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Journal articles on the topic 'Canadian economy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

MARCHAK, PATRICIA. "Canadian political economy." Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie 22, no. 5 (July 14, 2008): 673–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-618x.1985.tb00388.x.

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2

Howlett, Michael, and Paul Phillips. "Canadian Political Economy: An Economic Introduction." Labour / Le Travail 28 (1991): 336. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143526.

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3

Lorimer, Rowland. "Canadian Scholarly Journal Publishing: The Knowledge Economy Calls." Scholarly and Research Communication 11, no. 2 (July 17, 2020): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22230/src.2020v11n2a361.

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Background The vast opportunities that digital realities present in cultural and information industries have not been fully embraced by Canadian scholarly journal publishing and attendant policy. Analysis In Canada, the journal support programs that currently exist are minimal, dated, and do not encourage the development of a vibrant publishing sub-sector. A review of the evolution of Canadian government programs for book and magazine publishing underlines the achievements of government support for these sectors and the benefits they bring to Canada. Conclusion and implications Parallel support focused on emerging digital prospects in journal publishing, rather than editing and accessibility, would help pave the way for increased Canadian development in the quickly expanding knowledge economy. Contexte L’édition de revues savantes au Canada et les politiques qui s’y rattachent n’ont pas entièrement profité des grandes occasions que représentent les réalités numériques des industries de la culture et de l’information. Analyse Au Canada, les programmes actuels d’appui aux revues sont rudimentaires et périmés. Ils n’encouragent pas le développement d’un sous-secteur dynamique dans le monde de l’édition. Un recensement de l’évolution des programmes du gouvernement canadien pour l’édition de livres et de magazines souligne cependant les accomplissements de l’appui gouvernemental pour ces secteurs et les bénéfices que cet appui apporte au Canada. Conclusion et implications Plutôt qu’un appui axé sur la révision ou l’accès, c’est unappui parallèle portant sur les nouvelles possibilités numériques de l’édition des revuessavantes qui accroîtrait au Canada le développement de l’économie du savoir en pleineexpansion. Mots clés Édition de revues; Politiques concernant l’édition; Libre accès; Économie dusavoir; Édition numérique; Amélioration de l’humanité; Croissance zéro

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4

Pope, W. H., Dian Cohen, and Kristin Shannon. "The Next Canadian Economy." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 11, no. 4 (December 1985): 758. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3550306.

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5

Smardon, Bruce. "Rethinking Canadian Economic Development: The Political Economy of Canadian Fordism, 1880–1914." Studies in Political Economy 85, no. 1 (March 2010): 179–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.2010.11675039.

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6

Hoffman, C. P. "“The Mother of Combines”: Representations of the United States in Early Canadian Discourse on the Combines Problem and the Formation of Canadian National Identity." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 36, no. 1 (March 22, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2020.37.

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AbstractIn 1887, Canada was in a fervour over so-called “combines,” a term used to cover price-fixing schemes, pool agreements, trusts, and other cartel arrangements. The public debate led to the passage in 1889 of the Anti-Combines Act, the world’s first modern competition statute, enacted a year prior to the United States’ Sherman Antitrust Act. But while Canada acted before its neighbour to the south, the United States was omnipresent in the Canadian debates in four ways: as a benchmark against which the Canadian economy and the combines problem should be judged; as a model for potential legal action; as a potential economic liberator; and as the very source and propagator of the combines problem. Canadians thus alternately presented the United States as saviour or devil, as paragon or antithesis. The result was a paradox of a sort: Canadians borrowed American ideas in order to avoid becoming American.

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7

Glavin, Paul. "Multiple jobs? The prevalence, intensity and determinants of multiple jobholding in Canada." Economic and Labour Relations Review 31, no. 3 (July 23, 2020): 383–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304620933399.

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While traditional labour market estimates indicate that there has been little change in the proportion of workers holding multiple jobs in North America, survey instrument deficiencies may be hiding more substantial growth driven by the gig economy. To address this possibility, I test a broader measure of multiple jobholding to examine its prevalence in the Canadian workforce based on two national studies of workers (2011 Canadian Work Stress and Health Study and 2019 Canadian Quality of Work and Economic Life Study). Almost 20% of workers in 2019 reported multiple jobholding – a rate that is three times higher than Statistics Canada estimates. While multivariate analyses reveal that the multiple jobholding rate in 2019 was 30% higher than in the 2011 Canadian Work Stress and Health Study, multiple jobholders in 2019 were less likely to report longer work hours in secondary employment. Analyses also revealed that having financial difficulties is consistently associated with multiple jobholding in 2011 and 2019. Collectively, these findings suggest that while the spread of short-term work arrangements has facilitated Canadians’ secondary employment decisions, for many workers these decisions may reflect underlying problems in the quality of primary employment in Canada, rather than labour market opportunity. I discuss the potential links between multiple jobholding, the gig economy and employment precariousness. JEL Code: J21

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8

Brym, Robert J., Wallace Clement, and Glen Williams. "The New Canadian Political Economy." Contemporary Sociology 19, no. 4 (July 1990): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2072795.

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9

Dimand, Robert W. "Craufurd Goodwin as a Historian of Canadian Economic Thought." History of Political Economy 51, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-7289324.

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Craufurd Goodwin began his distinguished career in the history of economic thought as a scholar of Canadian and Commonwealth economic thought. This paper examines his pioneering contributions to the study of Canadian economic thought, including his doctoral dissertation and first book, which explored the development of political economy in Canada in the century preceding World War I.

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10

Falconer, Thirstan. "“We Can’t Be Too Selective about This”: Immigration Advocacy in the Canadian English-Language Press, 1949–57." International Journal of Canadian Studies 58 (April 1, 2021): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ijcs.58.x.54.

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Immigration policy during the immediate years after the Second World War highly restricted the arrival of newcomers. Before 1947, Canada’s immigration system was a preferential one, with the highest priority given to British subjects coming to Canada from the United Kingdom, or from any of the British dominions, and the United States. Canada’s preferences then extended to Northern Europeans, then to Central and Southern Europeans. Chinese, Greeks, Italians, Portuguese, and Spanish immigrants were excluded. During the years of Prime Minister Louis St-Laurent (1948–57), Canadians read about the economic benefits that a robust immigration policy promised in the English-language press. The St-Laurent government was under significant pressure to increase the flow of migrants into Canada. However, the Liberal government studiously monitored recent arrivals with a conservative approach to economic growth. The Canadian business community perceived this policy as too cautious, and their preference for a more robust policy frequently surfaced in the English-language press. This article shows that newspapers coverage across the country criticized the government’s immigration policy during the 1950s and advocated for an approach that accommodated more newcomers to spur population and economic growth. Through their coverage, the editors and journalists reasoned that boosting immigration accelerated the Canadian economy. English Canadian journalists and newspapers attempted to influence Canadians about the economic benefits of increasing migration to Canada.

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11

Kellogg, Paul. "State, Capital and World Economy: Bukharin's Marxism and the “Dependency/Class” Controversy in Canadian Political Economy." Canadian Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (June 1989): 337–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900001335.

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AbstractIn the late 1960s and early 1970s, “left-nationalist” dependency theories dominated Canadian political economy. However, Canada defied the predictions of dependency theory and developed all the class relations appropriate to advanced capitalist societies. The origins of Canadian industrial capitalism were not such that the country was locked into a staple-trap, notwithstanding the very real reliance of the economy on staple-export. In recent years, a number of political economists have offered an “orthodox” Marxist critique of dependency to account for these and other weaknesses in its overall framework. This article first summarizes the dependency arguments, then the arguments of its Marxist critics, and finally introduces a summary look at the ideas of Nikolai Bukharin, a little-examined but nonetheless important theorist whose insights on the relationship between the state as a capitalist and the growing internationalization of economic life are key to a Marxist re-theorization of Canadian political economy.

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12

Heller, Henry. "Imperialist Canada, Todd Gordon, Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring Publishing, 2011." Historical Materialism 20, no. 2 (2012): 222–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341239.

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Abstract In the immediate postwar period, liberal internationalism was the hallmark of Canadian foreign policy. In part this position was intended to protect Canadian sovereignty from the too-close embrace of US Cold-War imperialism. But this multilateral and peacekeeping approach was partly a veneer meant to disguise the fact that Canada was of necessity a close American ally in the fight against communism. This strategy was abandoned by the Canadian state in the late 1990s in favour of a more militaristic and aggressive approach. The dependency-school of Canadian Marxist political economy that flourished from the 1970s argued that Canadian conformity with American foreign policy resulted from the fact that American economic dominance over Canada and lack of a strong national bourgeoisie made it a willing instrument of American foreign policy. Reflecting a challenge by a new school of Marxist political economy, Todd Gordon argues convincingly that Canada is an imperialist entity with its historic roots lying in the dispossession of the indigenous peoples. It is based on its strong national bourgeoisie which is flourishing under neoliberalism. But whether imperialist Canada is independent of the United States is more contestable.

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13

Hale, Geoffrey. "The Dog That Hasn't Barked: The Political Economy of Contemporary Debates on Canadian Foreign Investment Policies." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 3 (September 2008): 719–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080785.

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Abstract.This article examines the responses of Canadian business leaders, national newspapers, and governments to record numbers of foreign takeovers of Canadian-based firms in 2004–2007. It assesses the political, economic, financial market, and regulatory contexts for takeover activity in historical, macro-economic, and micro-economic contexts in light of Canada's historically firm-centred business culture. It summarizes five dimensions of policy and media discourse on the interrelated issues of foreign investment and corporate consolidation, including debates on “hollowing out” and “national champions.” It concludes that the limited influence of nationalist and related business interests on recent Canadian government policies reflects Canada's growing economic interdependence with other countries, particularly the growing role played by Canadian-based multinationals in foreign markets.Résumé.Le présent article examine la réaction des leaders du monde des affaires canadien, des journaux nationaux et des gouvernements devant le nombre record de prises de contrôle étrangères de sociétés exerçant leur activités au Canada entre 2004 et 2007. Il évalue l'activité de prise de contrôle selon les données de la politique, de l'économie, des marchés financiers et de la réglementation, dans des contextes historique, macroéconomique et microéconomique, compte tenu de la culture des affaires canadienne, traditionnellement axée sur l'entreprise. Il présente un sommaire des cinq dimensions des politiques et du discours des médias sur des questions liées : l'investissement étranger et la consolidation des sociétés, dont le débat sur l'«évidement» et les «champions nationaux». Il conclut que le peu d'influence des intérêts commerciaux nationalistes ou apparentés sur les politiques récentes du gouvernement du Canada reflète l'interdépendance croissante entre le Canada et d'autres pays et, notamment, le rôle croissant sur les marchés étrangers des multinationales établies au Canada.

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14

Hurl, Chris, and Benjamin Christensen. "Building The New Canadian Political Economy." Studies in Political Economy 96, no. 1 (September 2015): 167–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.2015.11674942.

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15

Martin, Pierre. "US Elections and the Canadian Economy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 67, no. 3 (September 2012): 785–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070201206700313.

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16

Mahon, Rianne. "The Waffle and Canadian Political Economy." Studies in Political Economy 32, no. 1 (January 1990): 187–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.1990.11675491.

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17

Williams, Glen. "Greening the New Canadian Political Economy." Studies in Political Economy 37, no. 1 (January 1992): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.1992.11675432.

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18

Sands, Christopher. "The Canadian Economy: Model or Muddle?" American Review of Canadian Studies 45, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 389–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722011.2015.1124543.

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19

Wood, Glen. "Music Education in the Canadian Economy." International Journal of Music Education os-8, no. 1 (November 1986): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025576148600800115.

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20

Islam, Sadequl, and Tahsina Tarannum. "The Impact of COVID-19 on the Canadian Economy." Archives of Business Research 8, no. 7 (August 8, 2020): 497–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.87.8770.

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This paper examines various types of effects of COVID-19 on Canadian businesses and industrial sectors. Using the data from Labour Force Surveys, the paper explores the impact of COVID-19 on the Canadian labour market. The paper also investigates the relationship between the intensity of lockdown measures ( stringency index) and the unemployment rate for Canada and selected countries. The main findings are the following: 1)The businesses which faced a high level of decreases in demand are food &accommodation, arts, entertainment, and recreation and retail trade; 2) Small businesses witnessed a higher level of decrease in demand compared to large businesses; 3) The goods- producing industries, especially motor vehicle and parts producing industries experienced the steepest decline in growth rates; 4)The pandemic adversely affected the jobs of women, workers with high school education, and young workers; 5) Finally, it appears that there is a weak positive relationship between the Stringency Index and the unemployment rate across selected countries including Canada.

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21

Hum, Derek, and Paul Phillips. "Growth, Trade, and Urban Development of Staple Regions." Articles 10, no. 2 (October 30, 2013): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1019095ar.

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Certain themes in historical and contemporary studies of the economic development of Canada remain important. Among these are the staple approach to interpreting Canadian economic development, the notion of Canada as a collection of regional economies, and the distinction between metropolis and hinterland. These themes are both fundamental and interrelated; indeed, they are manifestations of a common process — that of a resource-dependent economic expansion. This paper relates the urbanization and development of staple regions to such determinants as trade, growth, and economic structure. We integrate the metropolis-hinterland framework within the broader staple approach and provide a synthesis of various aspects of economic theory, particularly trade and economic structure, export-led growth of a small, open economy, and the disequilibrium dynamics of urban development — all reinterpreted within the special context of the staple economy. While our major aim is to provide a formal synthesis of the staple approach and urban development, ultimately for policy guidance, references to Canadian economic and historical development are made throughout.

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22

Jacques, Romain, and G. Alex Fraser. "The Forest Sector's Contribution to the Canadian Economy." Forestry Chronicle 65, no. 2 (April 1, 1989): 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc65093-2.

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Statistics Canada's inter-sectoral models have been used to estimate the impact of the forest sector on the economy of Canada and its provinces. These models permit the evaluation of the linkages between the forest sector and other sectors of the economy. The results indicate that in 1980 close to 834 000 jobs, either directly or indirectly, depended upon forest sector activity. Key words: employment multiplier, economic impact.

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23

Mendly-Zambo, Zsofia, and Dennis Raphael. "Competing Discourses of Household Food Insecurity in Canada." Social Policy and Society 18, no. 4 (November 15, 2018): 535–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746418000428.

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Household food insecurity (HFI) impacts over 1.7 million households in Canada with adverse effects upon health. As a signatory to numerous international covenants asserting that access to food is a human right, Canadian governments are obliged to reduce HFI, yet Canadian governments have done remarkably little to assure that Canadians are food secure. In the absence of government action, HFI has spawned numerous non-governmental means of managing the problem such as food banks, feeding programs, and community gardens and kitchens. These efforts have depoliticized the problem of HFI, making its solution more difficult. Solving HFI is also complicated by the presence of five competing discourses of HFI in Canada: nutrition and dietetics, charitable food distribution, community development, social determinants of health, and political economy which offer differing causes and means of responding to HFI. We argue that the least considered discourse – the critical materialist political economy discourse – best accounts for the presence of HFI in a liberal welfare state such as Canada and provides the most effective means of responding to its presence.

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24

McKim, Denis. "Upper Canadian Thermidor." Ontario History 106, no. 2 (July 25, 2018): 235–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050695ar.

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This article challenges the notion that the Family Compact was a self-interested clique who stunted Upper Canada’s political, social, and economic development. It argues, instead, that members of the group articulated a dynamic vision for the colony premised on the “balanced” British constitution, state-aided Anglicanism, and a vibrant agrarian economy led by a paternalistic elite. Of central importance to the Compact’s vision for Upper Canada was a longstanding conservative tradition that had its roots in late-seventeenth-century England, and was reinforced a century later by a multifaceted counter-revolutionary phenomenon that manifested on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean.

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25

Cox, Bruce A. "Prospects for the northern Canadian native economy." Polar Record 22, no. 139 (January 1985): 393–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400005635.

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AbstractMuch ink has been spilled over the future prospects of a Northern native economy based on a mix of hunting, trapping and wage work. Information on the mixed economy appeared during debates over Northern pipeline development which raged during the 1970s; though the native lifestyle came under close scrutiny during that period, sceptics remain unconvinced of the very existence, let alone the viability, of a native mixed economy. In their view a way of life based on harvesting ‘country foods’ is moribund and should give place as soon as possible to a full-fledged wage economy; those who think otherwise, including the authors of pipeline inquiries, are misguided romantics. This paper re-examines the debates over the prospects for a native hunting economy, and comes down on the side of its proponents. The author concludes that, given proper institutional support, a mixed economy should persist into the next century, and shows that the critics of the bush economy have underestimated its contribution to the welfare of Northern natives.

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26

Afxentiou, Panos C., and Apostolos Serletis. "Openness in the Canadian economy: 1870–1988." Applied Economics 24, no. 11 (November 1992): 1191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036849200000128.

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27

Dalby, Simon, and Roger Keil. "Introduction: Political Ecology and Canadian Political Economy." Studies in Political Economy 70, no. 1 (March 2003): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07078552.2003.11827127.

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28

Arthurs, H. W. "The Political Economy of Canadian Legal Education." Journal of Law and Society 25, no. 1 (March 1998): 14–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-6478.00077.

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29

Capian, Joseph. "TOWARD A MARKET-ORIENTED CANADIAN GRAIN ECONOMY*." Canadian Journal of Agricultural Economics/Revue canadienne d'agroeconomie 18, no. 1 (November 13, 2008): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1744-7976.1970.tb00885.x.

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30

Pellerin, William, and D. Wayne Taylor. "Measuring the biobased economy: A Canadian perspective." Industrial Biotechnology 4, no. 4 (December 2008): 363–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/ind.2008.4.363.

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31

Kennedy, Christopher A., and Christian Bachmann. "The Energy Structure of the Canadian Economy." Journal of Industrial Ecology 21, no. 5 (September 22, 2016): 1301–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jiec.12493.

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32

Laxer, Gordon. "The schizophrenic character of Canadian political economy." Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie 26, no. 1 (July 14, 2008): 178–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-618x.1989.tb00417.x.

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33

Reasons, Chuck. "Law, state and economy: A Canadian overview." Journal of Human Justice 1, no. 1 (September 1989): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02619371.

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34

Lionais, Doug, Christina Murray, and Chloe Donatelli. "Dependence on Interprovincial Migrant Labour in Atlantic Canadian Communities: The Role of the Alberta Economy." Societies 10, no. 1 (January 19, 2020): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc10010011.

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(1) Background: In the face of persistent and chronically weak labour markets, Atlantic Canada has become increasingly dependent on mobile oil work in Northern Alberta for employment and income. In the regions, most intensely engaged in this form of employment, mobile oil work has largely replaced the dominant industries of the previous century. This geographic shift in Canadian investment and production has created uneven labour markets, with high demand for labour in the Northern Alberta and high unemployment in de-industrialized communities in Atlantic Canada. (2) Methods: There is little quantitative evidence on the flows of mobile workers from the East to the West and the impact of this movement on the Atlantic Canadian economy. Data for this paper were obtained through a special arrangement with Statistics Canada in the fall of 2015 and winter of 2016, from the Canadian Employer–Employee Dynamics Database (CEEDD). (3) Results: Analysis of CEEDD revealed that the oil and gas industry of Northern Alberta has a significant impact on the economies of Atlantic Canada with an increasing dependence for interprovincial workers. (4) Conclusions: To the extent that mobile work has served as a replacement for traditional industries, mobile work is re-structuring the social and economic makeup of Atlantic Canadian communities. The more reliant Atlantic Canadian communities become on oil-related mobile work, the more precarious their economies will become as global markets for oil and gas change and targeted actions on climate change increase.

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35

Cutler, Fred. "Local Economies, Local Policy Impacts and Federal Electoral Behaviour in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 2 (June 2002): 347–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390277827x.

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The fortunes of local, regional and provincial economies have often been linked to geographical variation in electoral outcomes, and nowhere more so than in Canada. This article examines economic localism in Canadian voting behaviour by estimating a model of voters' decisions in the 1993 and 1997 federal elections. Individual-specific determinants of the vote measured in the Canadian Election Study are supplemented by measures of voters' local economies and of the local impacts of policy changes. Voters punish the federal government for bad times in their locale and for policy changes that hurt the local economy. This effect is independent of what voters think about their own finances and about the provincial and national economies. The electoral impact of the local economy does not depend on whether government is acknowledged as a potent economic actor, or on the voter's level of political information. However, the relevance of the local economy for national-level electoral behaviour can be "primed" by campaign events, just like any other criterion of voting choice. The response to local economic conditions is part of a broader explanation for geographic patterns of electoral support in Canada.

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36

Jain, Harish C., and Robert J. Hines. "Current Objectives of Canadian Federal Manpower Programs." Relations industrielles 28, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 125–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/028369ar.

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In this paper some of the factors leading to renewed interest in Manpower in the 1960's are enumerated ; the present course of Federal Manpower Programs is examined and the objectives of these programs are evaluated. It is suggested that the emphasis of the Federal Manpower Programs on economic growth and stabilization of the economy is misguided ; that the Department of Manpower and Immigration has failed to foresee shifts in labour market composition ; and that in the face of counter-productive fiscal policy, manpower programs and objectives as originally conceived do not have the capability to resurrect a sick economy.

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37

Dobie, James. "Some Economic Aggregates for Canadian Forest Industries." Forestry Chronicle 64, no. 4 (August 1, 1988): 355–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc64355-4.

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This article presents economic aggregates for the forest industries in Canada with some discussion on Gross Domestic Product, regional impacts, external trade, employment and multipliers.The goods-producing sector in recent years has comprised 40% of the economy, with manufacturing being 50% of goods-producing or 20% of the total economy. Forest-based industries in aggregate are diminishing over time in their contribution to the economy, dropping from 5.1% of total GDP in the early 1960s to 3.5% in the early 1980s. Wood industries and paper and allied industries together constituted 14% of manufacturing GDP in 1986, down from 21% in 1961.Forest products exports, with a surplus of $13.5 billion in 1986, contribute significantly to Canada's merchandise trade balance. Employee productivity has been growing recently at 5.33% per annum. If there are no increases in volume of timber harvested, increasing productivity will result in employment reductions. Keywords: Forest Economics, Gross Domestic Product, Productivity, and Multipliers.

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38

Lapping, Mark B., and Joyce E. Lapping. "The Science Council of Canada's University Strategy for National Economic Development." Industry and Higher Education 4, no. 2 (June 1990): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095042229000400204.

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This article sets Winning in a World Economy in the context of Canadian concern about competitiveness, technological innovation and R&D. It examines reports studying these issues that have been published since the Science Council of Canada was founded in 1966, and shows how these led to publication of Winning in a World Economy. Through this report the Science Council called for Canadian universities to redefine themselves as the ‘service university’, which is analysed in detail.

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39

Nieborg, David B., Chris J. Young, and Daniel Joseph. "App Imperialism: The Political Economy of the Canadian App Store." Social Media + Society 6, no. 2 (April 2020): 205630512093329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120933293.

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To critically engage with the political economy of platformization, this article builds on the concepts of platform capitalism and platform imperialism to situate platforms within wider historical, economic, and spatial trajectories. To investigate if platformization leads to the geographical redistribution of capital and power, we draw on the Canadian instance of Apple’s iOS App Store as a case study. App stores are situated in a complex ecosystem of markets, infrastructures, and governance models that the disparate fields of business studies, critical political economy of communications, and platform studies have begun to catalog. Through a combination of financial and institutional analysis, we ask if Canadian game app developers are effective in generating revenue within their own national App Store. Given Canada’s vibrant game industry one would expect Canadian developers to have a sizable economic footprint in the burgeoning app economy. Our results, however, point toward the US digital dominance and, therefore, we suggest the notion of app imperialism to signal the continuation, if not reinforcement of existing instances of economic inequalities and imperialism.

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40

Desai, Radhika. "Canada as an Ordinary Imperialist Country: Comments on Paul Kellogg’s Escape from the Staple Trap: Canadian Political Economy after Left Nationalism." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 12, no. 1 (May 29, 2017): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/s4q058.

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41

Monroe, Kristen, and Lynda Erickson. "The Economy and Political Support: The Canadian Case." Journal of Politics 48, no. 3 (August 1986): 616–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131170.

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42

Ghorayshi, Parvin, Daniel Drache, and Wallace Clement. "The New Practical Guide to Canadian Political Economy." Labour / Le Travail 20 (1987): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142867.

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Seward, Shirley B. "Demographic change and the Canadian economy: an overview." Canadian Studies in Population 14, no. 2 (December 31, 1987): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.25336/p64k50.

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Beine, Michel, Charles S. Bos, and Serge Coulombe. "Does the Canadian economy suffer from Dutch disease?" Resource and Energy Economics 34, no. 4 (November 2012): 468–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.reseneeco.2012.05.002.

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Webber, Michael. "The Canadian Economy in Late Twentieth Century Capitalism." Studies in Political Economy 62, no. 1 (January 2000): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.2000.11675248.

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Panitch, Leo, and Sam Gindin. "Canadian Political Economy andthe Making of Global Capitalism." Studies in Political Economy 92, no. 1 (September 2013): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.2013.11674978.

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Chan, M. W. Luke. "An Econometric Model of the Canadian Agricultural Economy." Canadian Journal of Agricultural Economics/Revue canadienne d'agroeconomie 29, no. 3 (November 13, 2008): 265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1744-7976.1981.tb02082.x.

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Furtan, W. H. "The Future of the Western Canadian Grain Economy." Canadian Journal of Agricultural Economics/Revue canadienne d'agroeconomie 38, no. 2 (July 1990): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1744-7976.1990.tb03459.x.

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Tiagi, Raaj, and Lu Zhou. "China in the Global Economy: A Canadian Perspective." Transnational Corporations Review 1, no. 3 (January 2009): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19186444.2009.11658199.

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