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1
Bennett, Stewart L. "A Warfare of Giants: The Battle for Atlanta, July 22, 1864." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2009. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/BennettSL2009.pdf.
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Bourque, Stephen A. "Operational command and control : the Maryland Campaign of 1862." Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/483177.
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This study investigates the development of large unit command and control in the United States Army prior to the American Civil War. It examines the results of this development in one early campaign of the war. The paper's theme is that the excessive casualties suffered during the early stages of the war were not only a result of the improvements in weapons technology, the size of the armies or the personalities of the individual commanders. Another, and potentially more serious cause was the inability of the Union commanders to command, control, and maneuver these units to achieve campaign objectives.The paper begins by describing how war is organized into three levels: strategy, operations, and tactics; and defining the concepts related to command and control. The influences on the development of the Civil War leadership are next examined. These include: Napoleonic Warfare, the teachings of Jomini, Mahan, and Halleck; the the formal and informal educational experiences of the officers. Next command and control doctrine within the Union Army is examined.The case study used for examining operational command and control during the early period of the Civil War is the Maryland Campaign of 1862 which culminated at the Battle of Antietam in September of that year. Throughout the thesis, the education and performance of the Army of the Potomac's commander, George B. McClellan is examined.The conclusion of the paper is that the United States Army was poorly prepared for the conduct of large unit operations. This poor preparation, and performance, could not be blamed on any single individual, including McClellan. It was the result of complex educational, experiential, and organizational factors which shaped the pre-war Army.Finally, this paper concludes that General McClellan's inability to decisively maneuver the forces at his disposal was a significant factor in the outcome of the engagement at Sharpsburg, Maryland on 17 September, 1862.
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Townsend, Stephen A. "The Rio Grande Expedition, 1863-1865." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2744/.
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In October 1863 the United States Army's Rio Grande Expedition left New Orleans, bound for the Texas coast. Reacting to the recent French occupation of Mexico, President Abraham Lincoln believed that the presence of U.S. troops in Texas would dissuade the French from intervening in the American Civil War. The first major objective of this campaign was Brownsville, Texas, a port city on the lower Rio Grande. Its capture would not only serve as a warning to the French in Mexico; it would also disrupt a lucrative Confederate cotton trade across the border. The expedition had a mixed record of achievement. It succeeded in disrupting the cotton trade, but not stopping it. Federal forces installed a military governor, Andrew J. Hamilton, in Brownsville, but his authority extended only to the occupied part of Texas, a strip of land along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. The campaign also created considerable fear among Confederate soldiers and civilians that the ravages of civil war had now come to the Lone Star State. Although short-lived, the panic generated by the Rio Grande Expedition left an indelible mark on the memories of Texans who lived through the campaign. The expedition achieved its greatest success by establishing a permanent Federal presence in Texas as a warning against possible French meddling north of the Rio Grande.
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Doulton, Lindsay. "The Royal Navy’s anti-slavery campaign in the western Indian Ocean, c. 1860-1890 : race, empire and identity." Thesis, University of Hull, 2010. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:4581.
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This thesis explores the Royal Navy’s suppression of the slave trade in the western Indian Ocean between 1858 and the mid 1890s. Previous studies of this activity have offered narrative-style histories which have focused on operational matters and the diplomatic background. As such, scholars have written a naval history of slave-trade suppression. This thesis, in contrast, adopts an interdisciplinary approach, and engages with new material and new themes in order to place the anti-slavery campaign firmly in the social and cultural context of late-nineteenth-century Britain and its empire. Using sources such as letters, journals, diaries, memoirs, published and� unpublished accounts, graphical representations, and a range of representations of the campaign as portrayed in popular British culture, the aim is to shift the emphasis from the official story of slave-trade suppression. This perspective significantly broadens understanding of the social and cultural background of the campaign. Building on the work of historians such as Catherine Hall and others, the approach taken emphasises how ideas and identities were shaped through imperial connections and encounters with foreign ‘others’. An understanding of how naval officers perceived the slave trade in the western Indian Ocean region, as well as its cultures and peoples, and how this was represented, sheds new light on how the British public also viewed the region. A crucial question which underpins this thesis is how racial attitudes and anti-slavery sentiment intersected in this period of high imperialism. In recovering these attitudes, some of the main points of thinking about race, empire and British national identity during the late-Victorian period are highlighted.
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Feis, William B. "Finding the enemy: The role of military intelligence in the campaigns of Ulysses S. Grant, 1861-1865 /." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487942739808499.
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Schroeder, Patrick A. "Campaigns of a veteran volunteer organization : the service of the 5th New York Veteran Volunteer Infantry, Duryee's Zouaves, 1863-1865 /." Thesis, This resource online, 1996. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-11182008-063559/.
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Vickers, Jane. "Pressure group politics, class and popular liberalism : the campaign for Parliamentary reform in the north west, 1864-1868." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337844.
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Thomas, Peter R. Jr. "Camp, Combat, and Campaign: North Carolina's Confederate Experience." UNF Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/586.
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This research examines a sample of North Carolina Confederates as they transitioned from citizen to soldier between 1861 and 1863 during the American Civil War, and it questions how levels of commitment and devotion emerged during this transformation. North Carolina Confederates not only faced physical and emotional challenges as they transitioned from citizen to soldier, but also encountered social obstacles due to the strict social order of the Old South. Orthodoxy maintains this social dissent hindered any form of solidarity among North Carolina Confederates. The question remains, though, why did so many North Carolinians remain committed to the Confederacy until death or surrender? This thesis addresses that question. It acknowledges traditional works on North Carolina’s Civil War experience, however it focuses on the war front more closely. By examining soldiers’ personal reflections to experiences encountered during their transition more understanding concerning soldiers’ shifting perceptions emerge. This thesis encapsulates a soldier’s transition through three stages: camp, combat, and campaign. Each stage offers insight into how perceptions toward fellow men, the home front, combat, and camp-life changed over time. Soldiers were exposed to unprecedented levels of fear, sickness, death, and nostalgia that shook their foundations. Levels of commitment were questioned as men encountered each obstacle. The reflections herein indicate men’s devotion actually increased by 1863 by engaging the basic duties of soldiering and learning to function together in the midst of combat. Self-awareness for health and survival, hard work, and camp life activities took on new meanings by 1863. Furthermore, this sample offers an example of how the constant interactions of men whether in camp or on the battlefield ultimately strengthened solidarity among troops. This thesis pays particular attention to soldiers’ attachments to natural landscapes, and their abilities to materially alter landscapes for the purposes of survival and respite. These North Carolinians reveal how experiences during their transition from citizen to soldier ultimately laid a foundation to remain committed to the war.
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Edwards, Arthur John. "Religion and society in Monmouthshire, 1840-1880, with particular reference to Thomas Thomas, the Pontypool Baptists and the campaign for disestablishment." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/95955/.
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This thesis examines the effects of the campaign for disestablishment upon the religious and social life of Monmouthshire in the period 1840-1880. From a position of strength in 1840, nonconformists intensified their efforts to redress their religious and social grievances and to support the programme of the Liberation Society founded in 1844. The main focus of this study is the increasing influence of the Baptists, the strongest Nonconformest denomination in Monmouthshire during this period. The importance of the Baptist College and those involved in its leadership under its principal Dr Thomas Thomas, is analysed through the Dissenters’ campaigns against compulsory Church rate and state-funded education. Thomas’s leadership was paramount, not only in the Baptist College but also through crane street chapel of which he was pastor in a joint appointment for thirty –seven years. His stature was publicly recognised when he was appointed President of the Baptist Union of Great Britain and Ireland in 1872. He had become leader of the Baptist churches in Monmouthshire by1857 when he was chiefly responsible for setting up the Monmouthshire English Baptist Association at Pontypool. Thomas became noteworthy as a leader not only of Monmouthshire Baptists but also in the religious and social life of the county. His relationships with other religious leaders and his influence upon them are examined. This study seeks to fil a historiographical gap in our understanding of the impact of the campaign for Disestablishment in its early phases upon the religious life of Monmouthshire. It also provides a picture of the two institutions that were essential to the development of the Dissenters’ campaign for religious equality, Pontypool Baptist College and Crane Street Chapel. From the available resources, an analysis is provided.
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McConahy, Lisa A. "Following Lee to Gettysburg : a driving tour of General Robert E. Lee's path to Gettysburg." Virtual Press, 2007. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1366294.
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This project is a website guided driving tour of the Confederates' route to Gettysburg. It is one example of many possibilities that can be used to interpret history in a new way. The website has a page for each town the Confederates marched through. Each page consists of a timeline, maps, and events that occurred during the Confederate occupation. There are examples of how different groups of visitors can use the website. The groups are a family with children, empty nesters, and senior citizens. The website is valuable in that it provides history to people with the technology they already use. It also contains information about the Campaign that is often overlooked in the story of Gettysburg.Department of Architecture
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Johnson, Christine M. "Quaker women peace campaigners in England 1820-1915." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271791.
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Midgely, Clare. "Women anti-slavery campaigners in Britain, 1787-1868." Thesis, University of Kent, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.330199.
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Bowmaster, Patrick A. "Confederate Brig. Gen. B.H. Robertson and the 1863 Gettysburg campaign." Thesis, This resource online, 1995. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06162009-063620/.
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Thesis (M.A. in Hist.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1995.Includes vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 103-110). Also available via the Internet.
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DeBoer, Stewart Brett. "Visual advocacy campaign for literacy /." Online version of thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/11501.
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Rajanna, Kanchen. "Promotional program for the Center for Graphic Design History /." Online version of thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/11286.
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Meier, Paul Neal. "Maneuver as a response to technological innovation : Sherman's Georgia campaign of 1864 /." Thesis, This resource online, 1990. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06082009-170810/.
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Joiner, Gary Dillard. "The Red River valley campaign of 1864 in the American Civil War." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422066.
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Gouvea, Heitor B. "An Iridescent Dream: Money, Politics, and the American Republic, 1865-1976." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2218.
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Thesis advisor: R. Shep MelnickThe United States now has an extensive, publicly controlled, and bureaucratic system of election regulation. Until roughly a century ago, however, elections were viewed as private party contests subject to minimal state regulation. We examine how this changed, considering in particular the role played by the courts, given that for much of the nineteenth century they viewed the parties as private, constitutionally protected associations. We consider how and why the libertarian argument concerning free speech came to prominence in the campaign debate, and find that at first neither the reformers nor the courts at any level viewed this as a fundamental obstacle to--or even an issue to be considered in--the regulation of money in politics. This shift from a private to a public electoral system had a significant impact on American democracy that has not often been examined. To understand these changes, we examine the arguments put forth by advocates of cam-paign finance reform from the nineteenth to the latter part of the twentieth centuries. We focus on how the proponents justified these laws and how state and federal courts responded to these arguments, paying particular attention to court rulings on the constitutionality of these unprecedented statutes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and to the evolution of their jurisprudence in this regard during the twentieth century
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Heinsen, Patrick James. "The use of physical intelligence in General George B. McClellan's 1862 Peninsular Campaign." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ27506.pdf.
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Auchterlonie, Mitzi Marita. "Conservative women, the Conservative Party and the campaign for women's suffrage, 1867-1914." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246385.
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Stith, Shawn B. "Foundation for victory : operations and intelligence harmoniously combine in Jackson's Shenandoah Valley campaign (1862) /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1993. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA271784.
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De, Wolfe Elizabeth A. "Shaking the faith : women, family, and Mary Marshall Dyer's anti-Shaker campaign, 1815-1867 /." New York : Palgrave, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39035343j.
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niDonnell, Christianne. "The Unkindest Cut: The Decision to Withhold I Corps from the Peninsula Campaign, 1862." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625628.
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Frawley, Jason Mann. "Marching through Pennsylvania the story of soldiers and civilians during the Gettysburg campaign /." [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2008. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-04132008-140127/unrestricted/frawley.pdf.
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Cook, Janice Mary. "Child labour in Saint John, New Brunswick and the campaign for factory legislation, 1880-1905." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1994. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/MQ35558.pdf.
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Chesnut, Barbara-Leigh. "A promotional campaign for a self-created computer animation "Ernie the Bird" /." Online version of thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/11310.
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van, Manen Niels. "The climbing boy campaigns in Britain, c1770-1840 : cultures of reform, languages of health and experiences of childhood." Thesis, University of York, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14215/.
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Cserno, Isabell. "Race and mass consumption in consumer culture national trademark advertising campaigns in the United States and Germany, 1890-1930 /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8043.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of American Studies. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Dube, William. "The effect of new media on political advertising : television ads and internet ads in the 2008 presidential election /." Online version of thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/9697.
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Harben, Beth Kwon Wi-Suk Forsythe Sandra Monk. "Predicting consumers' cause-brand alliance attitude and purchase intention the influence of cause involvement, message source, perceived motivations, and cause-brand fit /." Auburn, Ala, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10415/1890.
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Macleod, Jennifer Rosalind. "The Gallipoli Campaign as assessed by some British and Australian participants 1915-39." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251706.
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Lee, Sung-Sook. "Victorian feminism and 'fallen' women : the campaign to repeal the Contagious Diseases Acts in Britain, 1869-1886." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.394264.
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Swain, Matthew D. "Changes in media mix for leading national advertisers (2003 - 2005) /." Online version of thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/4491.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Rochester Institute of Technology, 2007.Typescript. Appendix A: Percent change in spending by industry ; Appendix B: List of top 30 advertisers by medium. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 48 - 51)
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Kunz, Joseph. "Political snapshots : the undecided voter's perceptions of internet based imagery during the 2004 presidential election campaign /." Online version of thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/5764.
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Ridenour, Kathryn. "Corruption, Coordination, and Corporate Cash: Re-examining Citizens United in the Era of Super PACs and Dark Money." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1864.
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This work argues that the Supreme Court incorrectly decided the case of Citizens United v. FEC (2010). Beginning with an analysis of past campaign finance law and jurisprudence, this paper then outlines the fact of the case in Citizens United and assesses each of the principle claims made by the majority and dissenting opinions. The analysis then pivots to a practical examination of the immediate legal and regulatory consequences of the decision, namely detailing the advent of super PACs. Furthermore, this paper evaluates the magnitude of super PAC and related dark money spending in the years following the decision and speculates about its impact on elections and shifting public opinion. Drawing from the historical precedent and empiric spending reality, this paper formally reargues the Citizens United case, striking down the five identified premises in the majority opinion’s ruling. These premises are as follows: money is speech, corporations are entitled to the same rights as natural persons, the governmental anticorruption interest is limited to only quid pro quo exchanges, the antidistortion rationale is unconstitutional, and disclosure requirements provide sufficient information to ensure transparency. This inquiry concludes that unlimited corporate independent expenditures have a distortionary impact on the electoral system, presenting a unique corruption threat. As such, Citizens United should be formally overturned.
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Smith, Eric C. "A Pre-professional Institution: Napoleon’s Marshalate and the Defeat of 1813." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699890/.
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Napoleon’s defeat in 1813 generates a number of explanations from historians regarding why he lost this epic campaign which ultimately resulted in France losing control over the German states. Scholars discussing the French marshalate of the Napoleonic era frequently assert that these generals could not win battles without the emperor present. Accustomed to assuming a subordinate role under Bonaparte’s direct supervision, these commanders faltered when deprived of the strong hand of the master. This thesis contributes to this historiographical argument by positing that the pre-professional nature of Napoleon’s marshalate precluded them from adapting to the evolving nature of warfare during the First French Empire. Emerging from non-military backgrounds and deriving their capabilities solely from practical experience, the marshals failed to succeed at endeavors outside of their capacity. An examination of the military administration of the Old Regime, the effects of the French Revolution on the French generalate, and the circumstances under which Bonaparte labored when creating the imperial marshalate demonstrates that issues systemic to the French high command contributed to French defeat in 1813. This thesis also provides evidence that Napoleon understood this problem and attempted to better prepare his marshals for independent command by instructing them in his way of war during the 1813 campaign.
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Sambaluk, Nicholas Michael. "The Actions and Operational Thinking of Generals Stratemeyer and Partridge during the Korean War: Adjusting to Political Restrictions of Air Campaigns." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6056/.
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Airpower played an important supporting role in the Korean War, and as General of the Army Douglas MacArthur pursued victory in the war and President Harry S Truman's objectives altered throughout the first year of the conflict, tension arose between the two men. One issue in these frictions was the restriction of airpower. Not only MacArthur, but also his admiring subordinate Lieutenant General George E. Stratemeyer commanding the Far East Air Forces, and Fifth Air Force commander Major General Earle E. Partridge opposed the restrictions which had been imposed on airmen from the outset of the conflict. Stratemeyer did so partly because of his loyalty to MacArthur, who wanted latitude in coping with the situation in the field and defeating the Communist enemy. Partridge did so because he thought they endangered his personnel and limited the effectiveness of airpower in the war. These commanders had a fundamentally different opinion from Washington regarding the likelihood of overt Soviet intervention in the war, and because they did not think the Korean War would become a world war, they were more willing than Washington to prosecute the war more aggressively. MacArthur's conflict ended with his removal in April 1951, and Stratemeyer (who suffered a heart attack weeks afterward) continued to advocate for forceful American foreign policy in Asia during his retirement. Partridge eventually earned four stars and long after the war likewise continued to disfavor the restrictions which had been put in place. Between oral history interviews in 1974 and 1978, however, Partridge reconsidered the issue of restrictions. He expressed that the Korean War had been a considerable challenge without a wider war, implying that restrictions had perhaps been important.
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Nicolas, Aude. "L’art et la bataille : représenter les campagnes d’Italie : (1800 ; 1859)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100188.
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Cette étude a pour but d’analyser les représentations peintes – mais aussi, à chaque fois que cela était pertinent pour le propos, les dessins, les photographies et les sculptures – des campagnes d’Italie de 1800 et de 1859. L’approche comparative de ces deux événements met en parallèle les héritages et les innovations artistiques d’« un Napoléon à l’autre », en posant à chaque fois la question de la volonté de précision et des connaissances des artistes chargés d’immortaliser les grandes phases de ces conflits, de manière à apporter un regard principalement centré sur les aspects militaires de ces représentations, en recourant notamment à l’étude iconographique. S’il s’agit avant tout d’un travail d’histoire de l’art, s’appuyant sur l’analyse stylistique et sur la réception critique des œuvres, l’approche méthodologique proposée croise d’autres disciplines afin de détailler la conception et l’organisation des œuvres : topographie, stratégie, tactique et, plus largement, d’autres domaines plus spécifiquement liés au patrimoine militaire (uniformologie, emblématique, armement…). Les œuvres sont également confrontées aux objets conservés et à l’histoire militaire qu’elles représentent, afin de comprendre comment les artistes ont conçu leurs productions et sont parvenus à rendre les faits. L’organisation du propos est divisée en trois parties, étudiant successivement la représentation topographique (les artistes se sont-ils rendus sur les lieux, ont-ils cherché à être précis en rendant les paysages et les particularités géographiques ?), le rendu de la bataille (comment la traite-t-on au début et au milieu du siècle, trouve-t-on un véritable souci de faire figurer les bonnes unités aux bons endroits et de tenter de comprendre et / ou de recomposer les manœuvres tactiques ?) et la perception héroïque (comment met-on en valeur le héros d’une époque à l’autre et comment différencier une œuvre au rendu réaliste d’une autre vouée à la glorification ou à l’édification ?)This work deals with a comparative analysis of military paintings representing the French Italian Campaigns (1800 and 1859), including drawings, photographs and sculptures when it is relevant. The parallel is established between artistic heritages and innovations from “a Napoleon to the other”, asking the artists’ willing of precision and military knowledge when they represented these events, so these works of art are studied in a different way focused on a military approach using iconography. Although the main work is in history of art, based on the analysis of formal handling and critical reception, the methodology resorts other sciences in order to examine the artworks composition and organisation in details: in that way, artworks are confronted to topography, strategy, tactic and also military heritage testimonies (uniforms, emblems, weapons…) and history they aimed to show. The work is divided in three parts, successively studying topographical representation (did the artists travelled to see the places and did they represented precise and recognizable geographical details?), the way of painting battles (how fights were figured at the beginning and in the middle of the 19th century, can regiments and tactical manoeuvres be identified correctly?) and heroic perception (how heroes were showed in 1800 and in 1859 and how artworks can be ranked, between glorification and realistic representations?)
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Katz, David Brock. "Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk : two South African military disasters revisited 1941-1942." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96040.
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Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk are the largest disasters suffered by South Africa in its military history. Yet, despite their enormity, Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk are little understood and hardly remembered. South Africa declared war on Germany on the 6 September 1939, after a bitter internal debate, amounting to a conflict between Afrikaner nationalists and those who supported the British Empire. South Africa’s political ambivalence and disunity ran parallel to her unpreparedness for war in every important department from the lack of vital coastal defences to the miniscule size of her army and air force and complete lack of a navy. The first six months of 1941 saw the South Africans play a significant part in completely defeating the Italian colonial forces in East Africa. However, the campaign was poor preparation for what the South Africans were to encounter in the North African Desert months later. South African troops spent their time rebuilding fortifications in Egypt rather than in essential training to acclimatise this “bush war” army to harsh desert conditions. In a reluctant political decision, the unprepared South Africans were committed to Operation Crusader. The inexperienced South Africans met up with the battle hardened Afrika Korps at Sidi Rezegh on 23 November 1941 and were annihilated in the face of overwhelming odds. In revisiting this forgotten battle, it has been found, using primary and secondary sources, that the South Africans extracted an enormous price on the German armour in what may have been the true turning point of Operation Crusader. In May 1942, Rommel’s Afrika Korps sallied forth in a series of lightning moves that demonstrated the Axis grip on combined operations and managed to isolate the vital port of Tobruk commanded by an inexperienced South African, Major General H. B. Klopper. His surrender in one day is often compared to the previous siege endured under similar circumstances, where the Australians managed to hold Rommel at bay for 244 days until the siege was lifted. Klopper’s surrender of Tobruk resulted in a political crisis for Winston Churchill and for Jan Smuts, as the fiasco caused considerable tension within the Allied camp and within South Africa. On re-examination, interesting facts have emerged from the primary source material, as to the state of the Tobruk defences and of its unfortunate commander and how the United Kingdom, acting in concert with South Africa, sought to suppress the true facts. Immediate post-war memory has been shaped and distorted by sensitive political considerations that affected relations between South Africa and the United Kingdom. Thereafter, the memory of Sidi Rezegh and Tobruk was relegated first by a nationalistic Afrikaner government and then since by a democratically elected government, both of which have seen very little use in incorporating these two milestones into the national memory.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sidi Rezegh en Tobruk is die grootste nederlae wat Suid-Afrika in sy militêre geskiedenis ervaar het. Ten spyte van hul omvang, word daar min van Sidi Rezegh en Tobruk verstaan of onthou. Na ‘n hewige interne debat wat tot konflik tussen Afrikanernasionaliste en pro-Britse Suid-Afrikaners gelei het, het Suid-Afrika op 6 September 1939 oorlog teen Duitsland verklaar. Suid-Afrika se politieke verdeeldheid het saamgeval met die Unie se totale onvoorbereidheid vir oorlog, wat gestrek het van kritieke tekortkominge in kusverdediging, tot die ontoereikende grootte van die leër en lugmag en die totale afwesigheid van ‘n vloot. Gedurende die eerste ses maande van 1941 het Suid-Afrika ‘n beduidende rol gespeel om die Italiaanse koloniale magte in Oos-Afrika te verslaan. Dié veldtog was egter nie effektiewe voorbereiding vir die uitdagings waarteen die Suid-Afrikaners kort daarna in Noord-Afrika te staan sou kom nie. Die Suid-Afrikaanse troepe het daarby hul tyd daaraan bestee om vestings in Egipte te herbou in plaas daarvan om noodsaaklike opleiding te ondergaan om hul “bosoorlog”-leër vir ruwe woestynoorlogvoering voor te berei. ‘n Huiwerige, teensinnige politieke besluit het die onvoorbereide Suid-Afrikaners tot Operasie Crusader verbind. Die onervare Suid-Afrikaners het op 23 November 1941 by Sidi Rezegh teen die geharde Afrika Korps te staan gekom, waar oorweldigende magte hulle verpletter het. ‘n Heroorweging van hierdie vergete veldslag aan die hand van primêre en sekondêre bronne het aan die lig gebring dat die Suid-Afrikaners ‘n hoë tol van die Duitse pantser geëis het, wat besmoontlik die ware keerpunt in Operasie Crusader gebring het. In Mei 1942 het Rommel se Afrika Korps deur ‘n reeks blitsige bewegings wat die greep van die Spilmagte op gekombineerde operasies gedemonstreer het, daarin geslaag om die kritiese hawe van Tobruk, waar die onervare Suid Afrikaanse generaal-majoor H.B. Klopper in bevel was, te isoleer. Sy oorgawe binne ‘n enkele dag word dikwels vergelyk met die vorige beleg van Tobruk toe die Australianers Rommel onder vergelykbare omstandighede vir 244 dae teruggehou het totdat die beleg opgehef is. Klopper se oorgawe het ‘n politieke krisis vir Winston Churchill en Jan Smuts geskep, deurdat dit aansienlike spanning binne sowel die Gealieerde kamp as Suid-Afrika veroorsaak het. Die herevaluering van die gebeure het interessante feite uit die primêre bronne na vore gebring ten opsigte van die toestand van Tobruk se verdedigingstellings, die ongelukkige bevelvoerder, en hoe die Verenigde Koninkryk in samewerking met Suid-Afrika die ware feite wou toesmeer. Die onmiddellike naoorlogse geheuebeeld van die gebeure by Sidi Rezegh en Tobruk is geskep en verwring deur sensitiewe politieke oorwegings wat die verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en die Verenigde Koninkryk beïnvloed het. Sedertdien het ‘n nasionalistiese Afrikaner-regering en daarna ook die demokraties-verkose, post-apartheid-regering die herinneringe aan Sidi Rezegh en Tobruk tot die vergetelheid verdoem; nie een van die twee het die nut daarvan gesien om dié twee mylpale in die nasionale geheue te verewig nie. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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Truxal, Luke. "Command Unity and the Air War against Germany." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1404524/.
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Starting in August 1942 the United States and United Kingdom started waging a strategic bombing offensive against Germany. Throughout the course of the 1942 and 1943 campaigns, American and British air forces struggled to gain the upper hand in the European air war. By November 1943 American and British defeats at the hands of the German Air Force, or Luftwaffe, had placed the air war in doubt. By February 1944, the air war had turned around in favor of the Allies. This dramatic turn of events has been explained by historians in a number of ways. The most popular narrative is that the introduction of the long range escort fighter, the P-51 "Mustang," turned the tide in the air war. Another narrative is that there was a change in the fighter tactics. Starting in January 1944, American fighters stopped defending the bombers and started aggressively pursuing German fighters. Yet, these analyses do not include a major command changes that took place from November to January 1944. After his appointment to command of Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force, General Dwight D. Eisenhower used his position centralize all of the major air commands in Europe under his control. By unifying the air commands, the Allies were able to better coordinate and concentrate their air against Germany. In February 1944 the Allies focused their air forces against the Luftwaffe ultimately wearing down German fighter strength. After finally removing a major obstacle impending the strategic air war against Germany, the Allies concentrated their air forces against transportation and oil targets. The destruction of these two major economic systems crippled Germany's ability to fight the Allies in 1944 and 1945. By changing the command structure, Eisenhower was able to use his air forces in successful coordinated strategic air offensives that the Allies had previously been incapable of accomplishing.
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Varlan, Olivier. "Armand-Louis de Caulaincourt, duc de Vicenze (1773-1827). Étude d’une carrière diplomatique sous le Premier Empire, de la cour de Napoléon au ministère des Relations extérieures." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040252.
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Officier de cavalerie originaire de la noblesse picarde, Armand de Caulaincourt (1773-1827) gravit rapidement tous les échelons de la cour consulaire puis impériale, devenant en 1804 grand-écuyer de l’Empire. Mais, malgré l’importance de ses fonctions curiales, Napoléon le destine à une carrière de diplomate. Après différentes missions, il le nomme ambassadeur de France en Russie, à la fin de l’année 1807. Fervent partisan de l’alliance de Tilsit, Caulaincourt participe à toutes les grandes négociations franco-russes mais doit assister à la lente dégradation des relations entre les deux empires. À son retour à Paris en 1811, son bilan politique est maigre. Sa défense opiniâtre du tsar Alexandre, mais surtout son opposition à la campagne militaire qui se prépare, irritent Napoléon. Elles lui permettent toutefois d’acquérir une nouvelle stature après le désastre de Russie : pour ses contemporains Caulaincourt devient l’« homme de la paix ». Une image que Napoléon réutilise lorsqu’il le charge de le représenter aux congrès de Prague (1813) et de Châtillon (1814). Le duc de Vicence, devenu ministre des Relations extérieures, ne parvient pas à faire accepter la paix ; il lui faut finalement négocier l’abdication de Napoléon et renoncer, après les Cent-Jours, à toute carrière politique. Cette étude, qui s’appuie sur les archives personnelles de Caulaincourt et ses célèbres Mémoires, entend redonner toute son importance à cette figure majeure du Premier Empire, en insistant sur son action et sa pensée dans le domaine de la diplomatie. L’exemple de ce parcours devant permettre de contribuer à reconsidérer et réévaluer le rôle du personnel diplomatique napoléonienA cavalry officer born into Picardy's landed gentry, Armand de Caulaincourt rose rapidly through the ranks of the consular, and later the imperial court, to become in 1804 Grand Squire of the Empire. However, notwithstanding the importance of his curial functions, Napoleon destined him to a diplomatic career. After several missions, he was appointed as Ambassador of France to Russia (1807). Caulaincourt took part in all the major negotiations between France and Russia, but was forced to witness a slow breakdown in relations between the two Empires. At the time of his return to Paris in 1811, his political accomplishments were unimpressive. His stalwart defense of Tsar Alexander, and especially his opposition to the upcoming military campaign, were an irritation to Napoleon. Nevertheless, these stances allowed him to gain new stature after the disaster in Russia : in the eyes of his contemporaries, he became the “Peacemaker”, an image Napoleon used to his advantage by appointing him his representative at the congresses in Prague (1813) and in Châtillon (1814). The Duke of Vicenza, now Minister for Foreign Affairs, could not, however, broker an agreement in favour of peace : he was forced to negotiate Napoleon's abdication and to give up any hope of political career after the Hundred Days. This study, based on Caulaincourt's personal records and famous Memoirs, aims at restoring a major figure of the First French Empire to his due importance, while focusing on his action and thought in the field of diplomacy. The exemplary value of his career should also allow historians to reconsider and reevaluate the role of Napoleon's diplomatic personnel
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Hoover, Nora K. Garretson Peter P. "Victorian war correspondents G.A. Henty and H.M. Stanley the 'Abyssinian' Campaign 1867-1868 /." Diss., 2005. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-03112005-154729.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2005.Advisor: Dr. Peter P. Garretson, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 13, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains v, 150 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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Lavigne, Mathieu. "Micro-ciblage et polarisation partisane lors de l'élection canadienne de 2015." Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/21325.
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De, Waal Jochemus Johannes. "Schoemansdal : 'n Voortrekkergrensdorp, 1848-1868." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17984.
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Summaries in Afrikaans and EnglishOp 3 Mei 1848 het 'n aantll blanke nedersetters van Ohrigstad in Soutpansberg aangekom; 'n pioniersdorp, onder Ieiding van Hendrik Potgieter, is gestig en primitiewe huise is opgerig. In 1855 het Stephanus Schoeman die Ieiding oorgeneem en die dorp na homself vemoem. Die plaaslike owerheid het bestaan uit die kommandant-generaal, 'n landdros met heemrade en ander regeringsamptenare sowel as dorpsbeamptes. Tropiese koorssiektes het soms epidemiese afmetings aangcneem en talle mense het gesterf soos die kerkhof met sy rye grafte getuig. Die nedersetters, gehard deur hul swerwersbestaan, het die siektes en ontberings verduur. Vir 16 van die 19 jaar was daar nie 'n vaste predikant nie tot ds N J van Wannelo in 1864 hom in Schoemansdal gevestig het Hy het hom beywer vir die ophefftng van die inwoners op geestelike en onderwysgebied. Die mense was konserwatief en meestal ongeletterd. Hulle was bedagsaam, maar daar was ook ongure en opstandige persone. Hulle klere was eenvoudig en meestal tuisgemaak, en hulle het graag sosiaal verkeer. V erskeie beroepe is beoefen: houtsaery was betalend en hout was oorvloedig; jag was die winsgewendste, want wild en olifante was volop en jagprodukte, veral ivoor waarvan tonne verhandel is, het goeie markpryse behaal. Die swartes wat reeds in die gebied gewoon het, het die blankes met wanttoue bejeen. Blankes het hulle gevestig, grond toegeeien en onbeperk gejag, terwyl die swartes vir hulle moes werk en belasting betaal. Ongehoorsame swart hoofmanne is aangeval, vee is gebuit en vrouens en veral kinders is weggevoer as inboekelinge. Dit het tot openlike vyandelikhede gelei. Veldtogte is gevoer, maar die blankes kon die swartes, weens hulle oninneembare vestings, nie onderwerp nie. Die swartes het gewere op onwettige wyse bekom. Die handel het begin kwyn, smouse en handelaars het weggebly en die inwoners het verann en onder mekaar getwis. Die blankes het in die skans in Schoemansdal saamgetrek en Paul Kruger is met 400 man deur die Transvaalse regering gestuur om die Venda te onderwerp. Die poging het misluk en op 15 Julie 1867 is Schoemansdal ontruim. Enkele maande later is 'n poging deur Schoeman aangewend om die dorp te herwin, maar ook dit was onsuksesvol. Schoemansdal sou nooit weer herbou word nie en was die eerste vesting wat die blankes aan die swart meerdetheid sou oorgee.
May 1848 a number of white settlers from Ohrigstad arrived in the Soutpansberg. Under the leadership of Hendrik Potgieter, a pioneer town was developed. In 1855 Stephan us Schoeman replanned and renamed the town. The local government consisted of the commandantgeneral, a landdrost, heemrade, government officials and town officers. The region was unhealthy and fever stricken. Numerous graves in the graveyard are the tragic signs of many deaths. However, hardy Trekkers, endured the sickness and hardships. For 16 years there was no minister until, in 1864, the Rev Van Warmelo settled in Schoemansdal and worked zealously for the spiritual and educational upliftment of the inhabitants. Most people were conservative and illiterate. Their clothes were plain and usually home-made, and they were very sociable. There were different occupations. Woodcutters were well paid and wood was abundant. Hunting was lucrative because there were plenty of wild animals and elephant, and hunting products, especially ivory, had good market value. Black communities, which already inhabited the area, distrusted the whites. The whites settled, annexed the land and hunted wherever they wanted, while the blacks were compelled to work and pay taxes. Military campaigns were undertaken against headmen who were regarded as disobedient, livestock was seized, women, and children, were abducted under the indenture system. All this caused open hostility. Campaigns were launched against the blacks but they could not be subjected because of the mountainous terrain. The blacks obtained weapons illegally. Trade deteriorated and the whites became poorer and started to quarrel amongst themselves. The white inhabitants moved into the fort and Paul Kruger was sent by the Transvaal government with 400 men to force the Venda into submission. The attempt failed and on 15 July 1867 the town was evacuated. Schoeman, with a small army, also made an unsuccessful attempt. Schoemansdal would never be rebuilt and was the first white settlement to surrender to black majority.
History
D.Litt. et Phil. (Geskiedenis)
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Loewen, Peter John. "Experimentation and political science : six applications." Thèse, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/6491.
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Martel, Marc-Antoine. "La stratégie numérique des partis politiques québécois lors de la campagne électorale de 2018." Thèse, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/22757.
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Coutu, Cameron. "La prévention de la cybercriminalité : résultats d’une enquête sur les effets perçus d’une campagne de prévention réalisée par une institution financière." Thèse, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/23715.
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La recherche menée dans le cadre de ce mémoire s’intéresse à la prévention des cybercrimes. De façon plus précise, l’étude avait pour objectif d’évaluer les effets perçus d’une campagne de prévention des cybercrimes réalisée par une institution financière canadienne. Une attention particulière a été accordée aux perceptions des personnes en lien avec leur sentiment de sécurité. Après la fin de la campagne (qui a eu lieu en octobre 2018), 1452 clients francophones (831 hommes et 521 femmes) ont répondu au sondage par l’entremise d’un panel web disponible en ligne. Les résultats indiquent que la campagne de prévention a été bien perçue pour une majorité des répondants (75%), en particulier chez les participants plus âgés (55 ans et plus). Les analyses ont aussi révélé que le genre n’était pas un facteur associé significativement aux réponses des répondants. De façon générale, les participants ont estimé que la campagne avait contribué à augmenter leur sentiment de sécurité, cependant, on constate que la campagne a manqué de visibilité car seulement un faible pourcentage d’individus se souvient l’avoir vue avant de répondre au sondage. Il en ressort néanmoins que la plupart des répondants sondés ont démontré de l’intérêt à recevoir plus d’informations sur la cybercriminalité et les moyens de s’en protéger. Dans le futur, il serait utile de mener des campagnes de prévention plus ciblées afin de mieux atteindre les objectifs poursuivis. La discussion fait état de plusieurs autres recommandations qui prennent appui sur les résultats obtenus et sur l’analyse de la documentation consultée.The purpose of this study was to evaluate the impact of a prevention campaign about cybercrimes that was run by a Canadian financial institution. More specifically, we examined how participants/clients perceived the financial institution’s initiative to inform them about cybercrimes. The study also explored whether or not the campaign had the desired effect, which was to reinforce their sense of security. This campaign took place on October 2018 and 1,452 adults (831 males and 521 females) participated in the online web survey. The results indicated that the prevention campaign had been positively perceived by most of the respondents (75%), especially among older individuals (55 y/o and over). Further analysis has shown no gender differences in participants’ responses. In general, participants felt that the campaign has increased their sense of safety; however, they also noted that the campaign lacked visibility and only a low percentage of individuals had seen it prior to the completion of the survey. Nonetheless, most participants have expressed an interest in receiving more information on cybercrime and how to take actions on protecting one’s self. In the future, it would be advisable to conduct targeted prevention campaigns in order to better achieve its objectives. Discussion also includes recommendations based on the results and the review of the literature.
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Del, Duchetto Jean-Charles. "Le marketing politique chez les partis politiques québécois lors des élections de 2012 et de 2014." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19404.
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L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’évaluer l’adoption du marketing politique par les partis politiques québécois. Nous entendons par marketing politique une succession d’étapes intégrées (processus marketing) qui permet à un parti politique d’identifier un besoin chez l’électorat et de créer un produit visant à y répondre. Ainsi, à la question de recherche «Est-ce que les quatre principaux partis politiques québécois (Parti Québécois, Parti libéral du Québec, Coalition Avenir Québec et Québec solidaire) ont eu recours au marketing politique lors des élections provinciales de 2012 et de 2014? », nous posons l’hypothèse que le contexte québécois en 2012 et 2014 ne permettait pas aux partis politiques d’adopter une approche marketing au cours des campagnes. À cet égard, nous avons mené une étude qualitative basée sur des entrevues faites auprès des responsables des campagnes électorales de 2012 et 2014 pour chacun des partis. Notre collecte de données et notre analyse construite autour deux éléments (les acteurs du marketing politique et l’application qu’ils ont faite du processus marketing), nous ont permis d’infirmer notre hypothèse initiale et d’établir, faits à l’appui, que certains partis ont eu recours à l’approche marketing au cours des deux dernières élections alors que d’autres s’en sont tenus à l’approche publicitaire.This dissertation studies the adoption of political marketing by the political parties in Québec. We hear by political marketing a succession of integrated steps (marketing process) which allows a political party to identify a need from the electorate and to create a product to answer it. Thereby, to the question, "Did the four main political parties in Québec (Parti Québécois, Parti libéral du Québec, Coalition Avenir Québec and Québec solidaire) used political marketing during the past provincial elections of 2012 and 2014?" we had the hypothesis that the Québec context, in 2012 and 2014, did not allow the political parties to adopt a marketing approach during their campaign. In this respect, we led a qualitative study based on interviews led with political campaign managers from each party, who worked during the past elections of 2012 and 2014. A collection of qualitative data and an analysis based on two elements (political marketers and the way they followed the marketing process) allowed us to counter our initial hypothesis and to establish that the some political parties used the political marketing during the elections of 2012 and 2014, while others focused on tactical marketing.
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Daubois, Julie. "Le potentiel des outils Internet pour inciter les jeunes adultes à voter et à s’intéresser à la politique." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9818.
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Ce mémoire porte sur l’efficacité des campagnes sociales sur Internet afin d’encourager les jeunes adultes à voter. La constatation du déclin de la participation électorale des jeunes adultes nous a poussés à vouloir comprendre quels sont les enjeux qui touchent à cette problématique et comment les campagnes sociales incitatives au vote peuvent répondre à un certain besoin. La campagne électorale des élections générales canadiennes du 2 mai 2011, durant laquelle plusieurs outils Internet ont été développés pour inciter la population à voter, le plus connu étant la Boussole électorale, a constitué un contexte clé pour nous permettre d’explorer le sujet. À l’aide des théories sur l’influence des médias et de celles de la persuasion, nous allons mieux comprendre les possibilités qu’offre le Web pour la mobilisation sociale. Deux cueillettes de données ont été faites, soit une première quantitative par questionnaire pour voir le niveau de pénétration de ces outils Internet ainsi que leur appréciation, soit une deuxième qualitative par groupe de discussion afin d’approfondir la problématique de la désaffection politique et d’analyser la pertinence des campagnes sociales incitatives au vote. La mise en commun des résultats nous a permis de comprendre, entre autres, que les campagnes sociales sur Internet peuvent constituer un outil de conscientisation politique dans certaines circonstances et qu’elles peuvent bénéficier des réseaux sociaux comme Facebook et Twitter. Toutefois, le besoin d’éducation civique demeure une solution récurrente lorsqu’on parle d’encourager les jeunes adultes à voter.This master thesis analyses the effectiveness of social campaigns on the Web that attempt to motivate youth to vote. Political apathy among young adults led us to try to understand how social campaigns reach their public and what stakes are involved in the process. The 2011 Canadian elections were a perfect opportunity to analyse such campaigns given that Internet tools were created to encourage Canadians to vote, the most notable being the Vote compass. With theories on the influence of medias and theories of persuasion, we will trace a portrait of how the Internet can help social mobilization. First, a survey allowed us to understand to what degree young adults were familiar with these Internet tools and if they appreciated them. Then, focus groups were conducted for a better understanding of political apathy and to evaluate the relevance of such social campaigns to motivate youth to vote. Results allowed us to conclude that social campaigns on the Internet could be used as educational tools to foster solid awareness of citizenship issues and that they can profit from social networks such as Facebook and Twitter.
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Boivin, Maxime. "Les campagnes sociales destinées aux jeunes adultes québécois sur Internet : pistes pour l'optimisation des sites Web." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9068.
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Avec la montée en popularité d’Internet et des médias sociaux, de plus en plus d’organismes sociaux et publics, notamment, intègrent des plateformes Web à leurs volets traditionnels. La question d’Internet demeure toutefois peu étudiée eu égard à la publicité sociale. Ce mémoire porte donc sur la question du Web en relation avec les campagnes sociales adressées aux jeunes Québécois de 18 à 25 ans, une population particulièrement réceptive aux nouvelles technologies. Plus exactement, dans cette étude, nous avons analysé trois sites Web rattachés à des campagnes sociales (La vitesse, ça coûte cher de la SAAQ, Les ITSS se propagent du MSSS et 50 000 adeptes, 5 000 toutous de la Fondation CHU Sainte-Justine) dans l’objectif de déterminer leurs forces et leurs faiblesses pour ensuite proposer des pistes pour leur optimisation. C’est à l’aide d’une analyse critique de contenu suivie d’entrevues et d’observations individuelles auprès de 19 participants que nous sommes parvenue à suggérer des pistes pour l’optimisation des sites Web de campagnes sociales destinées aux jeunes adultes québécois. Une des plus grandes difficultés en ce qui a trait à leur conception consiste à choisir les stratégies les plus appropriées pour provoquer un changement d’attitude ou de comportement, a fortiori chez ceux qui adoptent des comportements à risque (fumer, conduire en état d’ébriété, avoir des relations sexuelles non protégées); des stratégies qui, pour être plus efficaces, devraient être adaptées en fonction des caractéristiques propres aux publics cibles et aux médias de diffusion. Afin d’analyser adéquatement les campagnes sociales, nous avons fait appel aux théories de la persuasion et aux théories sur l’influence des médias jugées pertinentes dans notre contexte puisqu’elles sont propres à ce type d’étude. Ces approches combinées nous ont permis d’intégrer à l’analyse d’une campagne donnée les contextes qui l’entourent et les pratiques dans lesquelles elle s’inscrit. Cette étude nous a, entre autres, permis de démontrer qu’il existait d’importants écarts entre les attentes et les besoins des internautes et l’offre des sites Web étudiés.With the growing popularity of Internet and social networks, more and more public and social organizations, notably, include Web-based platforms in their communication strategies. However, Internet remains poorly studied with regard to social advertising. This master thesis focuses on the Web with respect to social campaigns targeted at young Quebecers aged 18 to 25, a population particularly receptive to new technologies. More precisely, in this study, we analyzed three Websites related to social campaigns (La vitesse ça coûte cher – SAAQ, Les ITSS se propagent – MSSS et 50 000 adeptes, 5 000 toutous – Fondation CHU Sainte-Justine) with the objective of determining their strengths and weaknesses in order to suggest possible avenues for their optimization. It is through a critical analysis of content followed by 19 individual interviews and observations that we managed to suggest ways of optimizing social campaign Websites aimed at young adults in Quebec. One of the biggest challenges with regard to their conception is choosing the most appropriate strategies to induce a change in attitude or behaviour, especially among those who engage in risky behaviours (smoking, driving under the influence of alcohol, having unprotected sexual relations); strategies that should be tailored to the specific characteristics of the targeted groups and the selected media in order to be more effective. In order to analyze adequately our social campaigns, we deemed it relevant to use persuasion and media influence theories since they are fit for this type of study. These combined approaches have allowed us to integrate to the analysis of a given campaign its surrounding contexts and the practices in which it is embedded. This study has demonstrated, among other things, that there were significant gaps between the needs and expectations of users and what is offered on the Websites that were studied.