Journal articles on the topic 'Campus Unrest'

Student activism remains a potent force worldwide. Recently, students were instrumental in the collapse of the regime in Ukraine, and were key forces in the Arab Spring movements. Students, however, are unable to ensure that their views will be reflected in the governments that emerge from unrest. Students also are active participants in campus events, and have often been instrumental in shaping higher education policy.

Covid-19 is exposing the inequities and inefficiencies in leadership, in healthcare, and in access to resources—educational, economic and otherwise—that often necessitate and precipitate unrest and uprisings. These realities are inextricably linked to racism, disproportionalities, and the history of discrimination in this country and across the globe; disproportionalities that intersect with university campus uprisings and the urgent need for anti-oppressive school leaders who center the voices and needs of their students.

AbstractMost studies on campus and private policing take on political, anthropological, sociological, and criminological perspectives. Although there were investigations on policing in South Africa during apartheid, scant research has focused on how students in South African higher education (SAHE) relate their experiences of campus policing. Due to recent unrest on SAHE campuses and radical changes that include the militarization of police forces, examining how students perceive the legitimacy and integrity of campus policing is vital. As such, this paper presents a discourse analysis focused on descriptions of students’ campus experiences in the aftermath of the #FeesMustFall (#FMF) protests. Combining critical discourse analysis (CDA) with systemic functional linguistics, through transitivity, it offers insight into the ideological power struggles between students and police. It shows the types of voices students reveal as an aggrieved group in the hope of identifying non-aggressive approaches to address emotionally charged events (such as protests). Adding transitivity analysis to CDA provides a solid framework for decoding radical meanings at the peak of chaotic situations in which social change in post-apartheid South Africa can be facilitated by understanding marginalized groups.

We live in a politically polarizing climate and at a time when there is great economic and social unrest in the United States. Our current moment brings to my mind other periods in our nation’s history. First, the 1857 Dred Scott decision, when the Supreme Court decided that slaves were not U.S. citizens and could not sue for their freedom. So that even if a slave escaped to the North, he or she was still considered the property of the slave owner and must be returned.1 The second is in the 1960s, when the antiwar and civil rights movements occurred.2,3

Universities are often considered to be safe sanctuaries. However, many higher education institutions have increasingly been confronted with crime and unrest. Violence and other crimes on campuses are currently an international concern. This paper reports on a study that investigated student’s perceptions of safety on two campuses namely Lahti University of Applied Sciences in Finland and the North-West University in Potchefstroom, South Africa. Theories from Environmental Psychology and Urban Planning are combined in this study in order to incorporate aspects of the individual, social setting and spatial environment. Increasing people’s safety help to optimise their experience of their environment and can in turn create an enabling context for people to flourish and improve their quality of life. The research followed a qualitative research approach. In this study, 21 participants from a Finnish university and 16 participants from a South African university were selected through purposive sampling. Data were generated through semi-structured interviews supported by visual data of the spatial environment. All data were transcribed verbatim and analysed through qualitative content analysis. The literature and findings of the research both support that the spatial and social environment influences safety. It is therefore recommended that safe campus environments require a multi-disciplinary and integrated approach to proactively develop a Comprehensive Safe Environment Plan (CSEP). From a planning perspective, students’ perceptions of campus environments’ safety may include the creation of compact dedicated campus areas, land uses, building placing and orientation, territoriality, landscaping, visibility, control over fear-inducing activities, maintenance, security measures and pedestrian orientated areas.

The campus of the University of Michigan experienced student unrest of the 1960s surrounding the Vietnam war and demands for racial inclusion. How the university, particularly the Department of Economics, responded in the aftermath of the Kerner Commission Report is the focus of this article. Michigan is not unique in producing few Black PhD economists over its history, having graduated 15 Black PhD economists of the more than 1,100 who have graduated from the department to date. Supreme Court decisions and a state ballot initiative halted the progress that was being made by the University to improve student and faculty diversity. Despite this, Michigan is one of only a few economics departments at majority institutions to have been home to several Black economists simultaneously. The fact that this is a notable statistic speaks to the lack of diversity of economics faculties nationwide.

ArgumentIn the late 1960s, in the midst of campus unrest, a group of young economists calling themselves “radicals” challenged the boundaries of economics. In the radicals' cultural cartography, economic science and politics were represented as overlapping. These claims were scandalous because they were voiced from Harvard University, drawing on its authority. With radicals' claims the subject of increasing media attention, the economics mainstream sought to re-assert the longstanding cultural map of economic science, where objectivity and advocacy were distinguishable. The resolution of the contest of credibility came with a string of cases of dismissals and denial of tenure for radicals. The American Economic Association's investigations of these cases, imposing the conventional cultural map, concluded that personnel decisions had not been politically motivated. Radicals were forced to migrate from the elite institutions from which they had emerged to less prestigious ones. “Place” became a marker of their marginalization within the profession.

Abstract Analysis of the link between the Soviet occupation of East Germany and internal resistance within the German Democratic Republic reveals that ongoing payment of reparations by East Germans out of local production—via the Soviet’s ownership of prominent local companies—affected both the incidence and the intensity of unrest at the precinct level during the uprising of June 17, 1953. This result is robust when controlling for variation in the presence of Soviet military bases and deaths in Soviet nkvd Special Camps, as well as a host of regional factors potentially correlated with differences in unrest.

This article considers the German Grammar School Novel from the first half of the twentieth century an all but forgotten Germanophone prototype of campus fiction. Whereas the Anglo-American campus novel of the 1970s, 80s and 90s features university professors as future-related agents of Western counterculture and free thought, the Grammar School Novel satirizes the German grammar school teacher known as Gymnasialprofessor as a representative of the past-related order of the autocratic German state apparatus from the beginning of the twentieth century. As Heinrich Mann's 1905 novel Professor Unrat / Small Town Tyrant (the source text of Marlene Dietrich's debut movie The Blue Angel) may be considered a foundational work of the German Grammar School Novel corpus, the main part of the article offers a sample analysis of this text.

Migration has become a common phenomenon in the contemporary world. In the Post World War II period, due to social and political unrest between conflicting and dividing nations, many countries across the globe saw migrations at different scales. The pressure created by the inflow and outflow of a huge population, within a comparatively short span of time, created various urban dynamics that have been reflected in the urban fabric of cities through largescale creation of camps, refugee colonies, workers’ and migrants’ colonies, urban villages and slums, many of which have survived due to good governance or political and urban development management systems. On the other hand, several others have fallen prey to various social distresses and suffered as underdeveloped or undeveloped archaic areas causing hindrance to development and prosperity of adjacent urban areas.
 The socio-economic condition that developed in New Delhi after the Partition in 1947 saw migration of millions overnight, with the creation of a l arge number of refugee camps in the city. This paper describes the courageous survival of one of these camps at Basai Darapur as well as the ambitious transformation of such camps to the colonies Moti Nagar and Kirti Nagar, over time, with proper management, through urban governance, socio-political aid, urban planning visions and urban design guidelines. The paper also attempts to discuss the possible holistic future of Moti Nagar and Kirti Nagar in coming times through careful urban management, considering opinions of different urban local bodies, real-estate stakeholders and public participations in different phases of urban development aided by the Delhi Masterplan 2021.

Nakivale, the oldest refugee camp in Uganda, hosts refugees fleeing various forms of political unrest from several African countries. Uganda’s humanitarian framework makes it an attractive place for refugees. Little is known about the role that humanitarian policies play in shaping interactions between different actors or the politics of accusation that emerges within this settlement. In a context in which the status of a refugee can confer preferential access to scarce resources, different refugee communities struggle to define themselves, their neighbours and kin in terms of the camp’s humanitarian language. Describing the everyday anxieties that define life in the camp, this article shows how accusations become powerful resources that refugees draw upon to meet the criteria for resettlement to a third country, but also how these forms of humanitarian assistance rely on processes of exclusion that create endemic accusations of corruption, criminality and even witchcraft.

By late May of 1835, unrest in Bytown had reached unprecedented proportions. All winter, the people of the town, the entrepôt of the Ottawa timber trade, had been bracing themselves, awaiting the annual visitation, the annual affliction, of the raftsmen who came each spring from high up the Valley to roister and riot in the streets of Bytown. Like the freshets in the streams, the raftsmen and social disorder arrived each April and May. But never before had their coming brought such organized violence as it did in 1835. For the Irish timberers, now had a leader, and a purpose. Peter Aylen, run-away sailor, timber king, ambitious schemer, had set himself at the head of the Irish masses, had moulded them into a powerful weapon. He had given them a purpose: to drive the French Canadians off the river and thus guarantee jobs and high wages in the timber camps to the Irish.

The article considers Elie Wiesel and his autobiography as a major contribution to the Holocaust literature through his testimonies that found reflection in the author’s novels. The trilogy Night and other works created by the author are about a world that seems unreal and insane that often indeed they are read like a nightmare. Wiesel is among the first to demonstrate the atrocities of the Nazi regime as a witness and the writer at the same time as his creative works based on his experience at the death camps. Therefore, the holistic depiction of the author’s life will serve to shape the Holocaust universe.

This investigation was carried out in one of the most unwelcoming areas of the Sahara Desert, in the argelian Tindouf Refugee Camps where part of the Sahrawi community lives. A photography workshop was held for the women with the aim of allowing their images show the reality around them and work to reweave the social fabric broken, not voluntarily but under imposition. Recovering the public space, through voices and looks, will let us understand, from the perspective and opinions of the Sahrawi women, their longings and feelings, in order that such visual, verbal and textual narratives generate more successful actions to support reality-aware and solidarity programs. In addition, the international community was sensitized about a reality that is present even if it seems unreal and far away. To understand the discourses of the sahrawi women, gender and subaltern studies were considered, and to visualize their voices and creations we focused on educational research from horizontality offered by the Entre Voces (Between Voices) methodology.

It was confusing to him. He was in a world which had a set of rules all its own. He knew the other rules—the rules of his own world. But these were different. Men actually lived their four years away at the University, and sent children after them. It was a wild, improbable thing to have fallen into, and the day student looked at his fellows, could distinguish them no differences among them at first, and felt lost. His evenings were spent in the company of old friends and in the old places; his days at the college. And he plunged from past to present; present to past. They told him about loyalty, and he went home to think about it. But at home it became dim and unreal. Then he went back, the next morning, and they told him of loyalty again, of the mighty traditions. If he took it to heart he could only do so above the sickening realization that at four o'clock he must be on Trolley 13 again. And it was hard to take the traditions over the river.Samuel Lipschutz, B.A.University of Pennsylvania, 1929Many of our alumni and some of our students, supported by more than a few of our faculty and corporation, have seriously queried whether or no Brown, in common with other institutions located in a like environment, has in her student body too large a proportion of socially undesirable students. We are most emphatically not concerned with Jew-baiting. I am proud to say that race and creed are still not valid causes for concern in the liberal community founded by Roger Williams. But some of us are worried by the influx of alien blood into what was not so long ago a homogeneous group of students prevailingly Baptist and Anglo-Saxon. Says one alumnus, “A certain type of student is far below the standard we should like to see. I refer to those called carpet-baggers! They live in or near Providence, arrive at the University in the morning in time for their first class, park themselves, their books, and their lunch in the Union, leave the college the minute their last class is over, take no part in college life, absorb all they can, give back nothing of benefit, and probably will prove no credit to the University as alumni.” Surely some of you have heard the same tale.—Kenneth O. MasonDean of Freshmen, Brown University, 1927Were colleges obliged to address the dilemmas faced by the many firstand second-generation Americans who enrolled after World War I? No, replied many administrators who espoused exclusion or assimilation, or who expressed indifference. These attitudes meant that many students would never learn to navigate the turbulent waters of campus social life. Dropout rates were significant even before the Great Crash created insurmountable financial difficulties for numerous undergraduates. The testimony of peers who remained suggested that success often came despite institutional hostility.

Background Unrest in Myanmar in August 2017 resulted in the movement of over 700,000 Rohingya refugees to overcrowded camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. A large outbreak of diphtheria subsequently began in this population. Methods and findings Data were collected during mass vaccination campaigns (MVCs), contact tracing activities, and from 9 Diphtheria Treatment Centers (DTCs) operated by national and international organizations. These data were used to describe the epidemiological and clinical features and the control measures to prevent transmission, during the first 2 years of the outbreak. Between November 10, 2017 and November 9, 2019, 7,064 cases were reported: 285 (4.0%) laboratory-confirmed, 3,610 (51.1%) probable, and 3,169 (44.9%) suspected cases. The crude attack rate was 51.5 cases per 10,000 person-years, and epidemic doubling time was 4.4 days (95% confidence interval [CI] 4.2–4.7) during the exponential growth phase. The median age was 10 years (range 0–85), and 3,126 (44.3%) were male. The typical symptoms were sore throat (93.5%), fever (86.0%), pseudomembrane (34.7%), and gross cervical lymphadenopathy (GCL; 30.6%). Diphtheria antitoxin (DAT) was administered to 1,062 (89.0%) out of 1,193 eligible patients, with adverse reactions following among 229 (21.6%). There were 45 deaths (case fatality ratio [CFR] 0.6%). Household contacts for 5,702 (80.7%) of 7,064 cases were successfully traced. A total of 41,452 contacts were identified, of whom 40,364 (97.4%) consented to begin chemoprophylaxis; adherence was 55.0% (N = 22,218) at 3-day follow-up. Unvaccinated household contacts were vaccinated with 3 doses (with 4-week interval), while a booster dose was administered if the primary vaccination schedule had been completed. The proportion of contacts vaccinated was 64.7% overall. Three MVC rounds were conducted, with administrative coverage varying between 88.5% and 110.4%. Pentavalent vaccine was administered to those aged 6 weeks to 6 years, while tetanus and diphtheria (Td) vaccine was administered to those aged 7 years and older. Lack of adequate diagnostic capacity to confirm cases was the main limitation, with a majority of cases unconfirmed and the proportion of true diphtheria cases unknown. Conclusions To our knowledge, this is the largest reported diphtheria outbreak in refugee settings. We observed that high population density, poor living conditions, and fast growth rate were associated with explosive expansion of the outbreak during the initial exponential growth phase. Three rounds of mass vaccinations targeting those aged 6 weeks to 14 years were associated with only modestly reduced transmission, and additional public health measures were necessary to end the outbreak. This outbreak has a long-lasting tail, with Rt oscillating at around 1 for an extended period. An adequate global DAT stockpile needs to be maintained. All populations must have access to health services and routine vaccination, and this access must be maintained during humanitarian crises.

The Arab, as presented in plays of the early days of settlement, is linked by his manual labour to the land of his birth. He might be primitive and his encounter with the chalutzim may be necessary to improve his situation and show him how the world has progressed, but he is also an example to be copied for his sheer work capability. He is seen as a powerful competitor with the Jewish work-force, due both to his ability to be content with little and to his forced acceptance of meagre wages. Towards the end of this period and for several decades afterwards, the Arab was pushed aside into the fringes of the labour market. Work that was previously thought by the Zionist pioneering ideology to be of utmost importance, was no longer considered as such. As occasionally the Arab image served as a reminder of an ideology of manual labour that no longer existed.The Israeli playwright is a representative of the beliefs and opinions of a particular group in Israeli society; mainly that of the western intelligentsia. Almost all of the playwrights mentioned in this article are from the ranks of the Labour Movement and Zionist tradition. Their attitude regarding Jewish labour and towards the Arabs who do the ‘dirty work’, derives from a yearning for standards and values that had formerly stood at the centre of education and debate for many prominent sectors of Jewish society. From the early 1950s, and particularly after the 1967 war, the ideology of Jewish labour, especially manual labour, became one of mere slogans, symbols, songs and folk dances, or as subject for study matter, but no longer an active component in the life of the Israeli Jewish citizen.From the beginning of the 1970s, but mainly towards the end of that period and continuing into the 1980s, the Israeli playwright saw the driving of the Arab work-force into despised jobs, under degrading conditions of exploitation, as a central cause for the unrest that led to the Palestinian uprising. The image of the exploited Arab was no longer an ideological, nostalgic reminder but, rather, a social time bomb that might explode at any time and fragment the Israeli social and economic structure. It is interesting to compare the reasoning given by the Jewish Israeli playwrights for the outbreak of the Intifada with an Arab-Israeli play staged in 1990 in Nazareth. In The Ninth Wave by Riad Massaraweh, although the playwright describes the labourers that line up daily in the Haifa ‘slave market’ as exploited, degraded and slave labourers, his main emphasis is on the Palestinian longing for national identity. Research too reveals that the nationalistic element and the state of the refugee camps are the most serious causes of the Intifada. Despite this, the Jewish Israeli playwright presents the economic factor as the important one. This discrepancy between the Israeli theatre and Palestinian reality, derives from the playwright's ignorance of, and lack of attempt to study the actuality of the Palestinian population in the occupied territories, as well as their ignorance of the conditions of daily life there. The playwright meets Palestinians in the local (Israeli) cafe or restaurant, on building sites and in other places where the Arabs work and where Jews are not willing to do so. He deals with the problems that bother him and with his target audience, and not necessarily with the problems that bother the Palestinians. However, the Jewish Israeli playwright nonetheless senses the indignity of their exploitation and the dangerous dependency of the Israeli economy on a hostile population, and he tries to express his reservations about this Israeli ‘work schedule’ when he takes refuge on occasion in ideals that no longer exist.

Frank Witzels Roman Direkt danach und kurz davor1 beginnt mit einem kurzen Vorspann, der suggeriert, eine Geschichte zu erzählen. Aus kindlicher Perspektive wird der Umriss einer namenlosen Stadt in der unmittelbaren Nachkriegszeit skizziert (,,Trümmern“, ,,nicht komplett dem Erdboden gleichgemacht“, 9) – einem verschwommenen Gemälde Gerhard Richters aus seiner Unschärfe-Periode gleich (die Unschärfe-Kategorie wird vom Erzähler – wer spricht? – wiederholt kommentiert, z.B.: ,,Bezieht sich die Unschärfe auf den ungenauen Vorgang des Erinnerns?“, 42); und tatsächlich spielen Gemälde, Bilder, eine (nicht nur) parodistische Rolle im Roman (der junge Siebert als ,,Dokumentenmaler“ in der ,,Villa“ des alten Siebert). Die Familie des Jungen wird angedeutet, die Wohnsituation in der Nachkriegszeit (,,Wohnküche“, 14; ,,Wohnungstür ohne Schloss“, 13), das Zerbrechen aller Traditionen (,,Gebräuche“, 7), vor allem der religiösen (,,Begann das Kreuzzeichen wirklich an der Stirn?“, 7): das alles schafft eine Atmosphäre der Ungewissheit und Orientierungslosigkeit. Die Religion ist ,,dem Numinosen im Alltag“ (15) gewichen, und zwar dem Drops, der zugleich ,,die Dreifaltigkeit“ (15), ,,Verheißung und Erfüllung“ (14) ist. In mythisch-religiöses Licht gehüllt, wird ein Mädchen in der Kirche wie eine Epiphanie evoziert; sie trägt ein ,,makellos“ weißes Kleid, das plötzlich einen roten Fleck zeigt, der sich als Lippenstift entpuppt: Reinheit, Unschuld und verdrängte Blutschuld (Schminke) sind hier in einem Symbol verdichtet, das den ganzen Roman durchziehen wird und dem immer neue Bedeutungen im Sinne der Derrida‘schen différance aufgepfropft werden.2 Die Gräueltaten der Nazis, die Namen der Täter, die Besatzungsmächte werden ganz selten direkt benannt (das gilt auch für ,,typische“ Phänomene der Nachkriegszeit wie z.B. ,,Westermanns Monatshefte“, 243); der Roman streut quasi kleine Bruchstücke, informative Splitter aus, die immer zugespitzter werden. Er montiert Bilder, Allegorien (dazu später), Symbole im Sinne der literarischen Montage Benjamins, um die unvorstellbar grausamen Geschehnisse der Nazizeit, die ja in der Nachkriegszeit fortleben bis heute, dem Vergessen und Verdrängen zu entreißen. Witzel überträgt auf den Roman und seine Tropen den Versuch Walter Benjamins, das ,,Prinzip der Montage in die Geschichte zu übernehmen. Also die großen Konstruktionen aus kleinsten, scharf und schneidend konfektionierten Baugliedern zu errichten. Ja in der Analyse des kleinsten Einzelmoments den Kristall des Totalgeschehens zu entdecken. Also mit dem historischen Vulgärnaturalismus zu brechen.“3 So wird das besudelte Symbol der Unschuld und Reinheit, das weiße Kleid, transformiert zum allegorischen ,,Bluttuch“, das auch schon mal auf dem ,,Jahrmarkt“ als Attraktion gezeigt wird (123) – die Bedeutungsschichten der Wörter vibrieren; angeblich war es von einem Geschwisterpaar (Marga und Siebert?) auf dem Narthalerfeld gefunden worden, wohin die beiden Kinder liefen, weil dort ein Flugzeug abgestürzt war; dem toten (?) Piloten lösten sie das blutige Halstuch und nahmen es mit. Mit dem Bluttuch verbinden sich Aberglaube und Volksglaube in Anlehnung an deutsche Mythen wie dem von den Nazis propagandistisch missbrauchten Nibelungenlied (es macht ,,unverwundbar“, 125). Aber, so die kommentierende Erzählerstimme: ,,Alles erscheint in zweierlei Form“ (129), und, da alles ungewiss, geheimnisvoll und vage bleibt, folgt: ,,Auch das Bluttuch?“ Und ob. Mit ihm verbindet sich nicht nur der Begriff, die abstrakte Idee der Reinheit im allegorischen Bild, sondern auch die Idee des ,,unschuldige[n] Vergessen[s]“: ,,Die Verbindung von Unschuld mit dem gleichzeitigen Verlust der Unschuld – nichts anderes symbolisiert das Bluttuch. Um nichts anderes geht es: Das Vergehen der Unschuld im Moment ihres Entstehens“ (129). Die différance, die hier wirksam ist in ihrem unendlichen Bedeutungsaufschub, lässt das Bluttuch auch auf einem Gemälde erscheinen, wo es Marga ziert, die mit dem Piloten vermeintlich verlobt war, sodass das Tuch jetzt schlicht ,,ewige Treue“ symbolisiert (195). Das Bluttuch taucht schließlich auch in den Anmerkungen zu den drei Siebert’schen Märchen aus der Sammlung von Frau Siebert (Frau des alten Professor Siebert) auf – die Märchen werden hervorgehoben, im Sinne der Aphorismen des Novalis’schen Allgemeinen Brouillon, als vollkommen realistisch zu lesende (340). Vielleicht eine verdeckte Leseanleitung für den gesamten Roman? Das Motiv von imaginärer Reinheit, Unschuld und verdrängter Schuld verdichtet sich schließlich in der Erwähnung des Bildes, das der ,,Dokumentenmaler“ Siebert im Hause des alten Siebert nie gemalt hat (sic!): der Straße im Schnee ohne Menschen. Dem entspricht das Lacan‘sche Imaginäre der gesellschaftlichen Ordnung der narzisstisch agierenden BRD, die gerne solch ein Bild der Unschuld von sich gemalt gehabt hätte, dem der junge Siebert sich aber verweigert. Am eindringlichsten erscheint die Symbolik des ideologisch motivierten Tötens bei gleichzeitiger Verweigerung der Annahme der Schuld in dem Kapitel ,,Ein Beispiel aus dem Bibelkommentar der Krötenkinder“ (437ff). Die Exegese bezieht sich auf 2. Mo 23:19: ,,Du sollst das Böcklein nicht kochen in seiner Mutter Milch“. Im psychoanalytischen Deutungsansatz (das Lacan’sche Spiegelstadium) wird mit dem Verbot – und jedes ,,Verbot“ verweist auf die ,,Existenz des Verbotenen“ (437) – auf das Sterben von Mutter und Kind aneinander in dem ,,Gefangensein[…] in einer familiären Struktur“ (438) abgehoben. Indem aber das Kind mit der Muttermilch nicht genährt, sondern im Gegenteil getötet wird (man denke an Celans ,,Schwarze Milch der Frühe“), der Leib des Tieres als Aas (unrein) – ausgenommen der Leib Christi im NT –, sein Blut hingegen als rein angesehen wird, kommt das obige Verbot einer ,,Aufforderung zum Töten“ (438) gleich. Das Böcklein wird ,,zu einer Projektionsfläche der gesellschaftlichen und familiären Zusammenschlüsse, die […] allein noch aus wirtschaftlich-politischen Gründen existieren. Gleichzeitig wird von langer Hand das Bild vom Lamm Gottes entworfen […]. Der Herr war durch seine Schlachtung rein und heilig geworden“ (438). Bei dieser biblischen Allegorese, die Witzel zugleich übernimmt und in ihrer Bedeutung verschiebt, ist mit dem ,,Herrn“ ein Sündenbock im Sinne Lacans (und René Girards) gefunden, der zum einen jede Sünde auf sich nimmt, der aber (und dem) gerade deshalb – des reinen Blutes wegen – geopfert werden muss: die Erlösung als narzisstische Reinwaschungs-Projektion von jedweder Schuld. Die biblisch-mythologische Ebene dient hier als Mikrostruktur, in der die gesellschaftliche Makrostruktur aller Zeiten gespiegelt wird, ein mise en abyme, als das man auch die psychoanalytische Deutung selbst betrachten könnte, die der Roman ja mitliefert, also gleichsam ein doppeltes mise en abyme. Witzel erzählt also keine chronologische Geschichte (,,Beginnt die Lüge nicht mit der Konstruktion der Erzählung?“, 518 – was natürlich nicht nur für das ,,realistische“ Erzählen gilt), sondern zerstört, wie die metasprachlich-selbstreflexive Ebene des Romans auch kommentiert, das lineare (epische) Modell, das der Erzähl-Ontologie der Repräsentation gehorcht, zugunsten des Derrida’schen allgemeinen Textes, der jede ,,diskursive Ordnung“ (Gesetz, Sinn, Wahrheit, Logos, Bewusstsein etc.) ,,überschreitet“4, und dem sich alles sogenannte Wirkliche, z.B. die historischen Anspielungen an den Nationalsozialismus und die unmittelbare Nachkriegszeit (78, 244, 273, 284 u.a.), die philosophischen Bezüge, die intertextuellen Verweise, die realen Namen etc., nur hinzufügt: ,,Selbst wenn die Lektüre sich nicht mit der Verdoppelung des Textes begnügen darf, so kann sie […] auch nicht über den Text hinaus- und auf etwas anderes als sie selbst zugehen, auf einen Referenten (eine metaphysische, historische […] Realität […]). Ein Text-Äußeres gibt es nicht.“5 Das bedeutet auch, dass jeder ,,Referent“ ebenso Text im Derrida‘schen Sinne ist, sodass der vermeintliche Dualismus von Literatur (Fiktion) und Geschichte (Fakten) aufgehoben ist. Welche Funktion kommt, nach all diesen Überlegungen, dem Vorspann des Romans zu? Der vermeintliche ,,Realismus“ der fiktiven Stadt wird im Roman selbst variiert, ins Erzähltheoretische einerseits (die ,,Stadt als Text“, 189), ins Symbolische bzw. Allegorische andererseits transformiert; es gibt einen ,,Gründungsmythos der Stadt“, wobei die ,,Stadt“ eine allegorische Dimension annimmt und zum Bild der Zeit nach Krieg und Holocaust wird (Krieg und Holocaust gelten als ,,mystisches Zeitalter“); durch ihre totale ,,Erinnerungslosigkeit“ haben die Bewohner der ,,Stadt“ einen ,,theo-nihilistischen Zustand, dies[e] Nichtung des Menschen durch Gott“ herbeigeführt (399), sodass die Menschen nun wiederum die ,,Hoffnung auf eine Wiederkehr des Gründers, der die Stadt aus ihrem grauen Dahingeworfensein befreien“ würde (469), hegen und erneut deutlich wird, dass die neue die alte Ordnung wenn nicht ,,ist“, so doch im Kern in sich trägt. Die ,,Erinnerungslosigkeit“ als Auslöser der existentialistisch-nihilistischen Gestimmtheit wird am Beispiel des Briefes an den Schüler Ralph Fählmann im Vorspann besonders deutlich. Raph Fählmann starb mit vierzehn Jahren an den grauenvollen Experimenten der Nazis an den Kindern des Waisenhauses der Stadt (295), seine Geschichte wurde aber später vertuscht, verschwiegen und umgeschrieben (302ff) – das Vertuschen, Verschweigen, ,,Bereinigen“ als der ,,Gründungsmythos der Stadt“. Der Schüler Ralph Fählmann wohnte offenbar einst in dem Haus, in dem nun die Familie des Jungen wohnt, aber als der unzustellbare Brief kommt, fragt niemand nach, die Eltern schweigen, die Kinder erfinden lustige Geschichten, die sich um den Brief ranken. Das genau ist die ,,Stimmung“ der Zeit und ihrer Menschen, die sich allerdings auch heute noch findet (,,The past is never dead. It’s not even past“ – wir haben William Faulkner im Kopf). Die Menschen ,,waren einfältig“, kommentiert eine Erzählerstimme (wer spricht?), ,,hatten alles geglaubt, was man ihnen vorgegeben hatte“; und auch für die Ereignisse (z.B. den Brief an Ralph Fählmann) ,,spürten sie keine Neugierde, sondern nur eine der vielen Varianten von Gleichgültigkeit“ (16). Was hier im Vorspann schon angesprochen wird, durchzieht den gesamten Roman als Heidegger’sche ,,Gestimmtheit“, als (nie gehörten) ,,Ruf des Gewissens“ (,,Liegt im Gerufenwerden nicht etwas Anheimelndes […]? Ist das Gerufenwerden nicht konstitutiv für jede neue entstehende Gesellschaft?“, 50) und ebenso als Krankheit des jungen Siebert und Flucht in die alte Existenzphilosophie (Kierkegaard, Sartre, Heidegger, Camus) und Entwurf einer neuen (99). Aber es gilt ja, und auch im Roman wird es in vielen Variationen immer wiederholt, dass die neue Ordnung zugleich die alte ist (keine saubere Dichotomie von alt vs. neu), und auch das Re-Edukationstheater (223ff.) ändert nichts an diesem Gefühl des ,,Na, da sind wir noch einmal mit einem blauen Auge davongekommen“ (16) – bei Thornton Wilder hieß das 1942 ,,Through The Skin Of Our Teeth“. Bei Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht, der sich in seinem Buch Nach 1945 in vielen existentialistischen Texten (Philosophie, Theater u.a.) dem Begriff der ,,Stimmung“ widmet, heißt es:

The President of Southern Plains University is dealing with coronavirus disease 2019 on-campus that has forced the university to move most of its courses online. Alongside this issue, the country is in a state of social unrest as multiple unarmed African American citizens were killed by local police and White citizens. During these divisive times, university constituents have expressed that the virtual learning environment has failed to provide an adequately safe online learning community for the diverse student population. In response to racially insensitive comments that were made in online courses, a frustrated faculty, and ongoing challenges due to the pandemic and the fight for racial justice, this university president looks to reassure constituents by cultivating an online culture that values diversity and inclusion.

<p><em>There is an issue of radicalism in Indonesia and the development of current hijrah phenomena that make the college students interested in following it without having to first review who they are studying, worried attitudes, and radicalism entering the campus to attack and change the mindset of students. Radicalism is fanatical to an opinion, permeates the opinions of others, and ignores the welfare of Islam, is not dialogues, likes to disdain other groups of people who disagree, and do textual in understanding religious texts without considering maqasihid al-syari’at (the essence of sharia). This research uses a qualitative approach with a descriptive method that is to decrypt the problem in its entirety as a problem and then analyze the problem. The purpose of this research is to find out the function and role of the Student Institution, the student body's response to radicalism, and the role of the college student institutions in countering radicalism in the Faculty of Ushuluddin and UINSU Islamic Studies. The data was obtained from interviews with several speakers, namely with several DEMA-F and SEMA-F administrators, official websites, journals, and articles. Based on the results of the study, it is known that the college Student Institution's Response to Radicalism in UINSU Fusion is the same continuity and unrest from the board of the college Student Institute of The Faculty of Ushuluddin and UINSU Islamic Studies against radicalism. It should not be taken lightly so that it must be addressed before the wider spread and avoid the onset of unwanted impacts. The role of the college Student Institute of The Faculty of Ushuluddin and Islamic Studies of UINSU in countering Radicalism in the Faculty of Ushuluddin UINSU is to take several steps, among others: to increase the discussion about religious understanding, to conduct studies by presenting Ustadz/Kyai who have clear science and a track record of religious education, mapping, for college students who appear to have begun to be affected by radicalism, consulted with the Dean/faculty leader, and rejected any activities affiliated with the radicalism movement.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong><em> The role of the college student, Radicalism.</em></p>

When you walk into the Character Lab office, the very first thing you'll see are the words of Martin Luther King, Jr.: “Intelligence plus character—that is the goal of true education.” The quote comes from an essay King published in the Morehouse College campus newspaper around his 18th birthday. King opens his argument with an observation: “I too often find that most college men have a misconception of the purpose of education.” A common mistake, he says, is in seeing only one of two aims. The more obvious goal of education is “to become more efficient,” particularly in “thinking logically and scientifically.” Today, we might say we send our kids to school to become critical thinkers. “Education must enable one to sift and weigh evidence, to discern the true from the false, the real from the unreal, and the facts from the fiction.” Another—perhaps less obvious—goal is to cultivate character: “But education which stops with efficiency may prove the greatest menace to society,” King wrote. “The most dangerous criminal may be the man gifted with reason, but with no morals.”