Relevant bibliographies by topics / Canadian federal elections

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Canadian federal elections'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 8 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Canadian federal elections"

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Bélanger, Éric, and Jean-François Godbout. "Forecasting Canadian Federal Elections." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 04 (October 2010): 691–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510001113.

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AbstractIn recent decades, the scientific forecasting of election outcomes has made great strides in a number of advanced industrial democracies. One country that has not received much attention to date is Canada. In this article, we present a vote function model to forecast Canadian federal elections. We explain our model's theoretical underpinnings and assess its statistical properties and forecasting capabilities against all federal elections held between 1953 and 2008. We then explore potential ways for improving the model's accuracy. We conclude by discussing the forecast of different hypothetical scenarios for an upcoming federal election.
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McGregor, R. Michael, and Cameron D. Anderson. "The Effects of Elections Canada's Campaign Period Advertising." Canadian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 4 (November 28, 2014): 813–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914001061.

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AbstractVoter participation is widely viewed as invaluable by democratic theorists, and a large majority of members of the Canadian public believe that low turnout weakens Canadian democracy. In response to decreasing rates of turnout in federal elections, Elections Canada has run advertising campaigns during the last several election campaigns encouraging Canadians to participate by voting. Using Election Canadian Study data from 2006 and 2008, this note examines the effect of Elections Canada's advertisements upon turnout and the partisan outcome of elections. Results reveal that the ad campaigns have effects upon both factors. The ads increase turnout among segments of the population with traditionally low turnout rates and are associated with an overall decrease in the Conservative party's vote share.
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Patterson, Steven Thomas. "Cross-Level Partisanship in Concurrent Federal-Provincial Elections:." Federalism-E 20, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.12828.

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The purpose of this project is to explore the following research question: do same day (i.e. concurrent) provincial-federal elections exhibit a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than non-concurrent elections? This paper proposes that concurrent elections lead to a convergence in voters evaluations of federal-provincial co-partisans, and that this results in a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than in non-concurrent elections. Using 2011 Canada Election Studies (CES) data on federal party vote choice and provincial party preference, this paper will project the results of concurrent federal-provincial elections for three Canadian provinces. The results of these projected concurrent elections will be compared to actual party vote shares received in the first provincial election held following the 2011 Canadian federal election. The comparison of these data will be used to test the hypothesis that concurrent elections have a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than non-concurrent elections. This paper consists of five sections. First, I introduce the aims of this research and discuss its theoretical and substantive significance by referencing relevant literature. Second, a comprehensive theoretical framework is developed to explain why cross-level partisanship is expected to be higher in a concurrent election. Third, I outline the research design and methodology used to test this causal hypothesis. Fourth, I report and interpret my findings which show that overall cross-level partisanship was slightly higher in projected concurrent elections. I conclude by discussing the implications and limits of this study.
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Studlar, Donley T. "Canadian Exceptionalism: Explaining Differences over Time in Provincial and Federal Voter Turnout." Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, no. 2 (June 2001): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423901777918.

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Canada is unusual among advanced industrial democracies in having some provinces which regularly have greater voter turnouts for provincial than for federal elections. Provincial and federal turnouts by province in Canada are analyzed for the 1945-1998 period using multiple regression analysis, both for each set of elections and by comparing differences between the two. Federal turnout has declined over the years but provincial turnout appears to have increased slightly. Although the effects found here largely confirm previous findings about the relative effects of different types of variables found for the Canadian federal level only, several of the political explanations previously supported in cross-national research find less support. Instead, region, population density, months since the last federal or provincial election, and season of the year generally have greater and sometimes more consistent effects. This suggests the need for more studies of turnout in democracies at sub-central levels.
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Allen Stevens, Benjamin, Md Mujahedul Islam, Roosmarijn de Geus, Jonah Goldberg, John R. McAndrews, Alex Mierke-Zatwarnicki, Peter John Loewen, and Daniel Rubenson. "Local Candidate Effects in Canadian Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 1 (August 28, 2018): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000367.

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AbstractWhat impact do local candidates have on elections in single member district plurality electoral systems? We provide new evidence using data from a large election study carried out during the 2015 Canadian federal election. We improve on the measurement of local candidate effects by asking over 20,000 survey respondents to rate the candidates in their constituency directly. We present three estimates. We find that when all voters are considered together, local candidate evaluations are decisive for approximately 4 per cent of voters. Second, these evaluations are decisive for the outcome of 10 per cent of constituency contests. Third, when models are estimated for each constituency, we find significant evaluation effects for 14 per cent of candidates.
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Rekkas, Marie. "Gender and Elections: An Examination of the 2006 Canadian Federal Election." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 4 (December 2008): 987–1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908081134.

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Abstract. The existing literature on gender effects in the electoral process offers little evidence of significant gender vote share differentials. In this paper it is shown that for the 2006 Canadian federal election, once candidate campaign spending is introduced into the model with appropriate flexibility in the vote share responsiveness across genders, significant differences are found to exist between male and female candidates. The findings suggest that, for equal levels of spending, male incumbents have a vote share advantage relative to female incumbents, though this vote share advantage is found to diminish with increased expenditures. Female non-incumbent candidates, on the other hand, have a vote share advantage over male non-incumbent candidates for higher levels of expenditure and this advantage was found to increase with increased expenditures.Résumé. Les écrits traitant des effets du genre dans le processus électoral offrent peu de preuves d'un écart significatif dans le pourcentage des voix selon le genre. Cet article montrera que, dans le contexte des élections fédérales canadiennes de 2006, une fois que les dépenses de campagne des candidats sont introduites dans le modèle avec la flexibilité adéquate sur la réceptivité du pourcentage des voix selon les genres, on découvre que des différences significatives existent entre les candidats masculins et féminins. Le résultat des recherches montre que pour des dépenses équivalentes, les titulaires masculins ont un avantage sur le pourcentage des voix par rapport aux titulaires de sexe féminin bien qu'il s'avère que cet avantage diminue lorsque les dépenses augmentent. D'autre part, les candidates féminines non-titulaires ont un avantage sur le pourcentage des voix par rapport aux candidats masculins non-titulaires quand les dépenses sont plus élevées et cet avantage s'avère augmenter lorsque les dépenses augmentent.
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Tsurkan, Anna. "Elections in Canada and Russia in 2019: a comparative analysis of cross-national media coverage." Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies 14, no. 1 (April 15, 2021): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v14i1.2667.

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In 2019, Canada and Russia went through election campaigns in their respective countries. While Canada voted at the federal level, Russia held regional and municipal elections, and therefore the scale and outcome of these two campaigns cannot be compared per se. Yet shifting a focus to media coverage, this paper explores Canada-Russia relations at a given moment in time, including the extent to which disinformation took place on either side. The two countries were actively involved in cross-commenting about the situation on the ground. Russian English-language media outlets were visibly more anti-Trudeau in nature in their Canadian election coverage, while Canadian authorities called on their Russiancounterparts to respect freedoms of assembly during pre-election opposition rallies in Moscow. However, in a modern highly interconnected world, where should the border between news reporting/tweeting and an attempt to interfere in elections be located; and how do these efforts advance each country’s interests?
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Krashinsky, Michael, and William J. Milne. "The Effect of Incumbency in the 1984 Federal and 1985 Ontario Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 2 (June 1986): 337–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900054056.

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AbstractThis note extends the authors' earlier work on incumbency in Canadian federal and Ontario provincial elections by examining riding by riding results in the 1984 federal and 1985 Ontario provincial elections. In particular, the authors test their earlier hypothesis that incumbency effects are swamped by large shifts in voter preferences. The results indicate that incumbency had a significant impact, and that this impact was not reduced by the large shift in votes in the 1984 federal election. The authors reject the hypothesis that large shifts in party allegiance reduce incumbency effects.
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Smith, Seeon. "Universe of Support: Suburban Voters in Canadian Federal Elections." Political Science Undergraduate Review 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur145.

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This chapter reviews the position of suburban voters within Canadian federal elections. In response to the impression that federal elections are won and lost in the greater Toronto area I ask - how do suburban voters factor into the campaign strategies of political parties? I examine the significance of suburban voters, emphasizing those in Toronto, as a contested demographic. I draw attention to the allocation of campaign resources through analysis of the 2019 party leader tours of the Liberals, Conservatives, and New Democrats. This is supplemented by an analysis of party platforms from 2008, 2011, 2015, and 2019 as a measure of campaign marketing. In doing so, I seek to address the nature of Canadian elections and normatively reflect on the consequences of this nature.
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Happy, J. R. "Economic Performance and Retrospective Voting in Canadian Federal Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (June 1989): 377–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900001359.

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AbstractThis study examines the retrospective economic voting model for Canadian federal elections, 1930 through 1979. The analysis shows that change in personal or disposable income has a significant, direct impact on incumbency voting while inflation enters the voting calculus indirectly, as a (partial) deflator of nominal income, and unemployment has no effect. Disposable income is a better predictor of incumbency voting than is personal income, nominal income variables predict better than real values and variability in income performance is negatively related to incumbency voting. The study concludes that voter attribution of responsibility for income performance is focussed and specific, income stability as well as income growth are demanded through incumbency voting, and voters are affected by money illusion.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Canadian federal elections"

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Turcotte, André. "Dialogue de sourds, economic voting in Canadian federal elections." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/NQ41523.pdf.

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Arash, Reza. "Making Sense of Negative Campaigning in Canadian Federal Elections." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39797.

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In recent years, negativity has become a dominant theme in the political campaign. However, there are no comprehensive studies to measure the amount of negativity and to examine how parties and candidates adopt these negative strategies, particularly in the Canadian context. Although some studies have focused on a particular aspect of negative campaigning in a Canadian election, the question remains of how and to what extent parties adopt negative strategies in an election. In this thesis, I have collected and analyzed parties’ press releases in the 2015 federal election to examine and explain negativity in parties’ political campaigns. I have tested my results according to five primary theories of negative campaigning, including competitive positioning, ideological proximity, party organization, coalition or minority effect, and negative personalization, to see if these theories apply in the Canadian context. My results indicate that the 2015 federal campaign was a highly negative one, and most of the negative attacks have been directed towards the leader of the Conservative Party, Stephen Harper, while the Conservative Party published the least amount of negative attacks during the campaign. I also found that the Liberal Party has published the most negative statements during the campaign. My results also show that one of the influential factors in shaping parties’ negative campaign strategies is the other parties’ status in public opinion polls, particularly the federal voting intention factor. Although the results show that most of the attacks in the 2015 campaign targeted leaders of parties, I did not find enough support in my models to verify the negative personalization theory. The overall findings of this thesis show that Canadian elections are moving toward a presidential-style campaign, similar to the United States, by becoming more negative and more personalized, which can have significant implications for Canadian democracy.
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Andersen, Robert C. A. "Polls, the media, and the 1997 Canadian federal election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/NQ42719.pdf.

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Farries, Greg, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "What voters want, what campaigns provide : examining Internet based campaigns in Canadian federal elections." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2005, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/250.

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This paper examines differences between what voters want from a campaign website and what political parties are actually providing on their campaign websites. A series of focus groups were conducted and the results of those discussions provided insight into what potential voters wanted from a campaign website. Analysis of the Conservative, Liberal, Bloc Quebecois, Green and New Democratic Party campaign websites was then conducted, and the results provided a glimpse at what the political parties were providing during the 2004 federal election campaign. The results of this research show that is a significance imbalance between what the political parties in Canada were providing and what the focus groups mentioned they wanted from a campaign website. The participants wanted more engaging and mobilizing features, while the campaign websites used during the 2004 election lacked these types of features.
vi, 130 leaves ; 29 cm.
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Rawson, Michael F. "Forecasting realignment, an analysis of the 1993 Canadian Federal Election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ28648.pdf.

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Marinov, Robert N. "Election News Coverage and Entertaining Politics: A Content Analysis of Infotainment Characteristics in Canadian Newspapers’ Federal Election Coverage." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41457.

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Many scholars have noted the increasingly widespread combination of politically-relevant information and entertaining or sensational media formats and presentational styles over the past several decades, falling broadly under the umbrella term of ‘infotainment.’ However, in spite of this burgeoning infotainment literature very little research has been done on the nature and dynamics of infotainment within the Canadian context. This is especially true of research on infotainment within Canada’s traditional news media outlets. To being filling this gap, this study undertakes a mixed-methods content analysis of Canadian newspapers’ coverage of the 2019 federal election to evaluate the scope and nature of infotainment therein. Building off of a systematic review and mapping of the existing infotainment literature, this study develops a comprehensive conceptual and analytical framework for defining and evaluating infotainment characteristics within ‘hard news’ coverage. The quantitative and qualitative results are outlined in detail before being evaluated for their potential implications on citizens’ information processing and political knowledge, as well as some broader evaluations of potential implications for Canadian politics. These ethico-political considerations are developed by drawing on insights from a number of literatures, including political psychology and decision-making, strategic voting, and broader media and infotainment research.
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Hunter, Peter Andrew. "The Canadian Federal Election of October 1993: Coverage by The Detroit Free Press, The New York Times and The Washington Post." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292220.

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Hunt, Richard. "Mapping the 2006 Canadian election : a user-controlled multilayered overlay map of federal electoral districts /." 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR29285.

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Thesis (M.Des.)--York University, 2007. Graduate Programme in higher education.
Typescript. Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR29285
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Sayers, Anthony M. (Anthony Michael). "Riding style, party ethos : nominations, candidates and local campaigns in Canadian federal elections." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7499.

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Despite having the appearance of a single event, federal elections in Canada concatenate nearly 300 individual constituency contests. Yet little is known of how constituency campaign teams operate, or how they interact with each other. In order to provide a better understanding of local campaigns, this thesis describes and explains the nature of local riding associations, the candidates they select, and the environment in which they operate. In so doing, it traces the impact of both riding and partisan forces on the character of constituency politics, and on Canadian politics more generally. The thesis focuses on major party campaigns in seven ridings in British Columbia in the 1988 federal election. It begins with a socio-political profile of each riding, including the media resources available to local campaigns. The dynamics of the local association, nomination, and campaign are then reconstructed using information gleaned from interviews with candidates, campaign managers, party strategists, and volunteers. Similarly, personal interviews with journalists who covered each of the local contests give further insights into the nature of constituency politics, and the methods by which local campaigns communicate with voters. Information on ridings and associations is then used to develop a typology of candidates and campaigns. This typology suggests that there are four archetypal candidates: local notables, party insiders, stopgaps, and those with a high profile. Each tends to be selected by a certain type of association, and to run a distinctive campaign. This typology is then applied to a number of the actual campaigns from 1988. The patterns of politics identified by this typology suggest that local associations are central to the nature of Canadian politics and democracy. Each association combines riding and partisan forces together in idiosyncratic ways. Associations are also distinctive in a comparative sense. Unlike local party organizations in other countries, they are neither beholden to their party, nor to the personal politics of a particular candidate.
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Lawlor, Andrea. "Party competition and campaign knowledge : an analysis of the 1997, 2000 and 2004 Canadian federal elections." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/18246.

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Election campaigns are often cited as tools of political learning. The intensity and volume of the information disseminated during a campaign is said to "enlighten" voters, allowing them to arrive at their preferred electoral decision. Using the 1997, 2000 and 2004 Canadian Election Studies, this paper uses the enlightenment thesis as a theoretical guide for the analyses of three types of campaign learning: policy learning, identification of party leaders and perceptions of a national party’s chances of winning the entire electoral contest. This paper examines local riding competitiveness as a catalyst for interest and competition’s role as an incentive to learn. The intensity of the competition should reveal the importance of information as it assists voters in making an effective electoral choice. From the perspective of political parties, competitiveness highlights the marginality of a riding encouraging parties to adjust levels of local candidate spending accordingly, the result of which is more information distributed to the electorate. Competitiveness should compound the pre-existing effect of campaign learning by increasing the incentives for the dissemination of information. The study concludes that there is little support for campaign learning, both on its own and as a by-product of competitiveness. There is no general learning trend in the Canadian case. In addition, highly competitive contests do not appear to provide incentive for voters to learn, save in one instance. There is a perceptible link between highly competitive local ridings and a voter’s ability to accurately predict the outcome of the national contest. Also, there is no indication that local candidate spending has any positive effect on knowledge. Strong implications arise about the concept of campaign learning and the campaigning process in general. Campaigns are not enlightening voters about factual information, and competitiveness, which should spark interest, is not providing a strong incentive to learn. These findings should encourage political parties to critically evaluate information dissemination and campaigning strategies in competitive districts.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Books on the topic "Canadian federal elections"

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The Canadian federal election of 2011. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 2011.

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Foerster, Stephen Robert. Stock market performance: The impact of Canadian federal elections and U.S. presidential elections. London, Ontario: Western Business School, University of Western Ontario, 1992.

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Manitoba, Elections. Electoral, campaign finance, lobbying, and ethics/conflict of interest legislation and litigation in Canadian federal, provincial and territorial jurisdictions. Winnipeg: Elections Manitoba, 1990.

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Canada, Elections. Federal electoral districts: Representation order of 1996. Ottawa: Chief Electoral Officer of Canada, 1996.

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Officer, Canada Chief Electoral. Federal electoral legislation =: Législation électorale fédérale. Ottawa, Ont: Chief Electoral Officer of Canada = Directeur général des élections du Canada, 2007.

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Election law in Canada: The law and procedure of federal, provincial, and territorial elections. Toronto: Butterworths, 1987.

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Branch, Canada Library of Parliament Information and Documentation. History of the federal electoral ridings since 1867. Ottawa: Library of Parliament, 1993.

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Gillies, Jamie, Vincent Raynauld, and André Turcotte, eds. Political Marketing in the 2019 Canadian Federal Election. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50281-2.

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Canada. Statistics Canada. 1991 Census. Profile of federal electoral districts, part B. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, 1991.

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Canada. Statistics Canada. 1991 Census. Profile of federal electoral districts, part A. Ottawa: Statistics Canada, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Canadian federal elections"

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Borins, Sandford, and Beth Herst. "It’s the Way You Tell It: Conflicting Narratives in the 2011, 2015, and 2019 Canadian Federal Elections." In What Political Science Can Learn from the Humanities, 57–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51697-0_3.

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Raynauld, Vincent, André Turcotte, and Jamie Gillies. "Introduction: The 2019 Canadian Federal Election." In Political Marketing in the 2019 Canadian Federal Election, 1–10. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50281-2_1.

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Magelinski, Thomas, Mihovil Bartulovic, and Kathleen M. Carley. "Canadian Federal Election and Hashtags that Do Not Belong." In Social, Cultural, and Behavioral Modeling, 161–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61255-9_16.

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Turcotte, André, Jamie Gillies, and Vincent Raynauld. "Conclusion: Déjà Vu All Over Again?" In Political Marketing in the 2019 Canadian Federal Election, 141–47. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50281-2_10.

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Lees-Marshment, Jennifer. "The New (Old) Trudeau in 2019: The Challenges and Potential for Branding Prime Ministers in Government." In Political Marketing in the 2019 Canadian Federal Election, 11–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50281-2_2.

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Cosgrove, Kenneth M. "Andrew Scheer and the Post-Harper Conservative Party: Materialist, Post-Materialist and Negative Branding." In Political Marketing in the 2019 Canadian Federal Election, 27–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50281-2_3.

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McLean, James. "Gliding In On a Wing and a Prayer: Jagmeet Singh and the NDP." In Political Marketing in the 2019 Canadian Federal Election, 41–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50281-2_4.

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Lachapelle, Guy. "The Bloc Is Back!: The Resurgence of the Bloc Québécois in 2019." In Political Marketing in the 2019 Canadian Federal Election, 57–73. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50281-2_5.

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Gillies, Jamie. "The Populist Impact: The People’s Party and the Green Party." In Political Marketing in the 2019 Canadian Federal Election, 75–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50281-2_6.

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Coletto, David. "Go Knock Doors: “New” Dimensions in Market Intelligence." In Political Marketing in the 2019 Canadian Federal Election, 91–105. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50281-2_7.

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