Academic literature on the topic 'Canadian Political plays'
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Journal articles on the topic "Canadian Political plays"
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Bergeron, Thomas, and Thomas Galipeau. "The Political Implications of Personality in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 2 (May 14, 2021): 292–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423921000251.
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AbstractFew studies have focused on the Canadian context to examine the political impacts of personality. Even though the Canadian Election Study (CES) has measured the Big Five personality traits since 2011, very few studies have taken advantage of this data to assess personality's political role among the Canadian electorate. Using CES data from the three latest elections (2011, 2015 and 2019), we first explore how reliable the measurement of personality is. Except for agreeableness in 2015, the correlations across the personality items are similar to what is typically found in the literature. We next examine how personality affects ideology and partisan identity in the Canadian context. We show that a two-dimensional measurement of ideology refines our understanding of the impacts of personality on ideology. The findings also suggest that personality plays an essential role in forming ideology in Canada but has a limited impact on partisanship.
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Bird, Kym. "Performing Politics: Propaganda, Parody and a Women's Parliament." Theatre Research in Canada 13, no. 1 (January 1992): 168–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tric.13.1.168.
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The initial phase of women's drama in Canada coincides with the first wave of 19th-century Canadian feminism and the Canadian women's reform movement. At the time, a variety of women wrote and staged plays that grew out of their commitment to the political, ideological and social context of the movement. The 'Mock Parliament,' a form of theatrical parody in which men's and women's roles are reversed, was collectively created by different groups of suffragists in Manitoba, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. This article attempts to recuperate these works for a history of Canadian feminist theatre. It will argue that the 'dual' conservative and liberal ideology of the suffrage movement informs all aspects of the Mock Parliament. On the one hand, these plays critique the division of gender roles that material feminism wants to uphold; they are testimony to the strength of a woman's movement that knew how to work as equal players within traditionally structured political organizations. On the other hand, they betray the safe, moderate tactics of an upper and middle-class, white womanhood who wanted political representation but no structural social change. These opposing tensions are inherent in theatrical parody which is both imitative and critical.
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Kidd, Bruce. "How Do We Find Our Own Voices in the “New World Order”? A Commentary on Americanization." Sociology of Sport Journal 8, no. 2 (June 1991): 178–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.8.2.178.
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“Americanization” is a much more useful term than “globalization” in the Canadian context. The specific practices of commercial sport that have eroded local autonomy began as explicitly American practices, and state-subsidized American-based cartels flood the Canadian market with American-focused spectacles, images, and souvenirs. But the term does oversimplify the complexity of social determinations and masks the increasing role the Canadian bourgeoisie plays in continentalist sports. “American capitalist hegemony” is therefore preferable. The long debate over Americanization in Canada has also focused on the appropriate public policy response. Traditionally, Canadians have turned to the state to protect cultural expression from the inroads of American production, but that becomes increasingly difficult under neoconservative renovation and the regional trading bloc created by the 1989 U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement. The popular movements will need new means to protect and strengthen the presentation and distribution of their own sporting culture.
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McKinnie, Michael. "King-Maker: Reading Theatrical Presentations of Canadian Political History." Theatre Research in Canada 15, no. 2 (January 1994): 164–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tric.15.2.164.
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This essay examines Allan Stratton's Rexy! and Michael Hollingsworth's The Life and Times of Mackenzie King in the context of their historiographic representations of former Canadian Prime Minister Mackenzie King. The essay argues that the plays' different tropological strategies of representation determine their respective historical narratives, and explores some of the dramaturgical and theatrical implications of these strategies. Specifically, "Kingmaker" argues that Hollingsworth's narrative is constructed through metonymy, textually and scenographically drawing attention to the space between historical events and its own representation of those events. Stratton's narrative, in contrast, is guided by metaphor, and attempts to efface the representational methodologies at work in its construction of King.
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Soderlund, Walter C. "A Comparison of Press Coverage in Canada and the United States of the 1982 and 1984 Salvadoran Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900011628.
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AbstractThis article investigates press coverage in Canada and the United States of the 1982 and 1984 Salvadoran elections employing the concept of the “demonstration election,” which posits that some elections occur not to select governments and solve problems but rather to confer international legitimacy on the government holding the election. The press plays a vital role in creating this aura of legitimacy. There is some evidence that the American press played a legitimizing role in the elections. While the elections received twice as much coverage in the American press as they did in the Canadian press, with the exception of some differences in leader evaluation and emphasis on issues, Canadians received essentially the same media portrayal of the elections as did Americans.
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Pratt, G. "Housing-Consumption Sectors and Political Response in Urban Canada." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 4, no. 2 (June 1986): 165–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d040165.
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The theory of consumption sectors and the domestic property class model are both examined in terms of their claims about the links between position in the housing market and political alignment. These contradictory claims are then assessed in the Canadian context. It is argued that the theory of consumption sectors, as outlined by Dunleavy, is less helpful in understanding the Canadian situation insofar as one does find a relationship between housing position and political alignment in a situation of largely individualised housing consumption. Further, the concern of homeowners for housing programmes as election issues plays a part in maintaining the objective basis for distinctions between housing tenures, also supporting the domestic property class model.
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Lemieux, Denis, and Esther Savard. "Vers une judiciarisation du Conseil des ministres?" Les Cahiers de droit 26, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 361–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042669ar.
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In Canada on the federal and provincial levels, the Cabinet plays a powerful role as the supreme administrative agency. Unlike its British counterpart, a more conventional body, Canadian cabinets are invested with wide-ranging statutory powers of decision. In this capacity, the Cabinet makes decisions affecting the rights of individuals, groups and corporations. Under the duty to act fairly according to rules developed in British and Canadian caselaw, the Cabinet should, in such circumstances, be required to act quasi judicially. However, as a political entity, the Cabinet can hardly be characterized as a tribunal and the courts hesitate to impose an adversary system upon such an institution. Nevertheless, in several instances, Canadians have had the power to assert that the Cabinet act fairly when dealing with individual rights. The advent of charters of right is another incentive to treat the Cabinet as any agency of the Crown or other public authority bound by the principles of fundamental justice. The authors submit that this legal development may modify cabinets' decision-making powers and make them more open to external representations.
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Trilokekar, Roopa, Amira El Masri, and Hani El Masry. "Power, Politics, and Education: Canadian Universities and International Education in an Era of New Geopolitics." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 50, no. 3 (January 11, 2021): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.vi0.188777.
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This paper focuses on the recent political spars between Canada and Saudi Arabia as well as China and their impact on Canadian universities. It asks three questions: (1) What key issues did Canada’s political strains with Saudi Arabia and China raise for Canadian universities’ international education (IE) initiatives and what issues were absent? (2) What do these key issues suggest about Canada’s approaches to IE in an era of new geopolitics? and (3) What implications can be drawn from these cases about Canadian university-government relations in the context of new geopolitics? Given the powerful role media plays in education policy, a systematic study was conducted across three main media sources to identify 74 articles and news releases between August 2018 and November 2019. Three dominant themes are identified and analyzed, each vividly illustrating the close ties between global politics, government foreign policy and IE within Canadian Universities. On the one hand, the narratives speak to concerns about IE as a risk to national security and, on the other, as a vehicle for Canada’s economic prosperity. However, what the media has not achieved is a broader discussion on how Canada needs to revisit its IE objectives and approaches in light of broader geopolitical shifts. Using the theoretical framework of soft power, the paper speaks to the limitations and short-sightedness of Canada’s approach to IE as soft power in this era of new geopolitics and concludes with three recommendations for Canada.
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Bessonova, Maryna. "Canadian Assistance to Central and Eastern Europe in Post-Cold War Times." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 126–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.11.
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Canadian support for the post-communist countries of the Central and Eastern Europe is one of the important components of the international assistance. It plays a great role for the successful transition in the region from communist to the liberal political and economical system. The region consists of the very different nations, some of them already completely incorporated to the Western economic, political, defense and security structures, and others are still on their path to democracy. In the article it is proposed a short overview of the place occupied by Central and Eastern Europe among Canadian foreign policy interests; and generalizations of the main ways of Canadian assistance to the countries of the region (such as political and economic reforms, human rights, supremacy of laws, freedom of media, etc.). Support of democratic developments in the world remains one of the main priorities for Canadian foreign policy. Despite some critiques inside the Canadian society of the issues of financial support, the assistance to the developing nations of Central and Eastern Europe completely fits universal values declared as the main pillars of current Canadian foreign policy.
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Schmidtke, Oliver. "The Civil Society Dynamic of Including and Empowering Refugees in Canada’s Urban Centres." Social Inclusion 6, no. 1 (March 29, 2018): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i1.1306.
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This article addresses the critical role that civil society at the urban level plays in integrating and empowering immigrants and minorities in Canadian society. From a place-based approach, it investigates how key agencies in the local community have been instrumental in including immigrants in general and refugees in particular into the fabric of Canadian society. Empirically the analysis focuses on Neighbourhood Houses in Greater Vancouver and the Privately-Sponsored Refugee program in Canada. With the interpretative lens on the urban context, the article shows how immigrants and refugees have gained agency and voice in the public arena through place-based communities. The insight into these two empirical cases provides the basis for conceptualizing the socio-political dynamics of immigrant settlement and integration in terms of the effects generated by urban governance structures.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Canadian Political plays"
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Green, Sean Douglas. "History at Play in the Portrayal of Politicians in Canadian Drama." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34602.
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This thesis intends to focus on certain playwrights’ creative fascination and complex relationship with ‘politicians as subject’ who have been elevated to the rank of ‘greatness’ in part through their work. More specifically, it serves as a study into how playwrights mold certain politicians’ images, a type of creative investment that in turn helps craft, (re) affirm, or deconstruct the politician as a ‘cultural symbol.’ Using a historigraphic model based on Paul Ricoeur and Hayden White’s work, this thesis explores the dramaturgical approaches used by ‘artist-historian’ playwrights when creating dramatic figures inspired by Canadian politicians. In particular, it examines Linda Griffiths’ portrayal of Pierre Elliot Trudeau in Maggie and Pierre, David Fennario’s portrayal of René Lévesque in The Death of René Lévesque, and Allan Stratton’s portrayal of William Lyon Mackenzie King in Rexy!
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Farrales, May Leanne. "Gendered sexualities in migration : play, pageantry, and the politics of performing Filipino-ness in settler colonial Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/62723.
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This dissertation examines the sexualities of Filipino/as in Canada who live and work on the traditional and ancestral territories of the Musqueam, Skxwú7mesh, and Tsleil-Waututh peoples (Vancouver). Specifically, it sketches out how gender and sexual paradigms in the Philippines are brought to Canada through labour migration and are re-scripted in relation to racial, gender and sexual regimes in Canada. I examine how these negotiations take shape at three particular sites and community-organized spaces. The first site in which I attend to the making of sexualities is at Filipino basketball leagues and games organized in the local community. The second site is at community-organized beauty and religious pageants. And finally, I consider how sexualities are being articulated and worked with by self-identifying Filipino/a queer, lesbian, gay and transgender organizers and activists. I work with interviews and observations I collected at each of these community-organized spaces. To analyze how sexualities are negotiated at these sites, I use a queer diaspora, queer of colour and transnational framework that attempts to be mindful of Indigenous critiques that urge for scholarship to take into account the ongoing processes of colonialism in settler colonial nations like Canada. The dissertation suggests that sexualities taking shape at basketball games, beauty pageants and in Filipino/a queer spaces are influenced by dominant racial, gender and sexual paradigms formed in the Philippines' colonial encounters at the same time as they are negotiated in relation to normative white heteropatriarchal settler colonial logics in Canada. More broadly I argue that the racialized, classed and gendered sexualities of Filipino/as are being made and remade in the overlapping colonial and capitalist geographies of Canada's and the Philippines' distinct nation-building projects. I suggest that engaging with these geographies poses critical questions of place and politics for Filipina/os in Canada by offering ways of understanding nation that might wear away at the normalizing logics.Arts, Faculty of
Geography, Department of
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Usher, Kimberley. "The politics of health care reform: a comparative analysis of South Africa, Sweden and Canada." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20077.
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Text in EnglishSouth Africa is currently in the process health care reform as the Government has undertaken the task of providing universal health care to all South Africans through the implementation of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHI). This study took an in-depth look at the history and progression of the post-1994 South African health care policy, and applied the Power Resources Theory to the political economy of the current health care reform process in South Africa. Through a comparative study of the pivotal elements in the phases of health reform in Canada and Sweden this study drew lessons for the design and implementation of universal public health care provision in South Africa. This study found that a strong culture of care, strong political will, active civil society participation and a focus on equality as opposed to poverty in the creation of policy is essential to a successful implementation of universal health care.
Sociology
M.A. (Sociology)
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Usher, Kimberley Ann. "The politics of health care reform: a comparative analysis of South Africa, Sweden and Canada." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20077.
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Text in EnglishSouth Africa is currently in the process health care reform as the Government has undertaken the task of providing universal health care to all South Africans through the implementation of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHI). This study took an in-depth look at the history and progression of the post-1994 South African health care policy, and applied the Power Resources Theory to the political economy of the current health care reform process in South Africa. Through a comparative study of the pivotal elements in the phases of health reform in Canada and Sweden this study drew lessons for the design and implementation of universal public health care provision in South Africa. This study found that a strong culture of care, strong political will, active civil society participation and a focus on equality as opposed to poverty in the creation of policy is essential to a successful implementation of universal health care.
Sociology
M.A. (Sociology)
Books on the topic "Canadian Political plays"
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Tremblay, Guillaume. Clotaire Rapaille: L'opéra rock. Montréal]: Les éditions de Ta Mère, 2014.
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Kurapel, Alberto. 3 performances teatrales de Alberto Kurapel. [Montréal]: Humanitas, Nouvelle optique, 1987.
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Carley, Dave. The last liberal. Toronto, Ontario: Playwrights Guild of Canada, 2013.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Canadian Political plays"
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Macklin, Audrey. "(In)Essential Bordering: Canada, COVID, and Mobility." In Migration and Pandemics, 23–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81210-2_2.
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AbstractThe global spread of Covid-19 not only disrupted transborder movement. In many (if not most) states, stasis and closure became the default norm at and within borders. This, in turn, generated exceptions organised around an idea of ‘essential’ entry. The category of ‘essential’ was produced, revised, and represented through the interaction of pandemic-driven exigencies and nationally-specific articulations of the legal, political, and economic priorities and constraints in play. To understand how the admission into Canada of certain people was accepted as legally, economically, and/or politically essential, one must take account of Canada’s character as a settler society and its economic integration with the United States. Other relevant considerations are the growing dependence on migrant workers to subsidise the cost of food production for Canadian agribusiness, and on international students to subsidize the cost of higher education for nationals.
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Boyd, Taylor. "Education Reform in Ontario: Building Capacity Through Collaboration." In Implementing Deeper Learning and 21st Education Reforms, 39–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57039-2_2.
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Abstract The education system of the province of Ontario, Canada ranks among the best in the world and has been touted as a model of excellence for other countries seeking to improve their education system. In a system-wide reform, leaders used a political and professional perspective to improve student performance on basic academic skills. The school system rose to renown after this reform which moved Ontario from a “good” system in 2000 to a “great” one between 2003 and 2010 (Mourshed M, Chijioke C, Barber M. How the world’s most improved school systems keep getting better, a report McKinsey & Company. Retrieved from https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/social-sector/our-insights/how-the-worlds-most-improved-school-systems-keep-getting-better, (2010)). Premier Dalton McGuinty arrived in office in 2003 with education as his priority and was dubbed the “Education Premier” because of this mandate. His plan for reform had two primary goals: to improve student literacy and numeracy, and to increase secondary school graduation rates. McGuinty also wanted to rebuild public trust that had been damaged under the previous administration. The essential element of Ontario’s approach to education reform was allowing educators to develop their own plans for improvement. Giving responsibility and freedom to educators was critical in improving professional norms and accountability among teachers (Mourshed M, Chijioke C, Barber M. How the world’s most improved school systems keep getting better, a report McKinsey & Company. Retrieved from https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/social-sector/our-insights/how-the-worlds-most-improved-school-systems-keep-getting-better, (2010)) and the sustained political leadership throughout the entire reform concluding in 2013 provided an extended trajectory for implementing and adjusting learning initiatives. The Ministry of Education’s Student Achievement Division, which was responsible for designing and implementing strategies for student success, took a flexible “learning as we go” attitude in which the reform strategy adapted and improved over time (Directions Evidence and Policy Research Group. The Ontario student achievement division student success strategy evidence of improvement study. Retrieved from http://www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/research/EvidenceOfImprovementStudy.pdf, (2014)). This chapter will discuss influences on the reform design and key components of strategies to support student and teacher development and build a relationship of accountability and trust among teachers, the government and the public. The successes and shortcomings of this reform will be discussed in the context of their role in creating a foundation for the province’s next steps towards fostering twenty-first century competencies in classrooms.
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Fairbrother, Malcolm. "Why Globalization Didn’t Happen, 1948–1982." In Free Traders, 32–57. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190635459.003.0002.
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This chapter sets the stage for the rest of the book, describing key political economic events, conditions, and changes in Canada, Mexico, and the United States from the 1940s to the early 1980s. The US government was broadly keen on regional economic integration throughout this period, but Canada and Mexico were opposed. As a consequence, this was in some ways a period of deglobalization. Canadian economists advocated freer trade (like their counterparts in the United States), but Canadian businesspeople prevented the state from pursuing it. In Mexico, political elites maintained a closed economy because they subscribed to the developmentalist economic ideas of the day. Public opinion everywhere was little informed about international economic issues, and had no significant role to play in shaping public policies.
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Phillips, Ruth B. "Swings and roundabouts: pluralism and the politics of change in Canada’s national museums." In Curatopia, 143–58. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526118196.003.0010.
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If you are standing on the shores of the Ottawa River looking at the Canadian Museum of History, the national library and archives and other national repositories of Aboriginal heritage, you might well despair at the comprehensive losses of curatorial expertise, programs of research, and will to work collaboratively with Aboriginal people which befell these institutions under the government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper. Looking harder, however, neither the shifting political ideologies nor the era of financial constraint that began with the global financial crisis of 2008 seems to have thrown processes of decolonisation and pluralist representation that began to take root in Canada during the 1990s into reverse. Two exhibition projects that unfolded during that same period provide evidence of that the changes in historical consciousness of settler-indigenous relationships and the acceptance of cultural pluralism have provided a counterweight to the intentions of a right wing government to restore old historical narratives. This chapter discusses them as evidence of this deep and, seemingly, irreversible shift in Canadian public’s expectation s of museum representation. The first involves plans for the new exhibition of Canadian history being developed for the 150th anniversary of Canadian confederation in 2017, specifically a fishing boat named the Nisga’a Girl which was presented by a west coast First Nation to mark the successful resolution of its land claim. The second is the Sakahan exhibition of global indigenous art shown in 2013 at the National Gallery of Canada and which marked a notable departure from its past scope. While utopia has by no means been achieved, neither, surprisingly, was dystopia realised during the years of conservative reaction.
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Phillips Williams, Zoe. "Pacific Rim Cayman v El Salvador." In The Political Economy of Investment Arbitration, 81—C5.N88. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865940.003.0005.
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Abstract This chapter presents a case study of the dispute between Canadian mining company Pacific Rim Cayman and El Salvador. Despite the very different levels of development and experience with investor–state dispute settlement between Canada and El Salvador, there are striking similarities between this case and the one discussed in Chapter 6. Due to concerns regarding water use and contamination, mining became an issue in the 2009 presidential election, leading both candidates to denounce mining and the winner to uphold a de facto ban on the activity. In the wake of this decision, Pacific Rim initiated arbitration under the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA). This case study further demonstrates the role that public pressure can play in shifting state preferences towards an investment that it had earlier welcomed. It also demonstrates the way that a lack of capacity can contribute to underlying conditions which may make a dispute more likely.
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Rasmussen, Ken. "Public policy in the provinces: more powering; less puzzling." In Policy Analysis in Canada, 99–120. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447334910.003.0005.
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This chapter examines the role politics plays in the activities of provincial public servants, and how this requires provincial public services to provide both politically sensitive and administratively effective advice. Provincial public servants are torn between their roles as professional analysts and the pressures of a complex system of networked government. Rather than putting the emphasis on “speaking truth to power” they are more often concerned with “making sense together” by encouraging learning between policy actors and elected officials. In this regard, provincial public servants have a larger role in governance when compared to their federal counterparts. That is, provincial public servants are not only assemblers of facts or gatherers of data, but rather tend to be deeply engaged with relevant communities in a process of refining and redefining provincial public policy.
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Pohl, Gayle M. "The Role of Social Media in Enforcing Environmental Justice around the World." In Political Scandal, Corruption, and Legitimacy in the Age of Social Media, 123–56. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2019-1.ch006.
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This chapter is a critical analysis of the role that social media plays enforcing environmental justice around the world. It particularly examines how social media has been used internationally to foster Greenpeace International's actions to enforce environmental justice and compliance in three selected countries, namely India, Canada and Russia. The cases examined are a.) the Essar Ltd.'s coal mine project in the Mahan Forests in India; b.) Prirazlomnaya Oil Company's offshore drilling in the Artic Sea, and c.) Resolute Forests Products' mining in the Boreal Forest in Canada. The paper concludes that social media can be used to promote and foster environmental justice globally.
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Phillips Williams, Zoe. "Bilcon of Delaware Ltd v Canada." In The Political Economy of Investment Arbitration, 102—C6.N109. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865940.003.0006.
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Abstract This chapter presents a case study of the dispute between US quarrying company Bilcon Ltd and Canada. The quarry faced significant opposition from local communities as well as environmental groups. In the face of this pressure, the relevant ministry subjected the project to the strictest form of environmental review—the Joint Review Panel (JRP). The JRP ultimately recommended that the ministry not approve the project. Following the denial of its environmental permit, the company sued Canada under the North American Free Trade Agreement. This case study demonstrates that even in a high-income state with significant experience with investor–state dispute settlement, government officials can be induced to take measures which violate treaty commitments. Rather than a lack of capacity, then, it illustrates the role that public pressure and electoral concerns can play in investor–state disputes, even when the policy measures ultimately challenged by investors are administrative. It lends support to the hypothesis that investment disputes are caused by shifting domestic preferences. It also suggests that implementing increasingly strict regulatory standards can contribute to liability under an investment treaty.
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Strauss, Kendra, and Feng Xu. "What We Talk About When We Talk About Austerity: Social Policy, Public Management and Politics of Eldercare Funding in Canada and China." In Working in the Context of Austerity, 131–50. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529208672.003.0007.
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This chapter uses austerity as a lens for understanding diverse processes and argues that the market plays an ambivalent role in austerity discourse at the sub-national level in China and Canada, at the level of policy development and restructuring of the eldercare sector in Vancouver and Shanghai. It starts with a short discussion of the concept of social infrastructure. The chapter then examines social policy and public management in British Columbia and China. It reviews the history of austerity as a discourse, and its relationship to distinct but related discourses of balanced budgets, fiscal prudence, and cost containment in Canada, and balanced growth in China. Exploring how fiscal austerity leads to a variety of paths for outsourcing costs and devolving responsibility to non-government actors, the chapter highlights implicit and explicit processes of privatization, resulting in 'varieties of financialization' with distinct differences and similarities, as well as increasing connections between these 'aspiring global cities'.
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Dunbar, Robert. "The Gaelic Press." In The Edinburgh History of the British and Irish Press, Volume 3, 356–76. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474424929.003.0018.
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Throughout the period in question, Gaelic periodical publishing has faced a number of persistent problems: relatively small, and declining, numbers of speakers, comparatively low levels of literacy in the language, insufficient institutional support, and editors and writers working for little material reward. As a result, most Gaelic periodicals survived for relatively short periods, and aside from the weekly Mac-Talla, published in Canada from 1892 to 1904, there has never been a Gaelic newspaper of any significance. In spite of this, Gaelic periodicals made a major contribution to Gaelic literature and culture more generally, serving as a platform for new generations of Gaelic writers, a conduit for new styles, particularly of modernist Gaelic poetry, and new genres, such as the short story, plays, social and political comment, current affairs, humour, literary translation, and much else.