Journal articles on the topic 'Canadian Political plays'

AbstractFew studies have focused on the Canadian context to examine the political impacts of personality. Even though the Canadian Election Study (CES) has measured the Big Five personality traits since 2011, very few studies have taken advantage of this data to assess personality's political role among the Canadian electorate. Using CES data from the three latest elections (2011, 2015 and 2019), we first explore how reliable the measurement of personality is. Except for agreeableness in 2015, the correlations across the personality items are similar to what is typically found in the literature. We next examine how personality affects ideology and partisan identity in the Canadian context. We show that a two-dimensional measurement of ideology refines our understanding of the impacts of personality on ideology. The findings also suggest that personality plays an essential role in forming ideology in Canada but has a limited impact on partisanship.

The initial phase of women's drama in Canada coincides with the first wave of 19th-century Canadian feminism and the Canadian women's reform movement. At the time, a variety of women wrote and staged plays that grew out of their commitment to the political, ideological and social context of the movement. The 'Mock Parliament,' a form of theatrical parody in which men's and women's roles are reversed, was collectively created by different groups of suffragists in Manitoba, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. This article attempts to recuperate these works for a history of Canadian feminist theatre. It will argue that the 'dual' conservative and liberal ideology of the suffrage movement informs all aspects of the Mock Parliament. On the one hand, these plays critique the division of gender roles that material feminism wants to uphold; they are testimony to the strength of a woman's movement that knew how to work as equal players within traditionally structured political organizations. On the other hand, they betray the safe, moderate tactics of an upper and middle-class, white womanhood who wanted political representation but no structural social change. These opposing tensions are inherent in theatrical parody which is both imitative and critical.

“Americanization” is a much more useful term than “globalization” in the Canadian context. The specific practices of commercial sport that have eroded local autonomy began as explicitly American practices, and state-subsidized American-based cartels flood the Canadian market with American-focused spectacles, images, and souvenirs. But the term does oversimplify the complexity of social determinations and masks the increasing role the Canadian bourgeoisie plays in continentalist sports. “American capitalist hegemony” is therefore preferable. The long debate over Americanization in Canada has also focused on the appropriate public policy response. Traditionally, Canadians have turned to the state to protect cultural expression from the inroads of American production, but that becomes increasingly difficult under neoconservative renovation and the regional trading bloc created by the 1989 U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement. The popular movements will need new means to protect and strengthen the presentation and distribution of their own sporting culture.

This essay examines Allan Stratton's Rexy! and Michael Hollingsworth's The Life and Times of Mackenzie King in the context of their historiographic representations of former Canadian Prime Minister Mackenzie King. The essay argues that the plays' different tropological strategies of representation determine their respective historical narratives, and explores some of the dramaturgical and theatrical implications of these strategies. Specifically, "Kingmaker" argues that Hollingsworth's narrative is constructed through metonymy, textually and scenographically drawing attention to the space between historical events and its own representation of those events. Stratton's narrative, in contrast, is guided by metaphor, and attempts to efface the representational methodologies at work in its construction of King.

AbstractThis article investigates press coverage in Canada and the United States of the 1982 and 1984 Salvadoran elections employing the concept of the “demonstration election,” which posits that some elections occur not to select governments and solve problems but rather to confer international legitimacy on the government holding the election. The press plays a vital role in creating this aura of legitimacy. There is some evidence that the American press played a legitimizing role in the elections. While the elections received twice as much coverage in the American press as they did in the Canadian press, with the exception of some differences in leader evaluation and emphasis on issues, Canadians received essentially the same media portrayal of the elections as did Americans.

The theory of consumption sectors and the domestic property class model are both examined in terms of their claims about the links between position in the housing market and political alignment. These contradictory claims are then assessed in the Canadian context. It is argued that the theory of consumption sectors, as outlined by Dunleavy, is less helpful in understanding the Canadian situation insofar as one does find a relationship between housing position and political alignment in a situation of largely individualised housing consumption. Further, the concern of homeowners for housing programmes as election issues plays a part in maintaining the objective basis for distinctions between housing tenures, also supporting the domestic property class model.

In Canada on the federal and provincial levels, the Cabinet plays a powerful role as the supreme administrative agency. Unlike its British counterpart, a more conventional body, Canadian cabinets are invested with wide-ranging statutory powers of decision. In this capacity, the Cabinet makes decisions affecting the rights of individuals, groups and corporations. Under the duty to act fairly according to rules developed in British and Canadian caselaw, the Cabinet should, in such circumstances, be required to act quasi judicially. However, as a political entity, the Cabinet can hardly be characterized as a tribunal and the courts hesitate to impose an adversary system upon such an institution. Nevertheless, in several instances, Canadians have had the power to assert that the Cabinet act fairly when dealing with individual rights. The advent of charters of right is another incentive to treat the Cabinet as any agency of the Crown or other public authority bound by the principles of fundamental justice. The authors submit that this legal development may modify cabinets' decision-making powers and make them more open to external representations.

This paper focuses on the recent political spars between Canada and Saudi Arabia as well as China and their impact on Canadian universities. It asks three questions: (1) What key issues did Canada’s political strains with Saudi Arabia and China raise for Canadian universities’ international education (IE) initiatives and what issues were absent? (2) What do these key issues suggest about Canada’s approaches to IE in an era of new geopolitics? and (3) What implications can be drawn from these cases about Canadian university-government relations in the context of new geopolitics? Given the powerful role media plays in education policy, a systematic study was conducted across three main media sources to identify 74 articles and news releases between August 2018 and November 2019. Three dominant themes are identified and analyzed, each vividly illustrating the close ties between global politics, government foreign policy and IE within Canadian Universities. On the one hand, the narratives speak to concerns about IE as a risk to national security and, on the other, as a vehicle for Canada’s economic prosperity. However, what the media has not achieved is a broader discussion on how Canada needs to revisit its IE objectives and approaches in light of broader geopolitical shifts. Using the theoretical framework of soft power, the paper speaks to the limitations and short-sightedness of Canada’s approach to IE as soft power in this era of new geopolitics and concludes with three recommendations for Canada.

Canadian support for the post-communist countries of the Central and Eastern Europe is one of the important components of the international assistance. It plays a great role for the successful transition in the region from communist to the liberal political and economical system. The region consists of the very different nations, some of them already completely incorporated to the Western economic, political, defense and security structures, and others are still on their path to democracy. In the article it is proposed a short overview of the place occupied by Central and Eastern Europe among Canadian foreign policy interests; and generalizations of the main ways of Canadian assistance to the countries of the region (such as political and economic reforms, human rights, supremacy of laws, freedom of media, etc.). Support of democratic developments in the world remains one of the main priorities for Canadian foreign policy. Despite some critiques inside the Canadian society of the issues of financial support, the assistance to the developing nations of Central and Eastern Europe completely fits universal values declared as the main pillars of current Canadian foreign policy.

This article addresses the critical role that civil society at the urban level plays in integrating and empowering immigrants and minorities in Canadian society. From a place-based approach, it investigates how key agencies in the local community have been instrumental in including immigrants in general and refugees in particular into the fabric of Canadian society. Empirically the analysis focuses on Neighbourhood Houses in Greater Vancouver and the Privately-Sponsored Refugee program in Canada. With the interpretative lens on the urban context, the article shows how immigrants and refugees have gained agency and voice in the public arena through place-based communities. The insight into these two empirical cases provides the basis for conceptualizing the socio-political dynamics of immigrant settlement and integration in terms of the effects generated by urban governance structures.

Lest We Forget, my current research project at Concordia University, critically analyses the history of queer theatre and performance as it intersects with the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Canada. Stretching over three decades and taking the country's bilingualism into consideration, its objectives are to study the aesthetic variety and political complexity of plays and performances that attend to the epidemic and to identify the multiple challenges faced by theatre artists and activists. Furthermore, the project explores the methodological and historiographical challenges when studying HIV/AIDS theatre and performance in a Canadian context.

The assessment of the state of security cooperation between Ukraine and Canada on the NATO platform is carried out in the context of the study of Ukraine's role in Canada's actual security policy. The importance of such a study is determined by the priority of solving urgent problems in the field of international support for national security and the implementation of the foreign policy course for Euro-Atlantic integration of our state. The existence of significant threats to the national security of Ukraine in the context of conflict with Russian Federation determines the relevance of studying the theoretical and practical aspects of cooperation with key foreign partners to counter security challenges. Canada remains a staunch supporter of Ukraine’s state sovereignty, regardless of temporary changes in domestic and foreign policy. Such a consistent position of Ottawa defines the significance and effectiveness of the special partnership of this state with Ukraine, in particular, in the field of security policy. The article reviews the main aspects of Ukrainian-Canadian cooperation within NATO as the main multilateral security platform for Ukraine. An important component of Canadian support for Ukraine is the desire to bring Ukrainian military, social and democratic standards in line with the standards of NATO member countries. In this context, Canadian practical and expert experience is extremely important for our country. We are constantly confirming this in the process of meaningful Ukrainian-Canadian political dialogue within international organizations and NATO in particular. Thus, Ottawa actively supports Ukraine's efforts for Euro-Atlantic integration and plays an important role in filling the practical content of Kyiv's cooperation with the Alliance in the military-political and humanitarian spheres.

The history of the Great Canadian Theatre Company of Ottawa is traced since its founding in 1975 by a group of students and teachers of Carleton University, Nationalist, leftist and populist in aim, the company was established by Bill Law (first Artistic Director), Greg Reid, Lois Shannon and Robin Matthews, whose play A Woman is Dying was their first inspiration. After a number of years without a base, the company built its own theatre in 1982. The article quotes extensively from the Members Handbook setting out the company's goals, the primary one being the presentation of Canadian plays by Canadian theatre practitioners. The theatre's political emphasis is compared with other theatre groups in the Ottawa area.

The more than century-long history of Ukrainians in Canada led to the formation of unique Ukrainian-Canadian relations, which were later legally consolidated as a «special partnership» in the Joint Declaration on a Special Partnership between Ukraine and Canada dated March 31, 1994. Both Ukraine and Canada were colonies of two empires. After all, Canada, as a state, arose as a result of the colonization of the territory of North America by two competing European nations: the French and the Anglo-Saxons. In turn, the western part of Ukraine once belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the eastern part to the Russian Empire. The colonial past of both states determines their certain historical kinship, which is one of the specific features of the «special partnership» relationship between our countries. However, the formation and development of Ukrainian-Canadian «special partnership» relations took place under the influence of the super-powerful Ukrainian diaspora in Canada, which, being one of the most powerful and organized, not only plays a prominent role in the political life of its country, but also acts as a decisive factor that determines the specificity of Ukrainian - Canadian relations. The Ukrainian community in Canada is one of the most powerful, organized and active. As a result, a prominent role in the political and cultural life of Canada. The Ukrainian community of Canada managed to positively integrate into the country's non-ethnic society, at the same time preserve its identity and act as a reliable partner of Ukraine in the implementation of internal democratic reforms and improvements in foreign policy positions. Having variable instruments of influence on international politics, it used the most effective strategy for achieving its own goals, the essence of which is to influence the policy formation of the host state. The Ukrainian diaspora played a significant role in shaping the image of independent Ukraine in Canada, in popularizing Ukrainian domestic and foreign policy, which contributed to the formation of friendly and mutually beneficial relations between the two countries and found its logical continuation in the form of the establishment of first diplomatic relations, and later «special partnership» relations between Ukraine and Canada.

AbstractPast studies have shown that religion plays an important role in voting behaviour in Canada. Yet, little is known about the changes this religious vote has undergone over the past few decades. Using Canadian Election Studies data, we analyze the evolving impact of religious affiliation and level of religiosity on vote choice in federal elections between 1965 and 2011. We find that, as the marginal impact of Catholic and mainline Protestant traditions has declined, the effect of level of religiosity has gained in importance. In 2011, religious citizens were overall more likely to vote Conservative and secular individuals were more likely to vote NDP both in Quebec and in the rest of Canada. Some distinct voting patterns also remain for non-mainline Protestant groups in the ROC and religious nones in Quebec.

The renegotiation of NAFTA was surrounded by a dramatic atmosphere, just as Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs Chrystia Freeland predicted. The negotiations took place against a backdrop of unilateral trade measures, President Trump’s mercantilist approach to trade policy, and the United States’ specified preference for bilateral trade deals. This article argues that, for the most part, economic, political and cultural relations in the NAFTA countries are bilateral in nature, but with important trilateral production chains in specific sectors, most notably in the automotive sector. Beyond these trilateral sectors, the relationship between Canada and Mexico plays a relatively minor role. However, replacing NAFTA with bilateral agreements would have placed Canada and Mexico at a disadvantage, relative to the United States, in terms of attracting foreign direct investment. Nevertheless, Canadian and Mexican interests do not always coincide, nor do their negotiating positions. For example, Mexico was willing to give up Chapter 19 dispute settlement for trade remedies, whereas Canada insisted on keeping it in place. In end, USMCA Chapter 10 preserves this dispute settlement mechanism for all three parties. Canada was willing to give up NAFTA Chapter 11 on foreign investment disputes, whereas Mexico accepted a modified version. The result is a trilateral agreement with significant bilateral elements, as well as global elements that will serve as a possible model in future megaregional and multilateral negotiations.

Abstract.Although scholars have identified political talk radio (PTR) as an important site of political socialization, the current literature has largely failed to examine the political relevance of PTR's rhetorical strategies and has virtually ignored Canadian PTR altogether. This article addresses these gaps by analyzingAdler On Line, Canada's only nationally syndicated commercial PTR program, to show thathowCanadian PTR talks, particularly its use of populist rhetoric, plays a central role in establishing what type of political deliberation and debate is possible within it. Divided into two main sections, the article first explores howAdler On Linerenders a particular epistemological framework authoritative. The second section then analyzes the rules and norms of political expression and debate encouraged by the show's style of argutainment debate. The article concludes with a more speculative evaluation of the practical consequences as well as the theoretical and normative implications of these discursive practices.Résumé.Bien que les auteurs de recherches reconnaissent que la radio interactive politique (RIP) représente un lieu important de socialisation politique, la littérature courante dans ce domaine omet, en grande partie, d'analyser la signification politique des stratégies rhétoriques de la RIP, tout en laissant entièrement dans l'ombre les activités de RIP canadiennes. Visant à combler ces lacunes, le présent article offre, dans un premier temps, une analyse de l'émissionAdler On Line, qui est la seule émission de RIP commerciale souscrite nationalement au Canada, puis démontre quele mode d'expressiontypique adopté dans cette émission, et surtout son usage de la rhétorique populiste, ont une incidence déterminante sur le genre de délibération et de débat politiques que permet la radio parlée au Canada. L'article se divise en deux grandes parties. La première explore le cadre épistémologique particulier de l'émissionAdler On Lineetla manièredont ce cadre se voit empreint d'autorité. La seconde partie analyse les règles ou normes de débat et d'expression des opinions politiques qu'encourage le style divertissant de cette émission-débat. Pour conclure, les auteurs évaluent de façon plus spéculative les conséquences pratiques de ces formes d'expression discursive, tout comme leur incidence théorique et normative.

The paper examines the range of currency and exchange rate regimes choices facing small countries living next to large currency blocs, such as the euro area and the United States. It draws on Canada's successful experience in the 1990s with a flexible exchange rate and explicit inflation targets to argue that such a monetary rule may be the appropriate policy alternative for small countries in this situation such as the United Kingdom or Norway, that are unwilling to surrender their national currency or their monetary independence for economic or political reasons. Because the Canadian economy is more dependent on the production of natural resource products than the economy of its major trading partner, the United States, Canada's flexible exchange rate plays a valuable role in helping to stabilise the Canadian economy in the face of global shocks to natural resource prices.

Abstract.The recent decline in electoral turnout in Canada has attracted the concern of scholars and public officials, but the partisan consequences of this decline have received only scant attention. We begin to address that question with a simulation based on the 1997 Canadian Election Study. Based on estimated probabilities of individual behaviour derived from multinomial logit models of voter choice, we find that higher turnout would have likely hurt the Liberal party in Quebec, but slightly helped the Liberals outside of Quebec. We interpret this pattern as evidence that generational politics plays a role in shaping the relationship between electoral turnout and partisan support.Résumé.Le déclin récent dans la participation électorale au Canada a attiré l'intérêt des chercheurs et des représentants de l'Etat, mais les conséquences partisanes de ce déclin n'ont sucité qu'une attention limitée. Nous commençons à aborder cette question à l'aide d'une simulation basée sur l'Etude électorale canadienne de 1997. En nous appuyant sur des probabilités estimatives du comportement individuel dérivées de modèles logistique multinominal du choix d'électeur, nous constatons qu'une participation plus importante aurait probablement nuit au Parti Libéral au Québec, mais aurait légèrement favorisé le Parti Libéral en dehors du Québec. Nous interprétons ce modèle comme preuve que la politique de générations contribue à la formation du rapport entre la participation électorale et l'appui partisan.

This discussion paper attends to subcultural production emerging at the intersection of Medical Assistance in Dying (MAiD), death, disability, and other forms of precarious life. We think with disability arts, that is art created by disabled, mad, sick, and ill people that springs from the experience, politics, and culture of disability (Frazee, 2008) and plays an important role in advancing disability rights and justice. We consider how this form of cultural production animates diverse and intersectional representations and political perspectives in ways that are invitational rather than didactic or prescriptive. By engaging three Canadian disability performance art pieces that activate “crip theory” critical perspectives, we consider how these subcultural productions both indirectly support and extend disability rights endeavours to challenge the implementation of MAiD legislation in Canada. We highlight how each of these works creates space for thinking about the relationship of death and dying in nuanced ways that promote disability life and vitality in a post-MAiD context, without slipping into ableist tropes.

This article interprets the notwithstanding clause in section 33 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. When a legislature activates the notwithstanding clause, subsection 33(2) temporarily ensures a protected law’s ‘operation’ by preventing it from being ‘inconsistent’ with the Constitution of Canada in the sense of the supremacy clause, thereby precluding judicial remedies such as striking down. Construed in the light of its components (some never considered by the Supreme Court of Canada) and other constitutional features, the notwithstanding clause does not make rights irrelevant or strip them of their legal character. Nor does it confide the assessment of trade-offs about rights to the legislature alone. Instead, subsection 33(3) indicates a framework for such assessments in which the voting public plays a crucial evaluative role. The courts, as interpreters and guardians of the Constitution, can, and in some circumstances should, support the public’s constitutional role by declaring the extent to which a protected law unjustifiably limits Charter rights. The public’s ability to take such declarations into account in evaluating rights trade-offs would advance the democratic purpose of subsection 33(3), a purpose that underpins our constitutional framework more broadly.

AbstractThe policy consequences of having more women in positions of political power remain an issue of debate in the literature on women and politics. Since differences in the attitudes of women and men politicians are important to this question, data on gender differences in the opinions of politicians are a welcome contribution to the debate. This article explores the question of gender differences in opinion among a sample of candidates for the 1993 Canadian general election and considers whether differences persist once party is taken into account. The findings confirm the view that on issues particularly related to women, gender does structure opinion. On other issues, while party plays a predominant role in differentiating opinion, gender has an imprint, albeit variable by party and attitudinal domain.

AbstractThe use of criminal-law powers to respond to people with HIV who place others at risk of HIV infection has emerged as a focal point of AIDS advocacy at global, national, and local levels. In the Canadian context, reform efforts that address the criminalization of HIV non-disclosure have been hampered by the absence of data on the contours, scale, and outcomes of criminalization. This article responds to that gap in knowledge with the first comprehensive analysis of the temporal trends, demographic patterns, and aggregate outcomes of Canadian criminal cases of HIV non-disclosure. The authors draw on insights into the role that rendering social phenomena in numerical terms plays for the governance of social life in order to make criminalization “visible” in ways that might contribute to activist responses. The article examines temporal trends, demographic patterns, and outcomes separately. In each instance, the pattern or trend identified is described, potential explanations for findings are offered, and an account is given of how the data have informed efforts to reform criminal law. Particular attention is paid to the following key findings: a sharp increase in criminal cases that began in 2004; the large proportion of recent criminal cases involving defendants who are heterosexual Black, African, and Caribbean men; and the high proportion of criminal cases resulting in conviction. The article closes with suggestions for future research.

Abstract.This article contests the concepts of “region” and “regionalism” in Canadian political science. There is widespread agreement among observers of politics in Canada that the country is divided in politically consequential ways along regional lines. There is little agreement, however, about what causes these regional divisions or, indeed, about where the lines of regional division should be drawn. As a result, rival explanations for regional differences in Canada are commonly tested against different evidence arising from different definitions of region. This article argues that “region” should be conceptualized in generalizable terms as the physical space that surrounds an individual, and that “regionalism” should be conceptualized as an affective attachment to the people, places and institutions within a geographic area. Regionalism, from this perspective, is a concept that plays an important role in driving regional differences in opinion differences rather than simply describing these differences. The article applies this argument to a study of regional differences in Canadian opinions about government involvement in the economy. The empirical analysis points to the need for the development of concepts that can be generalized across explanations and levels of analysis. Even on the single issue analyzed here, regional differences appeared to have different causes in different regions, and these different causes seemed to operate at different levels of analysis.Résumé.Cet article questionne le bien-fondé des concepts de “région” et de “régionalisme” tels qu'utilisés dans la littérature en science politique au Canada . La plupart des politologues s'entendent pour souligner l'importance des clivages régionaux dans la politique canadienne. Par contre, on s'entend moins sur l'identification des sources de ces divisions régionales, ainsi que sur la délimitation de ces différentes régions. Par conséquent, les études scientifiques des facteurs possibles qui sous-tendent les clivages régionaux sont souvent difficile a comparé puisqu'elles utilisent différentes définitions du concept de “région”. Cet article défend l'idée que le concept de “région” devrait être limité à décrire l'espace physique où se situe un individu. Par ailleurs le concept de “régionalisme” devrait inclure l'idée d'un attachement affectif aux personnes, endroits et institutions d'un emplacement géographique donné. Le régionalisme, dans cette perspective, doit être compris comme une cause des clivages régionaux, et non comme une simple description de ces différences. Cet article propose l'utilisation de cette distinction conceptuelle à une étude des différences régionales quant à l'opinion publique sur le rôle que devrait avoir le gouvernement dans l'économie. L'analyse empirique démontre l'importance de développer des concepts qui peuvent être généralisés au point de s'appliquer à différentes explications et niveaux d'analyse. Si on se fie au seul enjeu étudié dans cet article, les clivages régionaux semblent avoir différentes causes dans chacune des régions, et ces causes semblent opérer à différents niveaux d'analyse.

AbstractVera Frenkel’s video and installation work focuses on the complexities of intercultural relations and identities, always raising issues of uncertainty, fantasy, and cultural expectations. Born in Bratislava in 1938, carried by her mother out of Europe on the eve of war, Frenkel came to Canada as a teenager, studied sociology at McGill University, and turned to art to explore the passages and perplexities of Canadian diasporic life. While there is little that is insistently Jewish in her art, the work draws unmistakeably on modern Jewish experience, and extends its impact to a wider, multi-cultural world.My paper focuses on four works. With a ground-breaking use of internet technology, String Games (1974) plays on the game of Cat’s Cradle to link disparate and distant communities. …from the Transit Bar (1992–) constructs a train station bar as a site of social and political flight, with Yiddish prominent among a babble of languages. Body Missing (1993), an interactive internet site, continues the journey—as viewers follow clues in pursuit of the Shoah’s ‘missing bodies.’ The recent video installation Blue Train (2014) again invokes flight and promise, melding danger and opportunity. With Jewish history and experience a recurrent theme, Frenkel’s art explores the pressures of and pleasures in Canada’s cultural mosaic.

With the rapid rise of fast food consumption in Canada, Ontario was the first province to legislate menu labelling requirements via the enactment of the Healthy Menu Choice Act (HMCA). As the news media plays a significant role in policy debates and the agenda for policymakers and the public, the purpose of this mixed-methods study was to clarify the manner in which the news media portrayed the strengths and critiques of the Act, and its impact on members of the community, including consumers and stakeholders. Drawing on data from Canadian regional and national news outlets, the major findings highlight that, although the media reported that the HMCA was a positive step forward, this was tempered by critiques concerning the ineffectiveness of using caloric labelling as the sole measure of health, and its predicted low impact on changing consumption patterns on its own. Furthermore, the news media were found to focus accountability for healthier eating choices largely on the individual, with very little consideration of the role of the food industry or the social and structural determinants that affect food choice. A strong conflation of health, weight and calories was apparent, with little acknowledgement of the implications of menu choice for chronic illness. The analysis demonstrates that the complex factors associated with food choice were largely unrecognized by the media, including the limited extent to which social, cultural, political and corporate determinants of unhealthy choices were taken into account as the legislation was developed. Greater recognition of these factors by the media concerning the HMCA may evoke more meaningful and long-term change for health and food choices.

In perhaps no other area of scholarship is access to information (ATI) legislation as contentious and the stakes so high as in policing and security research. Although ATI has become an important mechanism by which researchers have been able to analyse security and police practices, there remain significant legislative barriers preventing access. A decade after 9/11, the need for increased scrutiny of government agencies tasked with security and policing remains high, as is evident from the proliferation of public and private policing, the advance of a general societal risk aversion, and the now ubiquitous nature of state security and surveillance. In this article we offer first-hand accounts that highlight the institutional imbalances between police organizations and researchers, and consider the potential long-term effects of ATI in this area of scholarship. ATI legislation in Canada is increasingly becoming both a tool for researchers to penetrate policing organizations and also a weapon with which security institutions can stymie critical inquiry.The significant amount of Canadian ATI research that has stemmed from national security scholars shows the difficulties faced in this field when attempting to exercise the “right to know.” The strident lack of transparency within security and policing institutions tips the balance of access versus secrecy towards the latter, under the ever-present assumption that secrecy equals security. However, this area of research plays an important role in political discourse by fostering public dialogue and raising awareness of questionable and illegal security practices. As Larsen points out, we have seen ATI used recently to shed light on politicized security issues such as the Arar Inquiry, the campaign to repatriate Abousfian Abdelrazik, and, most recently, the Afghan detainee transfer scandal.

This study examined the associations between ambivalent sexism (i.e., hostile and benevolent sexism) and relationship adjustment in young adult couples by testing an actor-partner interdependence model. The sample was composed of 219 cohabiting heterosexual Canadian couples. The findings suggest that ambivalent sexism plays a role in young adults’ perceptions of the quality of their romantic relationship, but gender differences exist. Women and men who more strongly endorsed hostile sexism tended to report lower relationship adjustment. Women’s hostile sexism was also negatively related to their partners’ relationship adjustment, whereas their benevolent sexism was positively related to their own and their partners’ relationship adjustment. For their part, men’s ambivalent sexism was unrelated to their partners’ relationship adjustment and their benevolent sexism was also unrelated to their own relationship adjustment. The results are discussed in light of the insidious consequences that can accompany ambivalent sexism. Even though hostile sexism functions to protect men’s societal advantages, it comes with costs to their romantic relationships. In contrast, despite the rewards benevolent sexism can bring on the relational level, its endorsement may hinder the attainment of gender equality by encouraging women to invest in their relationship at the expense of independent achievements.

Cold War scholarship has largely neglected Canada's role, including the important part Canada played in U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower's defense policy. This article shows that after the Soviet thermonuclear detonation in August 1953, the Eisenhower administration urgently sought Canada's participation in joint continental air defense plans. Canadian officials thereafter struggled to minimize U.S. intrusions on their national sovereignty and ensure the integrity of Canada's national interests. To accomplish their respective goals, the two sides instituted secret, high-level consultative meetings from October 1953 through September 1954. The meetings enabled U.S. and Canadian officials to exchange views regarding U.S. proposals for an early warning network across northern Canada and allowed the Eisenhower administration to keep its Canadian counterpart apprised of U.S. defense plans. U.S.-Canadian interactions during this period set the tone for the two countries' defense relationship throughout the Cold War.

Mitch Podolak said, “Pete Seeger and Leon Trotsky lead to everything in my life, especially the Winnipeg Folk Festival.” This article discusses the creation of the Winnipeg Folk Festival (WFF) in 1974 as Podolak’s first attempt to fuse his ten years of Trotskyist political training with his love for folk music. His intention was to create a Canadian folk festival which would embody the politically resistant nature of the Trotskyist international movement for the purpose of challenging the Canadian liberal capitalist democratic system on a cultural front. Heavily influenced by the American Communist Party’s use of folk music, Podolak believed that the folk song and its performance were socially important. This importance, he believed, stemmed from the social cohesion that could be created within a festival performance space. This space, when thoughtfully organized, could have the ability to create meaning. The relationships between the artistic director, the folk singer, the folk song and the festival audience become intertwined to dialectically create the meaning of the song and the space simultaneously defining folk music

In 2005 the Canadian federal government initiated a New Deal for Cities and Communities. The program, which involved bilateral agreements with provincial governments, promised substantial funding to municipalities to promote integrated community sustainability through capacity building and infrastructure renewal. We evaluate the content of sustainability plans and the processes that produced them in one region: Atlantic Canada. The findings suggest that although the state mandate and funding resources produced a large number of sustainability plans, changing national political priorities and local desperation for economic and population growth undermined the program’s initial commitment to and potential for environmental and social sustainability.

AbstractAfter years of pension policy drift in a broader context of global austerity, the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) was enhanced for the first time in 2016 to expand benefits for Canadian workers. This article examines Ontario's central role in these reforms. The deteriorating condition of workplace plans, coupled with rising retirement income insecurity across the province's labour force, generated new sources of negative feedback at the provincial level, fuelling Ontario's campaign for CPP reform beginning in the late 2000s. The political limits of policy drift and layering at the provincial level is considered in relationship to policy making at the national level. As shown, a new period of pension politics emerged in Canada after 2009, in which the historical legacy of CPP's joint governance structure led to a dynamic of “collusive benchmarking,” shaped in large part by political efforts of the Ontario government, leading to CPP enhancement.

This year the world is faced with a new global challenge of novel coronavirus, a strategy for responding to which each country has developed its own. For many countries, the spread of COVID-19 has highlighted problems and exposed weaknesses that have become more pronounced every month. Canada is no exception. Despite the developed economy, strong democratic institutions and effective governance at the federal, provincial and territorial levels, the pandemic has become a threat not only to people’s lives, but also to the economic and political systems. The federal government, as well as provincial and territorial authorities were placed in unprecedented conditions when it was necessary to make tough decisions on the introduction of restrictive measures (including a ban on mass events, restrictions on freedom of movement, mandatory quarantine for visitors) and at the same time timely financial support for the Canadian population. The federal center, together with regional authorities – provinces and territories – have formed an integral system of response measures in various areas, including support mechanisms for individuals (students, elderly people, persons with disabilities, indigenous people, etc.), Canadian NGOs, business – community, various sectors of the economy – from agriculture to energy. Also a system of timely exchange of information and data, increasing the dynamism and efficiency of political decision-making process was launched. This article is about the multidimensional focus of Canada's response to the COVID-19 outbreak, plans for responding to the new challenge at the federal and provincial-territorial levels, and how politically effective the federal government's decisions have been.

AbstractDrawing on the literature on federalism and public policy, the present article explores the recent politics of two highly-similar and closely integrated Canadian public pension programs created in the mid-1960s: the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) and the Quebec Pension Plan (QPP). This article argues that the parallel evolution of CPP/QPP can be understood by examining how the unique jurisdictional arrangements for the CPP/QPP interacted with other factors to generate by these linked programs have led to the emergence of specific federalism policy dynamics, while muting or foreclosing other potential policy dynamics. As shown, governments have engaged in a process of ‘collusive benchmarking’ that has limited the scope of the available policy options. Differing demographic trends in Quebec and the ‘Rest of Canada’ have strained but also reinforced this policymaking dynamic in recent years. Simultaneously, intergovernmental race to the top dynamics have facilitated the recent push for both CPP and, later, QPP expansion.

Canada and Germany are both pursuing major energy transitions and far-reaching climate programs but differ in terms of policies towards some energy sources and their preferred policy instruments. Both countries have committed to large scale emission reductions despite the challenge of regional divestment from fossil fuels: hard coal in North Rhine Westphalia and the Saarland; lignite in the Rhineland, on the German-Polish border in the Lusatsia (Lausitz) region, and in central Germany; coal in Alberta, Saskatchewan and Nova Scotia; and oil in Western Canada. We contrast the current Pan Canadian framework (PCF) on Clean Growth and Climate Change to the German Climate Law and the European Green Deal setting targets to become climate neutral by 2050. Germany has plans for a dual phase out of nuclear energy by 2022 and coal by 2038. In contrast, Canada differs by province in terms of policies on fossil fuels and nuclear energy. Both are leaders in renewable energies, but differ in the type of renewable energy which dominates. We further examine the international action components of the PCF and its implications for collaboration with Germany and the EU. We discuss potential partnerships and strategic alliances between Canada and Germany in the context of their mutual interest to enable an energy transition and to lead to the implementation of the Paris agreement for climate change action. We identify political challenges within each federation, and especially the approach to impacted coal regions in Germany and Poland as well as the Canadian oil sands. Barriers to progress for meeting identified targets and timelines are considered. We conclude with insights on the possibility and likelihood of linking policies and regulatory measures across the Atlantic, and the political threats of advancing towards decarbonization and an energy transition away from fossil fuels in each jurisdiction.

The Quebec and Ontario health insurance and health service delivery systems, developed within the parameters of federal regulations and national financial subsidies, provide generally universal and comprehensive basic hospital and medical benefits and increasingly provide for the delivery of long-term care services. Within a framework of cooperative federalism, the health care systems of Ontario and Quebec have developed uniquely. In terms of vital statistics, the health of Ontario and Quebec residents generally is comparable. In viewing expenditures, Quebec has a more clearly articulated plan for providing accessible services to low-income persons and for integrating health and social services, although it has faced some difficulties in seeking to achieve the latter goal. Its plans for decentralized services are counterbalanced by a strong provincial role in health policy decision-making. Quebec's political culture also allows the province to play a stronger role in hospital planning and in the regulation of physician income than one finds in Ontario. These political dynamics allow Quebec an advantage in control of costs. In Ontario, in spite of some recent setbacks, physician interests and hospital sector interests play a more active role in health system bargaining and are usually able to influence remuneration and resource allocation decisions more than physician interests and hospital sector interests in Quebec.

FR. L’objectif de cet article est d’analyser la relation entre les journalistes internationaux et les fixeurs locaux dans le contexte du reportage de guerre. Profession de l’ombre, le métier de fixeur reste méconnu malgré sa grande contribution aux correspondants étrangers dans des environnements inconnus et souvent hostiles. Le rôle des fixeurs est devenu indispensable à la pratique du journalisme international et du journalisme dans les zones de conflit. Les auteurs étudient les apports des fixeurs au travail des correspondants étrangers et présentent une étude de cas qui porte sur des journalistes canadiens et internationaux qui ont été accrédités par l’armée canadienne durant la guerre en Afghanistan entre 2002 et 2011. Les données de cette étude reposent sur des entrevues semi-structurées avec les correspondants étrangers et un corpus documentaire sur la couverture médiatique de la guerre en Afghanistan. La relation entre les journalistes accrédités et les fixeurs locaux a été un élément essentiel du reportage de guerre indépendant. En plus du reportage intégré (embedded), la plupart des journalistes interviewés ont pratiqué le reportage de guerre non-intégré, principalement auprès des sources politiques et civiles afghanes. L’analyse révèle une relation multiforme et complexe avec trois principaux apports du fixeur qui portent sur l’accès, la protection et la production. Le fixeur joue un rôle d’éclaireur et de traducteur pour assurer l’accès des correspondants étrangers aux sources locales dans un territoire qui a des caractéristiques linguistiques et culturelles propres (compétence locale). Le fixeur joue un rôle de protecteur qui repose sur des actions de conseil et de recommandation dans un environnement hostile pour assurer la sécurité des correspondants étrangers (compétence de risque). Le fixeur joue un rôle de producteur de contenu en contribuant au processus journalistique de production de l’information par la suggestion d’idées et d’angles de traitement ainsi que la réalisation d’entrevues et d’images (compétence éditoriale). *** EN. The purpose of this article is to analyze the relationship between international journalists and local fixers in the context of war reporting. A shadow profession, the craft of the fixer remains unrecognized despite its great contribution to foreign correspondents in unknown and often hostile environments. The role of fixers has become essential to the practice of international journalism and in conflict zones reporting. The authors study the fixers’ input to the work of foreign correspondents and present a case study on Canadian and international journalists who have been accredited by the Canadian military during the war in Afghanistan between 2002 and 2011. The data of this study is based on semi-structured interviews with foreign correspondents and a corpus of documents on media coverage of the war in Afghanistan. The relationship between accredited journalists and local fixers has been a critical part of unembedded independent war reporting. In addition to embedded reporting, most of the journalists interviewed practiced non-embedded war reporting, mainly with Afghan political and civilian sources. The analysis reveals a multifaceted and complex relationship with three main contributions of the fixer, which relate to access, protection and production. The fixer plays a role of scout and translator to ensure access for foreign correspondents to local sources in a territory that has specific linguistic and cultural characteristics (local skill). The fixer plays a protective role based on advice and recommendation actions in a hostile environment to ensure the safety of foreign correspondents (risk skill). The fixer plays a role of content producer by contributing to the journalistic process of newsgathering and production and by suggesting story ideas and story angles as well as conducting interviews and taking images (editorial skill). *** PT. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar a relação entre jornalistas internacionais e fixers (facilitadores/mediadores locais) no contexto de reportagens de guerra. Profissional das sobras, o fixer permanece pouco conhecido, embora sua atuação contribua muito com o trabalho dos correspondentes estrangeiros em ambientes alheios e muitas vezes hostis. O papel do fixer tornou-se indispensável para a prática do jornalismo internacional e do jornalismo em zonas de conflito. Com base em análises das contribuições dos fixers ao trabalho dos correspondentes estrangeiros, os autores apresentam aqui um estudo de caso retratando os jornalistas canadenses e internacionais credenciados pelos militares canadenses durante a guerra no Afeganistão entre 2002 e 2011. Os dados são extraídos de entrevistas semiestruturadas com correspondentes estrangeiros e de um corpus de documentários sobre a cobertura jornalística da guerra no Afeganistão. Conclui-se que a relação entre jornalistas credenciados e fixers locais tem constituído elemento fulcral da reportagem independente de guerra. Além da reportagem embedded (em que o correspondente se desloca junto com as tropas), a maioria dos jornalistas entrevistados praticou reportagens de guerra não embedded, principalmente por meio de fontes políticas e civis afegãs. A análise revela uma relação multifacetada e complexa alicerçada em três principais contribuições do fixer: o acesso, a proteção e a produção. O fixer desempenha o papel de guia e tradutor para garantir o acesso dos correspondentes estrangeiros às fontes locais em um território com características linguísticas e culturais muito específicas (competência local). O fixer desempenha o papel de protetor por meio de conselhos e recomendações em um ambiente hostil para garantir a segurança dos correspondentes estrangeiros (competência de risco). O fixer desempenha o papel de produtor de conteúdo, contribuindo com o processo jornalístico de produção de notícias, sugerindo ideias e ângulos de tratamento, assim como a realização de entrevistas e de imagens (competência editorial). ***

Based on interviews with 92 planners in five Canadian city-regions, we explore planners' perceptions of the ways that leadership affects their ability to coordinate land-use planning activities in the context of sometimes divergent or conflicting priorities and policies. Practitioners describe conditions where transformational leadership – with organizational leaders building followership around values set by political leaders – has become common, and planners have often settled into managerial roles as agent of municipal councils. Planners identify two other roles they may play: as facilitator of communication and collaboration, and as leader for smart growth strategies. The evidence suggests that planners align their role expectations not only with preferred theories in the discipline, but also with the leadership regimes they encounter.

Full TextThe first law enacted in Canada to protect existing Aboriginal rights was section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982.2 The first law in Canada to recognize the rights of non-human animals as anything other than property has yet to be enacted. The first Supreme Court of Canada (hereafter referred to as the Court) case to interpret section 35 was R. v. Sparrow.3 The 1990 case confirmed an Aboriginal right of the Musqueam peoples of British Columbia to fish for food, social and ceremonial purposes. Since this precedent-setting case, many similar claims have been brought before the courts by way of the fluctuating legal space created by s.35. Many of these cases have been about establishing rights to fish4, hunt5, and trap non-human animals (hereafter referred to as animals). The Court has developed, and continues to develop tests to determine the existence and scope of Aboriginal rights. These tests primarily embody cultural, political and, to a surprisingly lesser degree, legal forces. One of the principal problems with these tests is that they privilege, through the western philosophical lens, the interests of humans. Animals are, at best, the resources over which ownership is being contested. The Euro-centric legal conceptualization of animals as 'resources' over which ownership can be exerted is problematic for at least two reasons. First, the relegation of animals solely to a utilitarian role is antithetical to Indigenous-animal relationships and therefore demonstrates one of the fundamental ways the Canadian legal system is ill equipped to give adequate consideration to Indigenous law. Second, failure to consider animals' inherent value and agency in this context reproduces the human-animal and culture-nature binaries that are at the root of many of western Euro-centric society's inequities. This paper argues that Aboriginal peoples' relationships with animals are a necessary, integral and distinctive part of their cultures6 and, therefore, these relationships and the actors within them are entitled to the aegis of s.35. Through the legal protection of these relationships, animals will gain significant protection as a corollary benefit. If the Court were to protect the cultural relationships between animals and Aboriginal groups, a precondition would be acceptance of Indigenous legal systems. Thus, this paper gives a brief answer to the question, what are Indigenous legal systems and why are animals integral to them? The Anishinabe (also known Ojibwe or Chippewa) are Indigenous peoples who have historically lived in the Great Lakes region. The Bruce Peninsula on Lake Huron is home to the Cape Croker Indian Reserve, where the Chippewas of Nawash First Nation live. The people of this First Nation identify as Anishinabe. The Anishinabek case of Nanabush v. Deer is a law among these people and is used throughout the paper as an example of Indigenous-animal relationships. Making the significant assumption that s.35 has the capacity to recognize Indigenous law, the subsequent section of the paper asks why we should protect these relationships and how that protection should be achieved. Finally, the paper concludes that both the ability of s.35 to recognize Indigenous-animal relationships, and the judicial and political will to grant such recognition, are unlikely. Indigenous-animal relationships are integral to the distinctive culture of the Anishinabek, however the courts would be hesitant to allow such an uncertain and potentially far-reaching right. This is not surprising given that such a claim by both Indigenous and animal groups would challenge the foundations upon which the Canadian legal system is based. There are many sensitive issues inherent in this topic. It should be noted the author is not of Indigenous ancestry, but is making every effort to learn about and respect the Indigenous legal systems discussed. While this paper focuses on a number of Anishinabek laws; it is neither a complete analysis of these practices, nor one that can be transferred, without adaptation, to other peoples. Finally, Indigenous peoples and animal rights and Indigenous law scholars, such as Tom Regan and Mary Ellen Turpel-Lafond, respectively, may insist on an abolitionist approach to animal 'use' or reject the legitimacy of s.35 itself.7 These perspectives are worthy and necessary. This paper positions itself amongst these and other sources in order to reflect upon the timely and important issue of the legal status of Indigenous-animal relationships. I:WHAT ARE INDIGENOUS LEGAL SYSTEMS? The Law Commission of Canada defines a legal tradition as “a set of deeply rooted, historically conditioned attitudes about the nature of law, the role of law in the society and the polity, the proper organization and operation of a legal system, and the way law is or should be made, applied, studied, perfected and taught.”8 Indigenous legal traditions fit this description. They are living systems of beliefs and practices, and have been recognized as such by the courts.9 Indigenous practices developed into systems of law that have guided communities in their governance, and in their relationships amongst their own and other cultures and with the Earth.10 These laws have developed through stories, historical events that may be viewed as ‘cases,’ and other lived experiences. Indigenous laws are generally non-prescriptive, non-adversarial and non-punitive and aim to promote respect and consensus, as well as close connection with the land, the Creator, and the community. Indigenous laws are a means through which vital knowledge of social order within the community is transmitted, revived and retained. After European ‘settlement’ the influence of Indigenous laws waned. This was due in part to the state’s policies of assimilation, relocation and enfranchisement. 11 Despite these assaults, Indigenous legal systems have persevered; they continue to provide guidance to many communities, and are being revived and re-learned in others. For example, the Nisga’a’s legal code, Ayuuk, guides their communities and strongly informs legislation enacted under the Nisga’a Final Agreement, the first modern treaty in British Columbia.12 The land and jurisdiction claims of the Wet’suwet’en and Gitxsan Nations ultimately resulted in the Court’s decision in Delgamuukw,13 a landmark case that established the existence of Aboriginal title. The (overturned) BC Supreme Court’s statement in Delgamuukw14 reveals two of the many challenges in demonstrating the validity of Indigenous laws: “what the Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en witnesses[es] describe as law is really a most uncertain and highly flexible set of customs which are frequently not followed by the Indians [sic] themselves.” The first challenge is that many laws are not in full practice, and therefore not as visible as they could be and once were. What the courts fail to acknowledge, however, is that the ongoing colonial project has served to stifle, extinguish and alter these laws. The second challenge is that the kind of law held and practiced by Indigenous peoples is quite foreign to most non-Indigenous people. Many Indigenous laws have animals as central figures. In Anishinabek traditional law, often the animals are the lawmakers15: they develop the legal principles and have agency as law givers. For instance, the Anishinabek case Nanabush v. Deer, Wolf , as outlined by Burrows, is imbued with legal principles, lessons on conduct and community governance, as well as ‘offenses’ and penalties. It is not a case that was adjudicated by an appointed judge in a courtroom, but rather one that has developed over time as a result of peoples’ relationships with the Earth and its inhabitants. An abbreviated summary of the case hints at these legal lessons: Nanabush plays a trick on a deer and deliberately puts the deer in a vulnerable position. In that moment of vulnerability, Nanabush kills the deer and then roasts its body for dinner. While he is sleeping and waiting for the deer to be cooked, the Wolf people come by and take the deer. Nanabush wakes up hungry, and out of desperation transforms into a snake and eats the brains out of the deer head. Once full, he is stuck inside the head and transforms back into his original shape, but with the deer head still stuck on. He is then chased and nearly killed by hunters who mistake him for a real deer. This case is set within the legal context of the Anishinabek’s treaty with deer. In signing the treaty, the people were reminded to respect beings in life and death and that gifts come when beings respect each other in interrelationships.16 Nanabush violated the rights of the deer and his peoples’ treaty with the deer. He violated the laws by taking things through trickery, and by causing harm to those he owed respect. Because his actions were not in accordance with Anishinabek legal principles, he was punished: Nanabush lost the thing he was so desperately searching for, and he ended up nearly being killed. This case establishes two lessons. The first is that, like statutory and common law, with which Canadians are familiar, Indigenous law does not exist in isolation. Principles are devised based on multiple teachings, pre- vious rules and the application of these rules to facts. That there are myriad sources of Indigenous law suggests that the learning of Indigenous law would require substantial effort on the part of Canadian law-makers.17 The second is that animals hold an important place in Indigenous law, and those relationships with animals – and the whole ‘natural’ world – strongly inform the way they relate to the Earth. II: CAN CANADIAN LAW ACCEPT INDIGENOUS LEGAL SYSTEMS? If there were a right recognized under s.35 concerning the Indigenous-animal relationship, what would it look like? Courts develop legal tests to which the facts of each case are applied, theoretically creating a degree of predictability as to how a matter will be judged. Introduced in Sparrow, and more fully developed in Van der Peet, a ‘test’ for how to assess a valid Aboriginal right has been set out by the Court. Summarized, the test is: “in order to be an Aboriginal right an activity must be an element of a practice, custom or tradition integral to the distinctive culture of the Aboriginal group claiming the right.”18 There are ten, differently weighted factors that a court will consider in making this assessment. The right being ‘tested’ in this discussion is the one exemplified in Nanabush v. Deer: the ability of Indigenous peoples to recognize and practice their laws, which govern relationships, including death, with deer and other animals. The courts have agreed that a generous, large and liberal construction should be given to Indigenous rights in order to give full effect to the constitutional recognition of the distinctiveness of Aboriginal culture. Still, it is the courts that hold the power to define rights as they conceive them best aligning with Canadian society19; this is one way that the Canadian state reproduces its systems of power over Indigenous peoples.20 The application of the Aboriginal right exemplified in Nanbush v. Deer to the Sparrow and Van der Peet tests would likely conclude that the Anishinabek do have an integral and distinctive relationship with animals. However, due to the significant discretion of the Court on a number of very subjective and politically sensitive factors, it is uncertain that the Nanabush v. Deer case would ‘pass’ Van der Peet’s required ten factors.21 This is indicative of the structural restraints that s.35 imposes. 22 The questions it asks impair its ability to capture and respect the interrelationships inherent in Indigenous peoples’ interactions with animals. For example, the Court will characterize hunting or fishing as solely subsistence, perhaps with a cultural element. Shin Imai contends these activities mean much more: “To many…subsistence is a means of reaffirming Aboriginal identity by passing on traditional knowledge to future generations. Subsistence in this sense moves beyond mere economics, encompassing the cultural, social and spiritual aspects for the communities.”23 Scholar Kent McNeil concludes that: “regardless of the strengths of legal arguments in favour of Indigenous peoples, there are limits to how far the courts […] are willing to go to correct the injustices caused by colonialism and dispossession.”24 It is often not the legal principles that determine outcomes, but rather the extent to which Indigenous rights can be reconciled with the history of settlement without disturbing the current economic and political structure of the dominant culture. III:WHY PROTECT THE ANIMAL-INDIGENOUS RELATIONSHIP? Legally protecting animal-Indigenous relationships offers symbiotic, mutually respectful benefits for animals and for the scope of Aboriginal rights that can be practiced. For instance, a protected relationship would have indirect benefits for animals’ habitat and right to life: it would necessitate protecting the means necessary, such as governance of the land, for realization of the right. This could include greater conservation measures, more contiguous habitat, enforcement of endangered species laws, and, ideally, a greater awareness and appreciation by humans of animals and their needs. Critical studies scholars have developed the argument that minority groups should not be subject to culturally biased laws of the mainstream polity.24 Law professor Maneesha Deckha points out that animals, despite the central role they play in a lot of ‘cultural defences,’ have been excluded from our ethical consideration. Certainly, the role of animals has been absent in judicial consideration of Aboriginal rights.26 Including animals, Deckha argues, allows for a complete analysis of these cultural issues and avoids many of the anthropocentric attitudes inherent in Euro-centric legal traditions. In Jack and Charlie27 two Coast Salish men were charged with hunting deer out of season. They argued that they needed to kill a deer in order to have raw meat for an Aboriginal religious ceremony. The Court found that killing the deer was not part of the ceremony and that there was insufficient evidence to establish that raw meat was required. This is a case where a more nuanced consideration of the laws and relationships with animals would have resulted in a more just application of the (Canadian) law and prevented the reproduction of imperialist attitudes. A criticism that could be lodged against practicing these relationships is that they conflict with the liberty and life interests of animals.28 Theoretically, if Indigenous laws are given the legal and political room to fully operate, a balance between the liberty of animals and the cultural and legal rights of Indigenous peoples can be struck.29 Indeed, Indigenous peoples’ cultural and legal concern for Earth is at its most rudimentary a concern for the land, which is at the heart of the challenge to the Canadian colonial system. If a negotiated treaty was reached, or anti-cruelty and conservation laws were assured in the Indigenous peoples’ self government system, then Canadian anti-cruelty30 and conservation laws,31 the effectiveness of which are already questionable, could be displaced in recognition of Indigenous governance.32 Indigenous peoples in Canada were – and are, subject to imposed limitations – close to the environment in ways that can seem foreign to non-Indigenous people.33 For example, some origin stories and oral histories explain how boundaries between humans and animals are at times absent: Animal-human beings like raven, coyote and rabbit created them [humans] and other beings. People …acted with respect toward many animals in expectation of reciprocity; or expressed kinship or alliance with them in narratives, songs, poems, parables, performances, rituals, and material objects. 34 Furthering or reviving these relationships can advance the understanding of both Indigenous legal systems and animal rights theory. Some animal rights theorists struggle with how to explain the cultural construction of species difference: Indigenous relationships with animals are long standing, lived examples of a different cultural conception of how to relate to animals and also of an arguably healthy, minimally problematic way to approach the debate concerning the species divide.35 A key tenet of animal-Indigenous relationships is respect. Shepard Krech posits that Indigenous peoples are motivated to obtain the necessary resources and goals in ‘proper’ ways: many believe that animals return to the Earth to be killed, provided that hunters demonstrate proper respect.36 This demonstrates a spiritual connection, but there is also a concrete connection between Indigenous peoples and animals. In providing themselves with food and security, they ‘manage’ what Canadian law calls ‘resources.’37 Because of the physical nature of these activities, and their practical similarity with modern ‘resource management,’ offering this as ‘proof’ of physical connection with animals and their habitat may be more successful than ‘proving’ a spiritual relationship. Finally, there are health reasons that make the Indigenous-animal relationship is important. Many cultures have come to depend on the nutrients they derive from particular hunted or fished animals. For example, nutrition and physical activity transitions related to hunting cycles have had negative impacts on individual and community health.38 This shows the multidimensionality of hunting, the significance of health, and, by extension, the need for animal ‘resources’ to be protected. IV: HOW SHOULD WE PROTECT THESE ABORIGINAL RIGHTS? If the Anishinabek and the deer ‘win’ the constitutional legal test (‘against’ the state) and establish a right to protect their relationships with animals, what, other than common law remedies,39 would follow? Below are ideas for legal measures that could be taken from the human or the animal perspective, or both, where benefits accrue to both parties. If animals had greater agency and legal status, their needs as species and as individuals could have a meaningful place in Canadian common and statutory law. In Nanabush v. Deer, this would mean that the deer would be given representation and that legal tests would need to be developed to determine the animals’ rights and interests. Currently the courts support the view that animals can be treated under the law as any other inanimate item of property. Such a legal stance is inconsistent with a rational, common-sense view of animals,40 and certainly with Anishinabek legal principles discussed herein.41 There are ongoing theoretical debates that inform the practical questions of how animal equality would be achieved: none of these in isolation offers a complete solution, but combined they contribute to the long term goal. Barsh and James Sákéj Youngblood Henderson advocate an adoption of the reasoning in the Australian case Mabo v. Queensland,42 where whole Aboriginal legal systems were imported intact into the common law. Some principles that Canada should be following can also be drawn from international treaties that Canada has or should have signed on to.43 Another way to seek protection from the human perspective is through the freedom of religion and conscience section of the Charter. Professor John Borrows constructs a full argument for this, and cites its challenges, in Living Law on a Living Earth: Aboriginal Religion, Law and the Constitution.44 The strongest, but perhaps most legally improbable, way to protect the animal- Indigenous relationship is for Canada to recognize a third, Indigenous order of government (in addition to provincial and federal), where all three orders are equal and inform one another’s laws. This way, Indigenous laws would have the legal space to fully function and be revived. Endowing Indigenous peoples with the right to govern their relationships would require a great acquiescence of power by governments and a commitment to the establishment and maintenance of healthy self-government in Indigenous communities. Louise Mandell offers some reasons why Canada should treat Aboriginal people in new ways, at least one of which is salient to the third order of government argument: To mend the [E]arth, which must be done, governments must reassess the information which the dominant culture has dismissed. Some of that valuable information is located in the oral histories of Aboriginal Peoples. This knowledge will become incorporated into decisions affecting the [E]arth’s landscape when Aboriginal Peoples are equal partners in decisions affecting their territories.45 V: CONCLUSION A legal system that does not have to justify its existence or defend its worth is less vulnerable to challenges.46 While it can be concluded that s.35 has offered some legal space for Indigenous laws and practices, it is too deeply couched in Euro-centric legal traditions and the anthropocentric cultural assumptions that they carry. The most effective strategy for advancing Indigenous laws and culture, that would also endow many animals with greater agency, and relax the culture-nature, human-animal binaries, is the formal recognition of a third order of government. Lisa Chartrand explains that recognition of legal pluralism would be a mere affirmation of legal systems that exist, but which are stifled: “…this country is a multijuridical state, where the distinct laws and rules of three systems come together within the geographic boundaries of one political territory.” 47 Revitalizing Indigenous legal systems is and will be a challenging undertaking. Indigenous communities must reclaim, define and understand their own traditions: “The loss of culture and traditions caused by the historic treatment of Aboriginal communities makes this a formidable challenge for some communities. Equally significant is the challenge for the Canadian state to create political and legal space to accommodate revitalized Indigenous legal traditions and Aboriginal law-making.”48 The project of revitalizing Indigenous legal traditions requires the commitment of resources sufficient for the task, and transformative change to procedural and substantive law. The operation of these laws within, or in addition to, Canadian law would of course cause widespread, but worthwhile controversy. In Animal Bodies, Cultural Justice49 Deckha argues that an ethical relationship with the animal Other must be established in order realize cultural and animal rights. This paper explores and demonstrates the value in finding legal space where cultural pluralism and respect for animals can give rise to the practice of Indigenous laws and the revitalization of animal-Indigenous relationships. As Borrows writes: “Anishinabek law provides guidance about how to theorize, practice and order our association with the [E]arth, and could do so in a way that produces answers that are very different from those found in other sources.”50 (see PDF for references)

Policies are general plans of action. Yet they are incomplete if only partially implemented or not implemented at all. When so-called policies exist merely as statements of intent they are not policies.The development of policies respecting forests and wildlife in Canada reflects many factors. To a very large degree such development represents the perceptions by a society or segments of it concerning the subject matter of the policy. These perceptions are derived from a broad background—cultural, social, economic, political, historical and institutional. The degree to which these perceptions reflect an objective knowledge and understanding of the resources in question or a consensus as to the objectives of the policy are critical.Of particular concern to this meeting are the institutional and professional factors that impinge on the development of policies for forests and wildlife. It is argued that the major impediments to more effective management of forests and wildlife in Canadian jurisdictions are institutional and educational in origin and therefore capable of much greater correction by the professional and scientific community than heretofore acknowledged. Key words: land use planning, forest management policy.

In 1976, amidst a period of détente in the Cold War, the Government of Canada officially hosted an inaugural open-play invitational ice hockey tournament. A detailed narration of these events, pieced together from archival sources, allows scholars to understand the negotiations to prepare the political terrain for the event, including efforts to secure the official endorsement of the International Ice Hockey Federation for a tournament sponsored by the Government of Canada in exchange for Canada’s return to international competition in 1977; the participation of various countries and their respective hockey governing bodies, especially the Soviet Union, in an international tournament featuring professional players; and an agreement with the North American professional hockey cartels, especially the National Hockey League, to allow star players to participate in the event. The success of the 1976 Canada Cup accelerated the commodification and commercialization of hockey both in North America and globally—a process that was increasingly driven by the interests and aspirations of the National Hockey League. At the center of this history is one increasingly powerful—and avaricious—character: Alan Eagleson.

The Inuit of Nunavut, Canada, are the intended beneficiaries of several overlapping rights frameworks. The international treaties to which Canada is a signatory, the Nunavut Land Claim Agreement, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People, Canada’s Constitution and a slate of federal and territorial laws promise Inuit that they may enjoy the same opportunities to flourish that other Canadians enjoy. While these rights regimes and ensuing federal policies have developed in response to Inuit as a group, Inuit children have remained largely invisible. Among other factors, the fixation with economic development and the failure to promote the participation of children has contributed to the absence of their specific interests in plans for Nunavut’s future. As a result, this subgroup continues to suffer infringements of those rights that are most relevant to their success. Whereas these overlapping frameworks have the potential to greatly benefit a particularly marginalized group, in fact they have served to further confound efforts to promote and revitalize the welfare of Inuit children.

AbstractHighly concentrated intensive confinement systems have become the norm in agriculture concerning nonhuman animals. These systems have provoked a lively debate from an animal welfare perspective. Sociologists can contribute to this debate by drawing parallels between the institutional regulation of human beings and of animals under confinement. Results of research on the transformation of Canadian hog production from the 1950s to the present—based on the evolution of plans for sow housing produced by the Canada Plan Service—showed a much tighter compression of hog bodies and reproduction in space and time. The prevalence of behavioral stereotypes, however, indicates imperfect animal socialization and reconfiguration. The concept of discipline is a useful perspective that could bridge the gap between the regulations of humans in industrial societies and of pigs in intensive confinement. This concept derived from elements of labor process and Foucauldian and post-humanist theories.

In November 1994 the Canadian government released its Immigration Plan for 1995 and an immigration and citizenship strategy mapping policy direction until the year 2000. This strategy, developed after extensive public consultations, was the government’s response to increasingly contentious public discourse about immigration. The 1994 document was the government’s attempt to reorient Canadian immigration law and policy. The 1996 and 1997 Immigration Plans, tabled in November 1995 and October 1996 respectively, are consistent with the five year plan announced in 1994, demonstrating that the change of direction set out in 1994 has met at least some of the government’s objectives.This paper assesses the reorientation of Canadian immigration law contained in the 1995 Immigration Plan and accompanying documents. Much of the public debate about immigration concerns whether current immigration levels and policies are fair, or just. As Canada is a liberal society, it is appropriate to begin the search for standards of fairness—or justice—in liberal theory. But because liberal theory presumes a community and then explores theories of fairness and justice within that community, it does not yield a standard of justice which is useful for assessing changes in immigration law. Nor, I argue, can liberalism’s tenets be extrapolated to address this question. This conclusion leads to insights about the role of immigration law in liberal society and points to particular ways to assess this law. While other theoretical paradigms may contain ways of determining the fairness of immigration law, such paradigms are less useful in the Canadian setting, where liberal discourse is hegemonic and hence is the language in which debates about immigration law must take place to be immediately politically relevant. The first half of this paper examines liberal theory’s failure to address the justice of immigration laws, and evaluates attempts to extend classical liberalism to meet this challenge.

R. G. Davis directed the first commercial productions of Dario Fo's Accidental Death of an Anarchist and We Won't Pay We Won't Pay!, both in Canada and the USA. In the context of the original close relevance of the plays to the political situation in Italy, he looks at how in the USA especially their force has been diluted if not extinguished by the imperative to conform to the inherent anti-communsm of American culture. R. G.Davis founded and directed the San Francisco Mime Troupe in the 1960s, and the Epic West Center for the Study of Bertolt Brecht and Epic Theatre at Berkeley in 1975. Later he returned to academia to study science and ecology, and visited Cuba to examine the culture of organic farming. He has contributed previously to New Theatre Quarterly and its predecessor, specifically on Fo in two articles for the original Theatre Quarterly: ‘Seven Anarchists I Have Known: American Approaches to Dario Fo’, in TQ 8 (1986), and ‘Dario Fo Off-Broadway: the Making of Left Culture under Adverse Conditions’, in TQ 40 (1981).

AbstractJournalists routinely live-tweet high-profile criminal trials, a practice that raises questions about access to justice and the principle of open court. Does social media open up the justice system? There is a normative debate in the literature about the use of Twitter and social media in the courtroom. This paper takes on this debate by exploring the relationship between digital technologies and criminal justice. Through a systematic examination of journalists’ tweets during two key trials (Ghomeshi and Saretzky), we ask to what extent can the live-tweeting of court proceedings achieve greater access to justice in Canada? We argue that while the live-tweeting does provide more access to court, potentially furthering the principle of open court, the nature of this access provides little in the way of increased engagement with the public and its understanding of the legal system. This paper makes contributions to both the legal studies and digital politics literatures.