direction. Anyone can participate and have successful experience.Methods:The project is online atwww.tinjanhuoltamo.fiThe website briefly describes the background of the project. It includes links to additional information and reliable sources, and provides guidance on how people with RMD’s can have a healthier life.The project utilized the social media and participants were encouraged to make #lpromise updates for various social media channels. Campaign started at the beginning of December 2019. The radio campaign focused on Christmas holidays. Promises were made for the New Year´s Eve and some of them during January.We sent materials and tasks every week for online groups and email lists. Tinja’s Service Station acted as a personal trainer but online. We took advantage of a modern, interactive online environment where people shared their habits and experiences.All those who kept their promises till 2/29/2020 participated in a competition, where the prize was the winner’s choice of a welfare event, or a season ticket to a sports club or a local Rheumatism Organisation exercise group.Results:The Service Station turned out to be more interesting than expected. The Facebook group had 450 members and the email-group 75 people. The quantities exceeded our expectations.Physical exercise attracted the promises most. Good second was nutrition.Our social media campaign was not as successful as we had hoped for. It may be that people are too cautious of making public New Year’s Resolutions. The radio campaign managed to bring some more people to the email group, not so many for the Facebook group. It seemed a good idea to expand the campaign from social media to radio. The radio campaign reached people nationwide and there was a small peak in the Rheumatism Association website visits.Conclusion:This was quite nice and different project. It seemed that one act of health easily led to another and created a positive vicious circle. We start the project with good will and without blame. Changing one’s own activities and promoting future health require will and motivation. Motivation was the initiator of the action. A clear and realistic goal setting and a decision to reach the goal helped motivate.At the end of the March we will sum up the final results and pick up good examples for musculoskeletal health actions. It is already certain that we will renew the project at the end of the year. A service station is a great low-threshold place where you can, in a good spirit, get support for your lifestyle changes.Disclosure of Interests:None declared

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White, Ariel, and Kris-Stella Trump. "The Promises and Pitfalls of 311 Data." Urban Affairs Review 54, no. 4 (November 30, 2016): 794–823. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416673202.

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Local governments operate 311 service request lines across the United States, and the publicly available data from these lines provide a continuously measured, geographically fine-grained, and non-self-reported measure of citizens’ interactions with government. It seems a promising measure of neighborhood political participation. However, these data are empirically and theoretically different from many common citizen-level participation measures. We compare geographically aggregated 311 call data with three other measures of political and civic participation: voter turnout, political donations, and census return rates. We show that rates of 311 calls are negatively related to lower cost activities (voter turnout and census return rates), but positively related to the high-cost activity of campaign donation. We caution against interpreting 311 data as a generic measure of political engagement or participation, at least in the absence of high-quality controls for neighborhood condition. However, we argue that these data are still potentially useful for researchers, because they are by definition a measure of the service demands that neighborhoods place on city governments.

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Meifilina, Andiwi, and Sulistyo Anjarwati. "STRATEGY OF THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN MODEL." JOSAR (Journal of Students Academic Research) 4, no. 1 (May 13, 2019): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35457/josar.v4i1.678.

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The problems faced when approaching the election are many, one of which is the problem related to how to lobby politics to the public to use their voting rights so that they do not abstain. This problem that is often encountered can be solved by implementing the right political campaign model strategy. The strategy in political campaigns is a careful plan for activities to achieve specific goals where the activities carried out are carried out by political organizations or competing candidates to compete for positions in parliament in order to get the support of the mass of voters (voters) in voting. In line with Law No. 10 of 2008 concerning elections for members of the DPR, DPD and DPRD loaded with 30 percent quota for women in article 53, coupled with article 8 paragraph 1 mentioned regarding statements of at least 30 percent quota of women's representation in central party political party management as one of the requirements political parties to be able to become participants in the election. The purpose of this study was to find out in depth about the strategy of the political campaign model of female candidates in Blitar Regency as a method used by legislative candidates to attract their voters. This way of lobbying politics to the community has the aim of introducing candidates to the public through political campaigns that bring up the positive image of legislative candidates by involving the community. One way in which legislative candidates take to attract attention and get votes from various communities is starting from giving promises when campaigning. The subject of this research is that all the people and female candidates in Blitar Regency and the object of their research are the political campaign model strategies in Blitar Regency. The type of research used is qualitative research using the phenomenology approach. The phenomenology approach aims to describe the meaning of life experiences experienced by some individuals about certain concepts or phenomena by exploring the structure of human consciousness. So here the researcher wants to know the meaning of the experience experienced by the community and female candidates related to the political campaign model strategy through this phenomenology study. This research method uses a qualitative approach with interviews, observation, and documentation studies. This research produced a strategy model for political campaigns related to the phenomenon of female candidates in Blitar District.

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Ritaudin, M. Sidi. "Political Promises in the Perspectives of Islam and Its Implementation in Development Policy." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4-1 (July 1, 2017): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0076.

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Abstract After the election, the mayor and vice mayor of Bandar Lampung should prepare strategic policies through medium-term development plan based on the political promises during the campaign period. This article discussed the issue on how the implementation of political promises of the mayor of Bandar Lampung. This research is a kind of media research, which is composed of the political promises recorded in the mass media. The analysis used in this research was a descriptive method and content analysis. The results showed that the political promises of Herman HN were generally carried out in accordance with his commitments. Although, there are were still many shortcomings, such as inaction and uneven development in Bandar Lampung city due to budget constraints and lack of coordination within the government itself as well as with representatives in Parliament. However, the people of Bandar Lampung are generally believed that their political promises are debt, which should be implemented during the period of his reign. Promises will be demanded by the people and all of which were recorded in the print media, in the Lampung Post, Tribune Lampung, and Radar Lampung.

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Omilusi, Mike. "Campaign communication in Nigeria’s 2019 General Elections: unfulfilled party pledges and voter engagement without a social contract." Journal of African Elections 19, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2020/v19i2a6.

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Broken campaign promises challenge the sanctity of the electoral process in Nigeria. Six decades after political independence and six electoral cycles in the last two decades of the Fourth Republic, there are inadequate legal frameworks and a lack of political will to change the narrative. Ambushing the voters with plans of action on the eve of every election remains a constant ritual to legitimise party campaigns in both digital media and at heavily mobilised rallies, often with limited substance. The general purpose of this study is twofold. First, to provide analysis of campaign communication and the extent to which it influences the participation of citizens in the electoral process. Second, to investigate the electorate’s understanding of policy issues inherent in the 2019 election manifestos of the two dominant political parties, All Progressive Congress (APC) and People’s Democratic Party (PDP), and how other elements shape perception and trust in elected representatives/ government. The research design relies on sample surveys and indepth interviews, and seeks to identify, within the context of an electoral cycle, why conversations between public office seekers and voters do not translate into a concrete social contract or generate timebound inclusive policies.

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Pamungkas, Risky Adi, and Muhammad Adnan. "Citra Politik Kandidat Walikota Semarang dalam Instagram: Analisis Dramaturgi pada Pilwakot Semarang 2020." Jurnal Pemerintahan dan Politik 8, no. 2 (May 27, 2023): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.36982/jpg.v8i2.2899.

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This article aims to analyze the political image of Hendrar Prihadi (Hendi), incumbent mayoral candidate of Semarang 2020 election shown on Instagram @hendrarprihadi in the midst of covid-19 pandemic. If most candidates concoct political slogans and deliver campaign promises, Hendi’s Instagram portrays more amusing content with a minimum amount of campaign messages. Dramaturgy theory used to analyze framing processes on Instagram as frontstage, and what backstage and offstage factors could affect this single candidate manage to get 91,4% of votes, even though activists consider election in the midst of pandemic as less humane, and single candidate could lower voters’ turnover. Qualitative analysis data collected from interviews and articles shows that amusing content on Hendi’s Instagram designed to pacify the public affected by covid-19, followers are easily extracted by amusing content, and as a method to sheer away from sensitive political issues. Backstage, although Semarang reported as the highest contributor of covid-19 cases in Indonesia, and numbers of rule violation campaigns, candidate characteristic, leadership, incumbent status, and also relation with public and political figure be the several things making candidate’s political image more stable, affecting candidate winning the 2020 Semarang Mayoral Election.

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Coulombe, Maxime, André Blais, Maria-Alexis Alfaro, Sofia Carbonaro, and Tristan Trinque. "Fulfilling Campaign Promises or Following Public Opinion: Does the Size of the Majority Matter?" Canadian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 2 (March 17, 2021): 463–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842392100007x.

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AbstractWe perform a survey experiment on the issue of immigration. People are presented with a situation where public opinion is at odds with the election promise. In our control group, no information is given about public opinion. In the treatment groups, respondents are told that 55 per cent or 80 per cent of the people are against the project. When respondents are informed about the election promise but are not told about public opinion, 64 per cent say that the party should fulfill its promise. That percentage drops to 51 per cent when people are informed that a slight majority (55 per cent) are opposed to the project and to 42 per cent when they are told that a strong majority (80 per cent) are opposed. Citizens thus believe that politicians should pay attention not only to the majority view but also to the size of that majority.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Campaign promises'

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