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Journal articles on the topic 'Canaanites – Religion'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Greener, Aaron. "Archaeology and Religion in Late Bronze Age Canaan." Religions 10, no. 4 (2019): 258. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10040258.

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Dozens of temples were excavated in the Canaanite city-states of the Late Bronze Age. These temples were the focal points for the Canaanites’ cultic activities, mainly sacrifices and ceremonial feasting. Numerous poetic and ritual texts from the contemporary city of Ugarit reveal the rich pantheon of Canaanite gods and goddesses which were worshiped by the Canaanites. Archaeological remains of these rites include burnt animal bones and many other cultic items, such as figurines and votive vessels, which were discovered within the temples and sanctuaries. These demonstrate the diverse and recep

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2

Reeh, Niels. "A Relational Approach to the Study of Religious Survival Units." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 25, no. 3 (2013): 264–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341261.

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Abstract The article departs from the finding that religious texts and actors relate to other religions as for instance The Old Testament relates to Canaanites, the New Testament to Jews, Pagans etc. A consequence of this inter-relatedness of religion is that religion can be studied as a relational phenomenon and that religions are engaged in a more or less intense struggle against other competing religions. Further, using John Searle’s notion of collective subjectivity, the article posits that religions are in fact an example of such collective subjectivity (Searle 1995). In this perspective,

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3

Noll, K. L. "Canaanite Religion." Religion Compass 1, no. 1 (2006): 61–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8171.2006.00010.x.

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4

Tryl, Fabian. "Od Otniela do Saula. Początki państwowości izraelskiej." Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny 58, no. 1 (2005): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.21906/rbl.569.

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Period after Joshua’s death was very important in history of Israel. Unorganised tribes were been under influences of better-developed Canaanites and only begun to create more monolith society. Additional factors have been dangerous from outside and numerous invasions of enemies so sometimes Israel was a subordinate foreigner ruler.Overcoming particularisms and trying to set against this situations Israelites inducted kind of rulers governing of federations of few tribes, who Bible call “the Judges”. Etymology of this term and similar examples from another regions of ancient Near East sign its

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5

Drews, Robert. "Canaanites and Philistines." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 23, no. 81 (1998): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030908929802308104.

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6

Seters, John Van. "Book Review: The Canaanites and Their Land: The Tradition of the Canaanites." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 47, no. 1 (1993): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430004700111.

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7

Mckinlay, Judith E. "Rahab: a Hero/Ine?" Biblical Interpretation 7, no. 1 (1999): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851599x00236.

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AbstractCan Rahab be regarded as a hero/ine? I ask this question, aware that the context of my reading is that of twentieth-century Aotearoa New Zealand, and that different communities read textual dynamics in different ways, and that texts allow this. But if there is an interpretive open-endedness, so that in narrative terms one may ask whether Rahab is saviour, or traitor, or victim, the story as it is told appears to have been shaped for Israelite listeners, with Israel's interests encoded. For whose voice do we hear in Rahab's long speech to the spies? A Canaanite Rahab? Or a Rahab who is

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8

Feraro, Shai. "The Return of Baal to the Holy Land." Nova Religio 20, no. 2 (2016): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2016.20.2.59.

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This article focuses on the recent emergence of Canaanite Reconstructionism in Israel—a miniature movement within the country’s small, but growing, Pagan community. The discourse of Israeli adherents of Canaanite Reconstructionism regarding its links to ancient Canaanite culture and the land—indeed the very soil—of modern-day Israel is highlighted. The development of Israeli Canaanite Reconstructionism is examined in relation to the unique nature of Israeli society and identity politics, as well as to Canaanism, a cultural and ideological movement that climaxed during the 1940s in British Mand

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9

Hillers, Delbert R. "Analyzing the Abominable: Our Understanding of Canaanite Religion." Jewish Quarterly Review 75, no. 3 (1985): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454075.

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10

Edelman, Diana, and Niels Peter Lemche. "The Canaanites and Their Land: The Tradition of the Canaanites." Journal of Biblical Literature 111, no. 4 (1992): 695. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267442.

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11

Coffey, Kathy. "A Canaanite's Terrain." Theology Today 55, no. 2 (1998): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057369805500212.

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12

Copan, Paul. "Yahweh Wars and the Canaanites." Philosophia Christi 11, no. 1 (2009): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/pc20091116.

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13

Emerton, J. A., and N. P. Lemche. "The Canaanites and Their Land: The Tradition of the Canaanites." Vetus Testamentum 44, no. 1 (1994): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519438.

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14

Bartlett, J. R. "Book Reviews : Canaanites and the Rest." Expository Times 108, no. 1 (1996): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469610800108.

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15

Berthelot, Katell. "Philo of Alexandria and the Conquest of Canaan." Journal for the Study of Judaism 38, no. 1 (2007): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006307x170616.

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AbstractAccording to the Torah, the Hebrews were commanded either to expel or to exterminate the Canaanites who were living in Canaan at the time of the conquest. Philo seems to feel rather ill-at-ease about the literal meaning of these biblical passages. Besides allegory, he uses four hermeneutical strategies: 1) to pass over the problematic texts in silence; 2) to play with the meaning of certain Greek words; 3) to justify the destruction of the Canaanites from a moral point of view; 4) to rewrite the biblical account.

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16

Ben-Shlomo, David. "Philistine Cult and Religion According to Archaeological Evidence." Religions 10, no. 2 (2019): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10020074.

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The paper surveys and discusses the updated archaeological evidence for Philistine cult and religion, and cult and religion in Philistia during the Iron Age. The evidence can be related to public or official cult, represented in temple and shrine structures, and to that coming from households, representing possibly more popular religion. The evidence of public cult, so far mostly from peripheral sites, includes largely cultural elements linked with the local Canaanite cult and religion. Yet, within households at the Philistine cities there is more evidence for cultic elements of Aegean affinit

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17

Shelton, James B. "The Practice of Prophetic Imagination: A Response to Walter Brueggemann." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 22, no. 2 (2013): 170–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-02202004.

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In The Practice of the Prophetic Imagination, Walter Brueggemann presents the case and guidelines for proclaiming the message of the Hebrew prophets in contemporary situations. He critiques defective epistemologies that shout down the voice of God such as those subscribing to an ‘irrelevant transcendence or a cozy immanence’. For Brueggemann, the prophets address two major realms: royal presumption and Canaanite religion and culture. He addresses contemporary issues that call for critique in contemporary preaching.

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18

Wyatt, Nicolas. "Of calves and kings: The Canaanite dimension in the religion of Israel." Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament 6, no. 1 (1992): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09018329208584982.

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19

Amzallag, Nissim. "Yahweh, the Canaanite God of Metallurgy?" Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 33, no. 4 (2009): 387–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089209105686.

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20

Botica, Aurelian. "The Theophoric Element Ba'Al in Ancient Phoenician Inscriptions." Perichoresis 10, no. 1 (2012): 67–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10297-012-0004-6.

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The Theophoric Element Ba'Al in Ancient Phoenician Inscriptions The following study analyzes the usage of the name Baıal in ancient Phoenician inscriptions. The analysis starts with the premise that the deity named Baıal played a major role in Canaanite religion, including the religion of the people of Israel. First of all, in order to understand correctly this phenomenon, our study sketches in broad lines the historical and religious context of the ancient Near East. Second, the study takes into account a series of corollary issues, like the concepts of “fertility” and the “Sacred Marriage”,

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21

Masalha, Nur. "Reading the Bible with the Eyes of the Canaanites: Neo-Zionism, Political Theology and the Land Traditions of the Bible (1967 to Gaza 2009)." Holy Land Studies 8, no. 1 (2009): 55–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947509000407.

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In modern times, a whole range of colonial enterprises have used the Bible. The book of Joshua and other biblical texts evoking the exploits of ancient Israelites have been deployed in support of secular Zionism and settler colonisation in Palestine. The mega narratives of the Bible, however, appeared to mandate the ethnic cleansing and even genocide of the indigenous population of Canaan. This article argues that, with the rise of messianic Zionism since 1967, a Jewish theology of zealotocracy, based on the land traditions of the Bible, has emerged in Israel – a political theology that demand

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22

Rowlands, Jonathan. "Difficult texts: ‘A dog at the table’ in Matthew 15.21–28." Theology 122, no. 4 (2019): 285–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x19843749.

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This article addresses the story of the Canaanite woman in Matthew 15.21–28 and Jesus’ likening of the woman to a ‘dog’ in verse 26. It provides an overview of the passage as a whole and deals in more detail with this imagery.

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23

Marcus, David, Carola Kloos, and Yhwh. "Yhwh's Combat with the Sea: A Canaanite Tradition in the Religion of Israel." Journal of the American Oriental Society 110, no. 2 (1990): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604544.

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24

Korpel, M. C. A. "A Subdued Demon in Exodus 15:7-8." Vetus Testamentum 69, no. 1 (2019): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341344.

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AbstractThe Song of the Sea is long known to contain allusions to mythological motifs related to Canaanite religion that have been adapted to the faith of Israel. On the basis of a recent study of the Ugaritic texts KTU 1.107 and 1.100 it is shown that Exod 15:7-8 falls in this category of reinterpretation. It is proposed to render verse 7b ‘you sent your Ḥoron, he devoured them like stubble’. Suffixed personal pronouns with the names of deities are attested in Ugarit and ancient Hebrew inscriptions. However, in Exod 15 Ḥoron has been reduced to a redoutable assistant of God, an executioner ca

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25

Berthelot, Katell. "The Canaanites who ‘trusted in God’: an original interpretation of the fate of the Canaanites in rabbinic literature." Journal of Jewish Studies 62, no. 2 (2011): 233–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3042/jjs-2011.

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26

Shannahan, Chris. "The Canaanite Woman and Urban Liberation Theology." Expository Times 125, no. 1 (2013): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524613498673.

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27

Albertz, Rainer. "Niels Peter Lemche, The Canaanites and Their Land. The Tradition of the Canaanites (JSOTSS 110). Sheffield (Academic Press) 1990, 192 p. 22×14. £ 25.00 - $ 42,50." Biblische Zeitschrift 39, no. 1 (1995): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25890468-03901008.

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28

Hagens, Graham. "Exodus and settlement: A two sojourn hypothesis." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 36, no. 1 (2007): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980703600105.

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Although recent scholarship has questioned the very existence of an historical Exodus, a review of the evidence does suggest that a significant number of Asiatic workers did leave Egypt during the late 19th or early 20th Dynasties of Egypt and made their way to the Canaanite highlands via the Sinai peninsula. It is very probable that this event is related to the establishment of numerous new settlements in the Canaanite highlands during the early Iron Age. The suggestion made here is that the numerous conflicts between the biblical and extrabiblical materials associated with this model may be

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29

Emerton, J. A., and Carola Kloos. "Yhwh's Combat with the Sea. A Canaanite Tradition in the Religion of Ancient Israel." Vetus Testamentum 40, no. 2 (1990): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519005.

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30

Houston, Walter J. "Corvée in the Kingdom of Israel: Israelites, ‘Canaanites’, and Cultural Memory." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 43, no. 1 (2018): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089215692183.

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Archaeological evidence of certain cultural traits supports the witness of some biblical passages that the (northern) kingdom of Israel was ethnically diverse, with non-Israelite populations in the northern lowlands. Texts in Judges 1 and 1 Kings 9 stating that ‘Canaanites’, etc., were subjected to forced labour, the corvée, either by Israelite tribes or by Solomon, should be regarded as texts of cultural memory, justifying the actual practice of the kingdom of Israel in the ninth and eighth centuries BCE in restricting the corvée to non-Israelites. This article proposes that these texts shoul

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31

Grønbæk, Jakob H. "Baal's Battle With Yam— a Canaanite Creation Fight." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 10, no. 33 (1985): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030908928501003302.

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32

Baranowski, Krzysztof J. "The Biblical Hebrew “Store Cities” and an Amarna Gloss." Vetus Testamentum 67, no. 4 (2017): 519–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341287.

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Abstract The word מסכנות used in the phrase ערי מסכנות “store cities” is commonly considered a loanword from the Neo-Assyrian word maškattu, “account, deposit, storehouse.” The current loan hypothesis does not account for the difficulties of the Akkadian evidence and does not take into consideration a gloss in Amarna letter no. 306. This gloss shows that the Canaanite scribes of the Late Bronze Age were familiar with the Akkadian plural form maškanātu and used it with the meaning “granaries, storage areas.” This technical term was borrowed into a Canaanite dialect and was subsequently transmit

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33

Steiner. "On the Rise and Fall of Canaanite Religion at Baalbek: A Tale of Five Toponyms." Journal of Biblical Literature 128, no. 3 (2009): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25610200.

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34

Macpherson, Duncan. "The Politics of Preaching the Promised Land for the Canaanites." Political Theology 10, no. 1 (2009): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/poth.v10i1.71.

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35

Moyer, James C., and Lawrence E. Stager. "Ashkelon Discovered: From Canaanites and Philistines to Romans and Moslems." Journal of Biblical Literature 112, no. 3 (1993): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267752.

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36

Ray, J. D., and S. Ahituv. "Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient Egyptian Documents." Vetus Testamentum 38, no. 3 (1988): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1518076.

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37

Ray, J. D., and Alessandra Nibbi. "Canaan and Canaanite in Ancient Egypt." Vetus Testamentum 41, no. 4 (1991): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1518639.

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38

Walsh, Jerome T. "Yhwh's Combat with the Sea: A Canaanite Tradition in the Religion of Ancient Israel. Carola Kloos." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 274 (May 1989): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357056.

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39

Verburg, Jelle. "The Libations of Blood in Psalm 16:4." Vetus Testamentum 70, no. 4-5 (2019): 759–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341407.

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Abstract The “libations of blood” in Ps. 16:4 have been interpreted as a reference to Canaanite cultic practice. This short note suggests it is better understood against the background of Greek literature on necromancy.

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40

de Castelbajac, Isabelle. "Le cycle de Gédéon ou la condamnation du refus de la royauté." Vetus Testamentum 57, no. 2 (2007): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853307x183686.

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AbstractFar from exemplifying the anti-monarchist position of the Deuteronomistic author, Gideon's cycle underlines his impiety, which, unlike in the case of Abimelek, shows itself not through his thirst for leadership, but through his refusal to carry out the functions assigned by Yahweh. The portrait of a Gideon, as a Canaanite leader, contrasts with the proto-royal portrait of the Israelite Gideon, who is both a war leader and champions Yahweh's cult. The Canaanite figure not only rejects the signs of his divine appointment, whether they show themselves in the divine call or through militar

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41

Jones, Clay. "We Don’t Hate Sin So We Don’t Understand What Happened to the Canaanites." Philosophia Christi 11, no. 1 (2009): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/pc20091115.

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42

Miller, Robert D. "The Gentiles in the Zion Hymns: Canaanite Myth and Christian Mission." Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 26, no. 4 (2009): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265378809342351.

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43

VanderKam, James C. "Jubilees 46:6‐47:1 and 4QVisions of Amram." Dead Sea Discoveries 17, no. 2 (2010): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851710x503549.

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AbstractThe present paper explores the ways in which the authors of the Hebrew Book of Jubilees and the Aramaic Visions of Amram used the motif of a Canaanite-Egyptian war as they labored with the issues raised by the accounts at the end of Genesis and the beginning of Exodus. There is no clear indication that either writer used the work of the other; rather the war in question seems to have been a motif that was available to both when they composed their works and that each adopted and adapted independently.

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44

Thelle, Rannfrid Irene. "Matrices of motherhood in Judges 5." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 43, no. 3 (2019): 436–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089218772576.

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In Judges 5, patterns of motherhood weave throughout the poem, forming an intrinsic component of the fabric of the text. In pursuing these threads, I focus on the construction of Deborah as ‘mother in Israel’, both through this plain attribution and through the intriguing ordering of the Israelite tribes. A focus on Deborah as Israelite matriarch—a counterpart to Jacob—brings into sharp relief the counterpoint between the tribes of Deborah and the Canaanites. The imagined anxieties of the mother of Sisera serve to implicate mothers in a justification of violence against women. The poem thus pr

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45

Nortjé-Meyer, Lilly. "The Homosexual Body Without Apology : a Positive Link Between the Canaanite Woman in Matthew 15:21-28 and Homosexual Interpretation of Biblical Texts." Religion and Theology 9, no. 1-2 (2002): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430102x00070.

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AbstractA homosexual reading of biblical texts involves the rereading and re-examining of those passages that condemn homosexuals. It is the questioning of traditional interpretation of these passages and the identification of heterosexism and homophobia of biblical scholars. Homosexual persons are searching for positive links between the Bible and homosexuality. In this article, two models, namely the purity and family systems set as examples of a theology of inclusion and resistance, are illustrated by the story of the Canaanite woman. She places herself outside the patriarchal structures by

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46

Myers, Pete. "The Greek Alphabet and the Canaanite Sibilants." Journal of Semitic Studies 64, no. 1 (2019): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgy043.

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47

Roman, Vater. "Hebrew as a Political Instrument: Language-Planning By the ‘Canaanites’." Journal of Semitic Studies 62, no. 2 (2017): 485–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgx028.

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48

Kogan, Leonid. "Genealogical Position of Ugaritic: the Lexical Dimension Lexical Isoglosses Between Ugaritic and Canaanite." Sefarad 70, no. 1 (2010): 7–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/sefarad.010.001.

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49

Lemański, Janusz Adam. "Abraham – a Canaanite? Tracing the Beginnings of the Literary Tradition of Abraham." Biblical Annals 11, no. 2 (2021): 185–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/biban.10792.

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The objective of the article is to present the current state of discussion on the first literary version of the series about Abraham and its sources or roots. The current state of research suggests that the starting point of the literary version of the narrative about this patriarch may have been a kind of tradition associated with the local shrine in Mamre, near Hebron. The other theory describes the idea of the promise of a descendant in return for the extraordinary and extended hospitality towards God. More importantly, this tradition may have been connected with Abraham from the very begin

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50

Healey, J. F., W. van der Meer, and J. C. de Moor. "The Structural Analysis of Biblical and Canaanite Poetry." Vetus Testamentum 41, no. 4 (1991): 498. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1518625.

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