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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Canadian federal elections'
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1
Turcotte, André. "Dialogue de sourds, economic voting in Canadian federal elections." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/NQ41523.pdf.
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Arash, Reza. "Making Sense of Negative Campaigning in Canadian Federal Elections." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39797.
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In recent years, negativity has become a dominant theme in the political campaign. However, there are no comprehensive studies to measure the amount of negativity and to examine how parties and candidates adopt these negative strategies, particularly in the Canadian context. Although some studies have focused on a particular aspect of negative campaigning in a Canadian election, the question remains of how and to what extent parties adopt negative strategies in an election. In this thesis, I have collected and analyzed parties’ press releases in the 2015 federal election to examine and explain negativity in parties’ political campaigns. I have tested my results according to five primary theories of negative campaigning, including competitive positioning, ideological proximity, party organization, coalition or minority effect, and negative personalization, to see if these theories apply in the Canadian context. My results indicate that the 2015 federal campaign was a highly negative one, and most of the negative attacks have been directed towards the leader of the Conservative Party, Stephen Harper, while the Conservative Party published the least amount of negative attacks during the campaign. I also found that the Liberal Party has published the most negative statements during the campaign. My results also show that one of the influential factors in shaping parties’ negative campaign strategies is the other parties’ status in public opinion polls, particularly the federal voting intention factor. Although the results show that most of the attacks in the 2015 campaign targeted leaders of parties, I did not find enough support in my models to verify the negative personalization theory. The overall findings of this thesis show that Canadian elections are moving toward a presidential-style campaign, similar to the United States, by becoming more negative and more personalized, which can have significant implications for Canadian democracy.
3
Andersen, Robert C. A. "Polls, the media, and the 1997 Canadian federal election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/NQ42719.pdf.
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Farries, Greg, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "What voters want, what campaigns provide : examining Internet based campaigns in Canadian federal elections." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2005, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/250.
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This paper examines differences between what voters want from a campaign website and what political parties are actually providing on their campaign websites. A series of focus groups were conducted and the results of those discussions provided insight into what potential voters wanted from a campaign website. Analysis of the Conservative, Liberal, Bloc Quebecois, Green and New Democratic Party campaign websites was then conducted, and the results provided a glimpse at what the political parties were providing during the 2004 federal election campaign. The results of this research show that is a significance imbalance between what the political parties in Canada were providing and what the focus groups mentioned they wanted from a campaign website. The participants wanted more engaging and mobilizing features, while the campaign websites used during the 2004 election lacked these types of features.vi, 130 leaves ; 29 cm.
5
Rawson, Michael F. "Forecasting realignment, an analysis of the 1993 Canadian Federal Election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ28648.pdf.
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Marinov, Robert N. "Election News Coverage and Entertaining Politics: A Content Analysis of Infotainment Characteristics in Canadian Newspapers’ Federal Election Coverage." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41457.
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Many scholars have noted the increasingly widespread combination of politically-relevant information and entertaining or sensational media formats and presentational styles over the past several decades, falling broadly under the umbrella term of ‘infotainment.’ However, in spite of this burgeoning infotainment literature very little research has been done on the nature and dynamics of infotainment within the Canadian context. This is especially true of research on infotainment within Canada’s traditional news media outlets. To being filling this gap, this study undertakes a mixed-methods content analysis of Canadian newspapers’ coverage of the 2019 federal election to evaluate the scope and nature of infotainment therein. Building off of a systematic review and mapping of the existing infotainment literature, this study develops a comprehensive conceptual and analytical framework for defining and evaluating infotainment characteristics within ‘hard news’ coverage. The quantitative and qualitative results are outlined in detail before being evaluated for their potential implications on citizens’ information processing and political knowledge, as well as some broader evaluations of potential implications for Canadian politics. These ethico-political considerations are developed by drawing on insights from a number of literatures, including political psychology and decision-making, strategic voting, and broader media and infotainment research.
7
Hunter, Peter Andrew. "The Canadian Federal Election of October 1993: Coverage by The Detroit Free Press, The New York Times and The Washington Post." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292220.
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Hunt, Richard. "Mapping the 2006 Canadian election : a user-controlled multilayered overlay map of federal electoral districts /." 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR29285.
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Thesis (M.Des.)--York University, 2007. Graduate Programme in higher education.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR29285
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Sayers, Anthony M. (Anthony Michael). "Riding style, party ethos : nominations, candidates and local campaigns in Canadian federal elections." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7499.
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Despite having the appearance of a single event, federal elections in Canada concatenate
nearly 300 individual constituency contests. Yet little is known of how constituency campaign
teams operate, or how they interact with each other. In order to provide a better understanding
of local campaigns, this thesis describes and explains the nature of local riding associations, the
candidates they select, and the environment in which they operate. In so doing, it traces the
impact of both riding and partisan forces on the character of constituency politics, and on
Canadian politics more generally.
The thesis focuses on major party campaigns in seven ridings in British Columbia in the
1988 federal election. It begins with a socio-political profile of each riding, including the media
resources available to local campaigns. The dynamics of the local association, nomination, and
campaign are then reconstructed using information gleaned from interviews with candidates,
campaign managers, party strategists, and volunteers. Similarly, personal interviews with
journalists who covered each of the local contests give further insights into the nature of
constituency politics, and the methods by which local campaigns communicate with voters.
Information on ridings and associations is then used to develop a typology of candidates
and campaigns. This typology suggests that there are four archetypal candidates: local notables,
party insiders, stopgaps, and those with a high profile. Each tends to be selected by a certain
type of association, and to run a distinctive campaign. This typology is then applied to a number
of the actual campaigns from 1988.
The patterns of politics identified by this typology suggest that local associations are
central to the nature of Canadian politics and democracy. Each association combines riding and
partisan forces together in idiosyncratic ways. Associations are also distinctive in a comparative
sense. Unlike local party organizations in other countries, they are neither beholden to their
party, nor to the personal politics of a particular candidate.
10
Lawlor, Andrea. "Party competition and campaign knowledge : an analysis of the 1997, 2000 and 2004 Canadian federal elections." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/18246.
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Election campaigns are often cited as tools of political learning. The intensity and volume of the information disseminated during a campaign is said to "enlighten" voters, allowing them to arrive at their preferred electoral decision. Using the 1997, 2000 and 2004 Canadian Election Studies, this paper uses the enlightenment thesis as a theoretical guide for the analyses of three types of campaign learning: policy learning, identification of party leaders and perceptions of a national party’s chances of winning the entire electoral contest. This paper examines local riding competitiveness as a catalyst for interest and competition’s role as an incentive to learn. The intensity of the competition should reveal the importance of information as it assists voters in making an effective electoral choice. From the perspective of political parties, competitiveness highlights the marginality of a riding encouraging parties to adjust levels of local candidate spending accordingly, the result of which is more information distributed to the electorate. Competitiveness should compound the pre-existing effect of campaign learning by increasing the incentives for the dissemination of information. The study concludes that there is little support for campaign learning, both on its own and as a by-product of competitiveness. There is no general learning trend in the Canadian case. In addition, highly competitive contests do not appear to provide incentive for voters to learn, save in one instance. There is a perceptible link between highly competitive local ridings and a voter’s ability to accurately predict the outcome of the national contest. Also, there is no indication that local candidate spending has any positive effect on knowledge. Strong implications arise about the concept of campaign learning and the campaigning process in general. Campaigns are not enlightening voters about factual information, and competitiveness, which should spark interest, is not providing a strong incentive to learn. These findings should encourage political parties to critically evaluate information dissemination and campaigning strategies in competitive districts.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
11
Nakai, Emily. "Voters’ evaluations of prime ministerial candidates : the impact of leader traits in the 2000 Canadian federal election." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/14251.
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This study examines the impact of perceived personality traits of the political party
leaders on voting decisions in the 2000 Canadian federal election, replicating Richard
Johnston's research that is based on the 1997 election. Employing data from the 2000
Canadian Election Study (CES), the research uses Ordinary Least Squares regression analysis
to estimate how evaluations of leader personality traits over two aggregated dimensions -
competence and character - moved votes.
The changes in the design of the 2000 CES from prior years created many difficulties
in assessing voters' evaluations of the party leaders and limited the comparability of the
results from the study. The key methodological differences are: (1) leaders were not
evaluated individually; (2) it did not measure the degree of applicability of the trait labels; (3)
it included significantly fewer leader personality questions, and (4) the "new ideas" variable
does not fall squarely into either the competence and character domains and seems to favour
the new Alliance Party leader.
This study finds that leader effects are more critical to the parties struggling for their
political survival. A counterfactual party leader-switching exercise suggests that the distance
between the frontrunner parties and the others was too great for leader-switching effects to
make a difference in determining which parties would form the government and the Official
Opposition and whether the winning party would form a majority or minority government.
Joe Clark improved his party's standing during the campaign and helped it to retain
its official party status while evaluations of Stockwell Day declined. The relevance of
judgements of Day and Clark on pre-election vote intentions moved in the same direction as
voters' respective evaluations of the leaders over the campaign. This study confirms that
campaigns can have an effect on voters.
The study supports earlier research findings that suggests that Canadian elections are
vulnerable to leader effects. Conventional wisdom that is driven by the media's focus on the
personalities suggests that leaders are significant factors in Canadian federal elections, but the
empirical research reported in this study and others before it suggest otherwise.
12
Cowie, Chadwick R. J. "Validity and potential: dual-citizenship and the Indigenous vote in Canada's federal electoral process." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/22226.
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This thesis seeks to explore the idea of Indigenous participation in Canada’s federal electoral system and whether such involvement can wield positive change to the Canadian/Indigenous relationship. The analysis presented throughout this thesis highlights the development of a tarnished Canadian/Indigenous relationship as well as the debate surrounding the belonging of Indigenous peoples in relation to the Canadian state and their own Indigenous nations. Additionally, this thesis demonstrates that Indigenous peoples voting in Canada’s electoral system do not hinder Indigenous sovereignty, but may heighten its recognition instead, as well as how participation in Canada’s political system may wield influence by Indigenous peoples over Canada’s elected officials. Although potential for Indigenous influence within Canada’s electoral process exists, further research is needed to delve into the subject matter at a deeper level.
13
Drukier, Cindy Carol. "Life at the fringes of Canadian federal politics: the experience of minor parties and their candidates during the 1993 general election." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/4575.
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This thesis marks the first attempt to systematically study Canadian minor parties. Minor
parties, as distinct from third parties, are those that acquire less than 5 percent of the
national vote (usually much less than one percent) and have never sent an MP to Ottawa.
We know little about parties as a group except that their numbers have steadily
proliferated over the last 20 years and that this growth shows no signs of abating. The
goal of this paper is fill the knowledge gap surrounding minor parties and to assess the
health of electoral democracy in Canada.
Specifically, nine minor parties are studied through the experiences of their
candidates during the 1993 federal election. The findings presented are based on data
collected from government sources and on surveys and interviews administered to a
sample of minor party candidates who ran in the greater Vancouver area.
The dissemination of political beliefs not represented in mainstream politics was
the dominant reason candidates gave for participating in elections. Winning is a long term
ambition, but not expected in the short run for the majority of parties. Despite their
modest aims, minor parties and candidates are unduly fettered in their ability to effectively
compete in elections and communicate with the public. Minor party campaigns typically
have scant political resources, including money, time and workers; electoral laws —
concerning registration thresholds, broadcasting time allotments and campaign
reimbursements — designed to promote fairness, disadvantage the system's weakest players; and subtle biases on the part of the press, debate organizers and potential donors
close important channels of communication.
Of these factors, money emerged as the most important, with media exposure — or
the lack of it — a close second in terms of determining a party's competitiveness. The
National Party, with superior resources, was often an exception to the above
characterization, but ultimately, media neglect sealed its fate as a marginal party.
Notwithstanding the great odds facing minor parties, winning is not impossible given the
right alignment of factors. The Reform Party did it in 1993, providing other small parties
with hope and an example to follow.
14
Mongrain, Philippe. "La prévision des résultats électoraux : application au cas canadien." Thèse, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19405.
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Au cours des années 1970 et 1980, quelques politologues se sont lancés dans la conception de formules prévisionnelles basées sur des indicateurs politico-économiques afin d’anticiper les résultats de courses électorales. Cette discipline s’est considérablement développée aux États-Unis où l’on compte actuellement un grand nombre de modèles ayant pour objectif de prédire l’issue des élections au Congrès ou le sort des candidats à la présidence. Bien qu’un certain nombre de modèles aient vu le jour pour la France et le Royaume-Uni au cours des dernières années, le Canada, à l’instar de la majorité des démocraties, n’a reçu jusqu’à maintenant que bien peu d’attention. Ce mémoire vise par conséquent à développer un modèle ancré dans une théorie du vote capable de prédire suffisamment à l’avance la part du vote populaire récolté par la formation ministérielle lors des scrutins fédéraux canadiens. Pour ce faire, nous avons procédé à l’élaboration d’une formule de régression par la méthode des moindres carrés ordinaire exploitant les résultats des élections qui ont pris place depuis 1953. Cette formule est composée de cinq variables, à savoir la différence entre les taux de chômage canadien et américain trois mois avant la tenue du vote, le logarithme du nombre de mois passés au pouvoir par le parti sortant, un indicateur dichotomique concernant la substitution du premier ministre à proximité d’une élection, le nombre d’années d’expérience politique du premier ministre par rapport à son (sa) principal(e) adversaire et un facteur relatif à l’origine provinciale des leaders.During the 1970s and 1980s, a small group of political scientists started to develop forecasting equations based on political and economic indicators to predict election results. Election forecasting is now a thriving discipline in the United States, where a large number of different models are being used to forecast the outcome of congressional elections or the fate of presidential candidates. Although forecasting models have been developed for France and the United Kingdom over the past years, Canada, like most other democracies, has received very little attention. The goal of this thesis is to develop a theoretically-driven model that can be used to predict the popular vote share of the incumbent party in Canadian federal elections with sufficient lead time. To this end, we devised an ordinary least squares regression model using the results of elections going back to 1953. This model is composed of five variables; the difference between the unemployment rates in Canada and the United States three months before the vote, the natural logarithm of the number of consecutive months the incumbent party has been in office, a dichotomous variable related to the substitution of the Prime Minister near an election, the number of years of political experience gained by the Prime Minister in relation to his/her main opponent, and a factor related to the province of origin of party leaders.
15
Pasha, Bushra F. "Public affairs television and informational value : a case study of the "Journal's" coverage of free trade in the 1988 Canadian federal election." Thesis, 1995. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/4041/1/MM05095.pdf.
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Looks at The Journal, a public affairs television program on the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. Focuses on the informational value of its coverage of free trade with the United States (FTA) during a Canadian election campaign.
16
Owen, Andrew. "Living rooms and coffee shops as deliberative forums : informal political conversations and the practice of deliberative democracy in the 1997 Canadian federal election." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/14065.
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Theories of deliberative democracy perceive decision-making processes as truly democratic only when choices are publicly considered by all members of a society in an effort to serve the interests of a community as a whole. The size of modern political units, however, presents a tremendous obstacle to the practice of such an approach since participation by all members of a society in a single formal deliberative setting is unrealistic. This paper seeks to assess the degree to which informal political conversations emulate those envisioned in formal deliberative theory. Data collected in the 1997 Canadian Election Study is employed to assess the degree to which the processes and impacts of casual discussions about the campaign match the expectations described in deliberative theory. The results presented are equivocal as informal political discussions do have some effects on relevant political behaviours but these effects are weak and inconsistent. The concluding chapter discusses the value of competing explanations for these findings. Namely, informal conversations are significantly different from formal deliberations, and/or, the methods employed failed to adequately measure the key concept under investigation.
17
Lévesque, Alisson. "La marque politique : la bataille de l’interprétation et le rôle des médias : analyse de la marque politique du Parti libéral du Canada (2013-2015)." Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/21337.
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