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1
Reed, Steven R. "Elections: Still Demanding a Change: Elections in Japan in 2002." Japanese Journal of Political Science 3, no. 2 (November 2002): 281–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109902002098.
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One year ago I entitled my review of Japanese elections ‘Time for a Change?’. Candidates running against the establishment were defeating candidates who had until recently appeared unbeatable. Most notably, outsider candidates were defeating ainori (supported by all major parties) candidates in gubernatorial elections. A prime example of an outsider candidate defeating the establishment was Prime Minister Koizumi, who defeated the LDP establishment to win the leadership of the LDP. Koizumi's election and subsequent popularity appears to have dampened the trend. Most notably, a well-qualified challenger failed to unseat the incumbent in the Shizuoka gubernatorial election. Once Koizumi's popularity faded, however, the trend in favour of outsiders reappeared. Given an attractive alternative, establishment candidates continue to find themselves in trouble. The clearest recent example comes from the Yokohama mayoral election.
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Amalia, Luky Sandra, Aisah Putri Budiatri, Mouliza KD Sweinstani, Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas, and Esty Ekawati. "Simultaneous Elections and the Rise of Female Representation in Indonesia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 40, no. 1 (April 2021): 50–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989716.
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In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.
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Barhamudin, Barhamudin. "PEMILIHAN UMUM SERENTAK DAPAT MEMPERKUAT SISTEM PRESIDENSIAL." Solusi 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 227–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36546/solusi.v16i3.118.
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The purpose of this research is to find out whether general elections simultaneously have an influence on strengthening presidential systems. To find out the implications of simultaneous elections on elections in Indonesia. The research method in this study uses a normative juridical approach used to study or analyze secondary data in the form of legal materials, especially primary legal materials and secondary legal materials. Primary legal material is the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, Decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14 / PUU-XI / 2013 etc. Secondary legal materials are those that provide explanations and interpretations of sources of primary legal materials such as law books, legal journals, and others. Tertiary legal materials are legal materials that provide guidance or explanation of primary and secondary legal materials such as legal dictionaries, encyclopedias, and related documents. The results of the study were argued that the holding of elections simultaneously with the plurality system itself actually tended to produce few presidential candidates. When presidential elections the supporters of candidates in this system tend to ignore candidates who are not competitive (non-viable) so they can focus on the top two candidates. This encouraged a coalition process between parties from the start because there was only one election round. The party that should submit its own candidate but the candidate is less competitive tends to drop the candidate and endorse one of the two most competitive candidates. The plurality system, if implemented separately from the legislative elections, the parties in the legislative elections do not need to think about the influence of the presidential election. This plurality mechanism affects parties when carried out simultaneously with legislative elections. The parties tend to nominate one of the two most competitive candidates, and lead to gathering support for the legislative parties in the two candidates. When one of the candidates wins the presidential election, then support for the president in the legislature tends to be the majority or close to the majority. The combination of the presidential plurality election system carried out simultaneously with legislative elections is the most likely to help strengthen multi-party presidential systems. Thus the simultaneous implementation of elections will strengthen the presidential system in which the President and Vice-President are elected to gain strong legitimacy from the people, in order to realize the effectiveness of government and also the support base of the DPR.
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V. Roehling, Patricia, Mark V. Roehling, Ashli Brennan, Ashley R. Drew, Abbey J. Johnston, Regina G. Guerra, Ivy R. Keen, Camerra P. Lightbourn, and Alexis H. Sears. "Weight bias in US candidate selection and election." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 33, no. 4 (May 13, 2014): 334–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-10-2013-0081.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to use data from the 2008 and 2012 US Senate elections to examine the relationship between candidate size (obese, overweight, normal weight) and candidate selection and election outcomes. Design/methodology/approach – Using pictures captured from candidate web sites, participants rated the size of candidates in the primary and general US Senate elections. χ2 analyses, t-tests and hierarchical multiple regressions were used to test for evidence of bias against overweight and obese candidates and whether gender and election information moderate that relationship. Findings – Obese candidates were largely absent from the pool of candidates in both the primary and general elections. Overweight women, but not overweight men, were also underrepresented. Supporting our hypothesis that there is bias against overweight candidates, heavier candidates tended to receive lower vote share than their thinner counterparts, and the larger the size difference between the candidates, the larger the vote share discrepancy. The paper did not find a moderating effect for gender or high-information high vs low-information elections on the relationship between candidate size and vote share. Research limitations/implications – Further research is needed to understand the process by which obese candidates are culled from the candidate pool and the cognitions underlying the biases against overweight candidates. Social implications – Because of the bias against obese political candidates, as much as one-third of the adult US population are likely to be excluded or being elected to a major political office. Originality value – This study is the first to use election data to examine whether bias based on size extends to the electoral process.
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Lev-On, Azi, and Israel Waismel-Manor. "Looks That Matter." American Behavioral Scientist 60, no. 14 (December 2016): 1756–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764216676249.
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Research demonstrates that good looks matter in politics. The global trend today is toward more visual ballots, which include candidates’ photographs. Because voters are exposed to a candidate’s appearance right before they vote, physical attractiveness may be a significant contributor to electoral success. But does appearance matter equally in high-information elections, where all candidates are well known to voters, and low-information elections, where voters have little or no knowledge of who the candidates are? How does enhancing the photos of candidates through software programs affect their electability? To our knowledge, this article is the first to examine the impact of candidates’ appearance in high- and low-information elections in the field using two experiments involving the manipulation of their appearance. Data for the first study were collected in a low-information election in which a student population was asked to select from a list of fictitious candidates for city council. In this study, we found that the candidates’ looks had an impact on the votes they received. Data for the second study were collected right before a high-information election: A straw poll that took place immediately before the primaries for a major political party in Israel, involving party members selecting from a list of real candidates. Here the candidates’ appearance had no impact on the votes they received, even for the lesser known candidates on the list. The results indicate that the impact of visual manipulation of candidate images does influence voters, but is limited by the informational context of the elections.
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Asano, Masahiko, and Dennis P. Patterson. "Smiles, turnout, candidates, and the winning of district seats." Politics and the Life Sciences 37, no. 1 (2018): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2017.12.
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Research has shown that a candidate’s appearance affects the support he or she receives in elections. We extend this research in this article in three ways. First, we examine this relationship further in a non-Western context using 2015 local elections in Japan. Next, we show that this positive relationship is more complicated depending on the characteristics of the election under consideration. Specifically, we distinguished election contests by levels of turnout and found that despite a positive relationship between turnout and the extent to which smiling increases a candidate’s support levels, the marginal increase in support declined as turnout increased and, in fact, became negative when some high-turnout threshold was crossed. Finally, we show that the number of candidates competing in an election is negatively related to the impact of a candidate smiling, confirming research conducted by the Dartmouth Group.
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Ondercin, Heather L. "Is it a Chasm? Is it a Canyon? No, it is the Gender Gap." Forum 16, no. 4 (December 19, 2018): 611–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2018-0040.
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Abstract Many speculated that we would observe a gender gap in vote choice of historic proportions in the 2018 midterm elections. However, the 2018 gender gap was similar to gender gaps in previous elections. I argue that the gender gap is not about a specific candidate or election but is driven by gender differences in partisan attachments. Variation in the gender gap in Senate and gubernatorial elections highlight that the gender gap does not advantage a particular candidate or party and that women candidates do not increase the size of the gender gap. Race and class intersect with gender to shape the partisan attachments and vote choice of men and women. Finally, while the candidates and events surrounding the 2018 election likely did not impact the gender gap in 2018, I discuss how the 2018 election will shape the gender gap in future elections.
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Pastory, Parestico. "OPPOSITION CANDIDACY AND ELECTORAL POLITICS IN TANZANIA: THE CASE OF ZITTO ZUBERI KABWE." Journal of African Politics 1, no. 1 (October 29, 2021): 106–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.58548/2021jap101.106135.
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In an electoral environment where the playing field is highly contested, it is pertinent to learn how opposition candidates win elections. This narrative case study draws from observation of parliamentary elections in Kigoma North and Kigoma Urban constituencies in Tanzania to demonstrate how the opposition candidate maneuvered to outcompete candidates of the ruling party. It reveals that winning elections involves preparations for real or perceived electoral fraud. The paper uncovers practical strategies that opposition candidates’ in Tanzania use to counter election fraud and the challenges they are likely to face. These findings reinforce existing research on electoral integrity.
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Nazriyah, R. "Calon Tunggal dalam Pilkada Serentak Tahun 2015 terhadap Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No 100/PUU-XIII/2015." Jurnal Konstitusi 13, no. 2 (August 27, 2016): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1327.
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The phenomenon of a pair-single candidate threatens delays in the implementation of simultaneous Regional Head Elections in some districts until 2017. Although the Commission extends the registration period of candidates to avoid the delay of elections simultaneously, there are still some districts that have a single candidate. The law on elections has not set the provisions definitely regarding what should be done if there is the phenomenon of a single candidate. Finally the parties who feel aggrieved the rights had filed a judicial election law to the Constitutional Court (MK) to find solutions to these issues. In its decision, the Court considered that the Act mandates the election as the executor of the sovereignty of the people to elect regional heads directly and democratically. Thus, the local elections should ensure the realization of the highest power in the hands of the people. In addition, the Court also considers the formulation of norms of Law No. 8 of 2015, which requires the presence of more than one pair of candidates does not provide a solution, which led to the legal vacuum. This can result in absent of holding the elections. Local elections which are only followed by a single pair of candidates, the mechanism selection is to determine whether the “Agree” or “Disagree” with the prospective partner. If it turns out the people’s voice is more to select “Agree” then the candidate is designated as regional head and deputy head of the selected district. Conversely, if it turns out the people’s voice is more to select “Disagree” then in such circumstances the election is postponed until the next local elections simultaneously.
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Rusnaedy, Zaldi, Fatma Fatma, and Almuhajir Haris. "Political Dynasty and Single Candidate in Indonesian Local Elections: Where Are The Parties?" Journal of Governance and Local Politics (JGLP) 3, no. 2 (November 15, 2021): 124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.47650/jglp.v3i2.297.
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The pragmatism of political parties is one of the causes for the proliferation of political dynasties and the massive number of single candidates in several electoral politics periods at the local level. The implementation of the 2020 local election simultaneously gave birth to many candidates who have a kinship with political officials both at the central and regional levels, both currently or who have served. Apart from the practice of dynastic politics, a single candidate's presence also adds to the problems in the democratic process at the local level. A single candidate is present as a consequence of implementing the local election system simultaneously, which opens wide the opportunity for the local election to be held even though only one pair of regional head candidates are joined, as a consequence, the empty column is presented as the opponent of the match. This article collects data through a literature study. To answer these two phenomena, the author examines them during the local election implementation. This study indicates that these two phenomena co-opt local democracy and clog the circulation of the leadership elite. Both political dynasty candidates and single candidates have enormous potential to win elections. Both phenomena are caused by poor internal recruitment and candidate selection processes.
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Rybkina, Olga. "About competitive experience in the election of the highest official subject of the Russian Federation." Vestnik BIST (Bashkir Institute of Social Technologies), no. 2(55) (June 30, 2022): 184–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.47598/2078-9025-2022-2-55-184-188.
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This article analyzes the features of competition in the elections of the Governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region in 2018. It is concluded that the level of competition between candidates has significantly increased in comparison with similar elections in 2014. At the same time, the professional level of the winning candidate's teams and other candidates ' teams differs significantly in favor of the first one. The readiness of citizens to compete is higher than the ability of candidates to lead it. Key words: election, competition, candidates, Nizhny Novgorod oblast, the Governor,
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Rekkas, Marie. "Gender and Elections: An Examination of the 2006 Canadian Federal Election." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 4 (December 2008): 987–1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908081134.
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Abstract. The existing literature on gender effects in the electoral process offers little evidence of significant gender vote share differentials. In this paper it is shown that for the 2006 Canadian federal election, once candidate campaign spending is introduced into the model with appropriate flexibility in the vote share responsiveness across genders, significant differences are found to exist between male and female candidates. The findings suggest that, for equal levels of spending, male incumbents have a vote share advantage relative to female incumbents, though this vote share advantage is found to diminish with increased expenditures. Female non-incumbent candidates, on the other hand, have a vote share advantage over male non-incumbent candidates for higher levels of expenditure and this advantage was found to increase with increased expenditures.Résumé. Les écrits traitant des effets du genre dans le processus électoral offrent peu de preuves d'un écart significatif dans le pourcentage des voix selon le genre. Cet article montrera que, dans le contexte des élections fédérales canadiennes de 2006, une fois que les dépenses de campagne des candidats sont introduites dans le modèle avec la flexibilité adéquate sur la réceptivité du pourcentage des voix selon les genres, on découvre que des différences significatives existent entre les candidats masculins et féminins. Le résultat des recherches montre que pour des dépenses équivalentes, les titulaires masculins ont un avantage sur le pourcentage des voix par rapport aux titulaires de sexe féminin bien qu'il s'avère que cet avantage diminue lorsque les dépenses augmentent. D'autre part, les candidates féminines non-titulaires ont un avantage sur le pourcentage des voix par rapport aux candidats masculins non-titulaires quand les dépenses sont plus élevées et cet avantage s'avère augmenter lorsque les dépenses augmentent.
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Hidayat, Anwar. "KAJIAN KONSTITUSI SEBAGAI LANDASAN DASAR TERHADAP PENYELENGGARAAN PEMILU DI INDONESIA." Jurnal Hukum Mimbar Justitia 5, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.35194/jhmj.v5i2.1106.
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Regarding the electoral system explained that the recruitment of a candidate by a political party depends on the electoral system that develops in a country. An open list allows a candidate to get For political parties, the popularity of a candidate makes voter choices focused on his party rather than on other political parties. In Indonesia too, the latest election law requires each political party to include a minimum of 30% female candidates. This opens up greater possibilities for women to become legislators. However, on the other hand political parties are very selective towards women candidates: Only women candidates who meet certain criteria (beautiful, popular, academic) actually make up 30% of their party candidates. In scientific writing, the writer uses the method of normative juridical approach, with research specifications namely descriptive analysis. Research locations on the Buana Perjuangan University campus Karawang The results of the study discussed the 1955 Election System to the 2019 Election System and the great ideals of the intention to hold simultaneous elections in 2019 one of which was to strengthen the Presidential System. Concurrent elections can be one of the efforts to reform the Presidential system implemented in Indonesia after the reform. Keywords: Constitution; Elections; Political System.
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Allen Stevens, Benjamin, Md Mujahedul Islam, Roosmarijn de Geus, Jonah Goldberg, John R. McAndrews, Alex Mierke-Zatwarnicki, Peter John Loewen, and Daniel Rubenson. "Local Candidate Effects in Canadian Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 1 (August 28, 2018): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000367.
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AbstractWhat impact do local candidates have on elections in single member district plurality electoral systems? We provide new evidence using data from a large election study carried out during the 2015 Canadian federal election. We improve on the measurement of local candidate effects by asking over 20,000 survey respondents to rate the candidates in their constituency directly. We present three estimates. We find that when all voters are considered together, local candidate evaluations are decisive for approximately 4 per cent of voters. Second, these evaluations are decisive for the outcome of 10 per cent of constituency contests. Third, when models are estimated for each constituency, we find significant evaluation effects for 14 per cent of candidates.
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Van Steenburg, Eric, and Francisco Guzmán. "The influence of political candidate brands during the 2012 and 2016 US presidential elections." European Journal of Marketing 53, no. 12 (December 3, 2019): 2629–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ejm-06-2018-0399.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether voters consider a candidate’s brand image when evaluating election alternatives. That is, how prominent a role does the candidate brand image have in the decision-making process? As election outcomes are behavior-driven, the goal is to examine the potential relationship between the candidate brand image, the self-brand image and voting intention. Design/methodology/approach Data were collected for the third week of October 2012 and again for the same time in 2016 – three weeks prior to the US presidential election each year. An online-based nationwide survey was leveraged, followed by correlation, regression and mediation analysis. Findings Candidate brand image has a role in US presidential elections. In addition, candidate brand image and self-brand image are significantly related to voting intention. In both elections, the losing candidate’s brand image was more of a factor when it came to voting intention, as both candidates’ brand image mediated the relationships between self-brand image and voting intention for all voters. Research limitations/implications A link between candidate brand image and voting intention was demonstrated for perhaps the first time. With results showing candidate brand image does relate to the voter’s self-brand image and voting intention, future research should investigate what other brand elements are a factor. There are undoubtedly other factors – some branding-related, others not branding-related – that go into voter decision-making. Because results were stronger for a losing candidate than a winning one, research should also examine whether this occurrence was coincidence or consistent voter behavior. Practical implications When voters considered who might best represent themselves, the brand image of the candidate enhanced the likelihood of voting for, or against, the candidate. Therefore, it is highly recommended that campaign managers understand not only the importance of their candidate’s brand image to develop and maintain a positive image among their supporters but also how to highlight what their supporters view as the negative aspects of the opposing candidates’ brand image to increase the lack of affinity for competitors. Originality/value This research demonstrates, for the first time, that candidates’ brand image is considered by voters in a US presidential election. In addition, it discovers the role candidate brand image plays in voting intention. Finally, it provides direction for campaign managers to conduct research into candidates as brands to build brand relationships with the electorate.
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Abramowitz, Alan I. "Explaining Senate Election Outcomes." American Political Science Review 82, no. 2 (June 1988): 385–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957392.
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Aggregate-level data are used in this analysis to explain the outcomes of Senate elections between 1974 and 1986. Using the individual Senate contest as the unit of analysis permits estimating the relative influence of a wide variety of factors on Senate election results including political characteristics of states, characteristics of the candidates, and national political conditions. Of these factors candidate characteristics had the strongest impact on the outcomes of Senate elections. The importance of candidate characteristics has had two major consequences for Senate elections. First, two-party competition has spread to every region of the country: in Senate elections, no state can be considered safe for either party. Second, money is probably now more important than ever, especially for challengers and candidates for open seats.
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Wylie, Kristin, Pedro dos Santos, and Daniel Marcelino. "Extreme non-viable candidates and quota maneuvering in Brazilian legislative elections." Opinião Pública 25, no. 1 (April 2019): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-019120192511.
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This article explores the causes and consequences of extreme non-viable candidacies, also known as “ laranja ” (orange) candidacies in the Brazilian political lore. We first define and delineate what makes a candidate a laranja, engaging the comparative literature on sacrificial lambs and using district-level electoral results to operationalize the concept. We then advance a typology of laranjas with four ideal types that vary along dimensions of legality and intentionality. Next, we apply descriptive statistics and a hierarchical logistic regression model to explore the individual, party, and district-level characteristics of extreme non-viable candidates and assess whether and how laranjas are distinct from non- laranjas. Finally, we illustrate the gendered character of laranjas, documenting how the candidate gender quota law in Brazil has been associated with a proliferation of candidatas laranjas (women extreme non-viable candidates).
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BURDEN, BARRY C. "Candidate Positioning in US Congressional Elections." British Journal of Political Science 34, no. 2 (March 1, 2004): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340400002x.
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Theory suggests that three factors – the importance of ideology to primary voters, costly movement due to candidate reputations and lack of competition – all contribute to candidate divergence in US congressional elections. These predictions are analysed with new data from a 2000 mail survey that asked congressional candidates to place themselves on a left–right ideological scale. The data reveal that candidates often diverge, but that the degree of candidate polarization is variable and may be explained by factors in the theory. Candidates with firm public reputations, those who face weak general election competition, and those who experience stiff primary competition are all more likely to deviate from the median voter's position. Perhaps more importantly, the locations that candidates adopt have clear effects on their vote shares.
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Banai, Benjamin, Lasse Laustsen, Irena Pavela Banai, and Kosta Bovan. "Presidential, But Not Prime Minister, Candidates With Lower Pitched Voices Stand a Better Chance of Winning the Election in Conservative Countries." Evolutionary Psychology 16, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 147470491875873. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474704918758736.
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Previous studies have shown that voters rely on sexually dimorphic traits that signal masculinity and dominance when they choose political leaders. For example, voters exert strong preferences for candidates with lower pitched voices because these candidates are perceived as stronger and more competent. Moreover, experimental studies demonstrate that conservative voters, more than liberals, prefer political candidates with traits that signal dominance, probably because conservatives are more likely to perceive the world as a threatening place and to be more attentive to dangerous and threatening contexts. In light of these findings, this study investigates whether country-level ideology influences the relationship between candidate voice pitch and electoral outcomes of real elections. Specifically, we collected voice pitch data for presidential and prime minister candidates, aggregate national ideology for the countries in which the candidates were nominated, and measures of electoral outcomes for 69 elections held across the world. In line with previous studies, we found that candidates with lower pitched voices received more votes and had greater likelihood of winning the elections. Furthermore, regression analysis revealed an interaction between candidate voice pitch, national ideology, and election type (presidential or parliamentary). That is, having a lower pitched voice was a particularly valuable asset for presidential candidates in conservative and right-leaning countries (in comparison to presidential candidates in liberal and left-leaning countries and parliamentary elections). We discuss the practical implications of these findings, and how they relate to existing research on candidates’ voices, voting preferences, and democratic elections in general.
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Fariza, Siti. "Kedudukan Hak Konstitusional Warga Negara Terkait Gagasan Calon Perseorangan/Independen Di Dalam Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden." STAATSRECHT: Indonesian Constitutional Law Journal 3, no. 1 (June 24, 2019): 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/siclj.v3i1.12944.
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AbstractGeneral elections are held with the aim of electing people's representatives, as well as to form a government that is democratic, strong, and obtains popular support. Besides aiming to realize national goals as the 1945 Constitution. In general elections there are candidates who are not proposed by political parties or a combination of political parties called individual candidates or independent candidates. This research uses normative juridical and library research by evaluating the laws and regulations, books, journals, and related internet sources. The results of the study showed that there were still no legitimate or independent candidates being approved, thus indicating the blockage of citizens' constitutional rights to be elected in a general election.Keywords: General Election, Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates, Individual or Independent Candidates
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Rosanti, Ratna. "Political Pragmatics in Indonesia: Candidates, the Coalition of Political Parties and Single Candidate for Local Elections." Jurnal Bina Praja 12, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.153-165.
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Political pragmatics has become its dynamic in Local Elections. The existence of incumbent power and uneven coalition formation of parties in the election can directly reduce or eliminate the opportunity for other political parties to participate in the election. In addition to these problems, so far, candidates' nomination by political parties turns out to pay more attention to the incumbent electability or popularity of the candidates to be carried by them and without assuming to party ideology. This certainly makes the power imbalance so that candidates from political parties or coalitions of other political parties are reluctant to compete. Political parties hold a coalition to carry out the candidates for various reasons. This research article will explain political parties' pragmatics in forming a coalition and carrying a pair of candidates that gave rise to a single candidate's phenomenon. The research article begins with collecting data through a literature study and is supported by the General Elections Commission's data. To answer this phenomenon, the writer analyzes the documentation as long as the Local Elections is held simultaneously. The concept of political pragmatism is expected to explain these phenomena. This paper concludes that the pragmatic methods used by political parties in determining coalitions and candidates in the Regional Head Election are because the purpose of political parties to participate in the contestation is only a victory to gain power.
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Humaeni, Ayatullah. "Penggunaan magic dalam politik lokal di Banten." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v27i12014.14-26.
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Village-head elections frequently become unhealthy competitions among the candidate. They employ various ways to win the election, including using magical means. This article aims to explain social phenomena occur in local politics in the use of magic village-head elections in rural Banten; particularly in two sub-districts, Ciomas and Padarincang. It tries to answer several main research questions: (1) why do the candidates make use of magic during the village election process?; (2) what kinds of magic used by the candidates; (3) How does magic influence the winning chance of village head elections? (4) and how is the process of the magic usage during the village election process?. This article is the result of a field research using ethnographical method based on anthropological perspective. To analyze the data, the researcher uses structural-functional approach. Library research, participant-observation, and depth-interview are methods used to collect the data. Based on the result of field research, it can be concluded that almost all of the candidates in these two sub-districts made use of magic in order to win the village head elections. They visit several magicians and made use of their super natural powers for their own purposes. They believed that magical power possessed by these magicians could influence their winning chance in the village-head elections. Various fundamental reasons also become an important consideration why the candidates need to use magic in local politics process.
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Nielson, Lindsay, and Neil Visalvanich. "Primaries and Candidates: Examining the Influence of Primary Electorates on Candidate Ideology." Political Science Research and Methods 5, no. 2 (November 2, 2015): 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.60.
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Primary elections in the United States have been under-studied in the political science literature. Using new data to estimate the ideal points of primary election candidates and constituents, we examine the link between the ideological leanings of primary electorates and the ideological orientation of US congressional candidates. We use district-level data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study and ideal point estimates for congressional primary election candidates to examine the role of primary electorate ideology in the selection of party nominees. We find that more extreme Republicans are more likely to win their party’s primary and that Republican and Democratic candidates are responsive to different electoral constituencies.
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Supriyanto, Supriyanto. "Nomination of Regents Election and Head Deputy with A Couple of Candidates for The of 2017 In The District Of Pati." Jurnal Daulat Hukum 1, no. 2 (June 9, 2018): 583. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jdh.v1i2.3340.
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The enactment of Act No. 32 2004 is a gateway democratic progress at the local level, which mandates the direct election of regional heads, but as time goes direct elections, emerging phenomenon of elections with one candidate, reflecting the absence of competition in democracy to elect candidates for local leaders. The nomination process that provides an opportunity for citizens to come forward as a potential leader of the path of individual regions or lines of political parties are still unable to stem the phenomenon of the election by one paslon. The weakening of the political party cadres to create a cadre of local leaders, and the difficulties of citizens who want to get ahead of the path of the individual in seeking support to meet the predetermined, a major factor in the increasing phenomenon of the election by one paslon in any implementation of direct election. It also occurs in Pati Regency, Central Java province on Phase Two simultaneous elections in 2017 were only followed by one candidate, that candidate H. Haryanto, SH, MM, M.Si and H. Saiful Arifin. based onit, prompted the authors to examine the management of the Regent and Vice Regent Election of Pati with one candidate in Pati regency.Keywords: Starch 2017 Elections, Elections One Paslon, Direct Election Phenomenon.
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Febrianto, I. Wayan, Ida Ayu Putu Widiati, and Luh Putu Suryani. "Analisis Penanganan Politik Uang Ditinjau dari Undang-Undang Pilkada." Jurnal Interpretasi Hukum 1, no. 2 (September 26, 2020): 110–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/juinhum.1.2.2446.110-115.
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Money politics in the regional elections lately has become one of the things that have attracted public attention. Money politics is carried out to get a lot of votes and control the votes in the regional elections. Money politics can have a negative impact on prospective regional election participants. This research was conducted with the aim of describing the regulation of money politics prohibition in the regional elections and the sanctions for regional election candidate participants who commit money politics. This research was conducted using the normative legal method. This research showed that the regulation regarding the prohibition of money politics in regional elections is regulated in Law Number 10 of 2016 concerning the regional elections. In addition, the sanctions for candidates for regional elections who commit money politics are regulated in Law Number 10 of 2016 as amended from Law Number 8 of 2015 concerning the regional elections. Candidates for regional elections who are caught engaging in money politics will be subject to a minimum of 36 months imprisonment and a maximum of 72 months, as well as a minimum fine of IDR 200,000,000 (two hundred million rupiah) and a maximum of IDR. 1,000,000,000 (one billion rupiah).
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Hill, Jeffrey S., Elaine Rodriquez, and Amanda E. Wooden. "Stump Speeches and Road Trips: The Impact of State Campaign Appearances in Presidential Elections." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 02 (April 2010): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510000077.
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AbstractTravel, stump speeches, and pressing-the-flesh make up a large part of any presidential electoral campaign. Obviously, candidates feel that their appearances are important, as they make hundreds of appearances between Labor Day and Election Day. But are they right? Well over 100 million people cast ballots in November, but only the tiniest fraction of voters meets or catches a glimpse of either of the candidates. Do candidate appearances and contact sway voters in some way? In this article, we use changes in weekly state tracking polls to determine the impact of candidate appearances in battleground and non-battleground states. Using polling data from the 2000, 2004, and 2008 elections, we find that campaign appearances can change a candidate's polling percentages, and that the impact varies by candidate and location (battleground state, safe Democratic state, or safe Republican state). We also find that the selection of a vice-presidential candidate is important, because of this candidate's ability to campaign effectively.
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Sandoval-Almazan, Rodrigo, and Juan Carlos Montes de Oca Lopez. "Citizen Engagement and Social Media." International Journal of E-Politics 10, no. 2 (July 2019): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2019070103.
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Social media has transformed election campaigns around the world. While it is difficult to determine to what extent social media influence voters' decisions, there is no doubt that social media platforms impact on candidate advertising and public debate during elections. This research, the methodological formulation of which is based on a case study, seeks to investigate the use of social media during political campaigns to collect signatures of support. In the elections of 2018, aspiring candidates for presidential election required a certain number of signatures of support in order to register as official candidates. We collected social media data on a weekly basis from the Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube accounts of seven candidates and contrasted this data with the number of signatures validated by the electoral authority. We found no relationship between the level of support received and the use of social media in the case of any of the candidates. However, we observed candidates who did achieve the required number of signatures and who did receive official presidential candidate status as a result of their high level of visibility. This research contributes methodologically to the current literature and provides empirical evidence regarding independent candidates in Mexico.
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Wang, Ching-Hsing. "The Effect of Political Donation on Election Outcomes: Evidence from Taiwan Legislative Elections." SAGE Open 12, no. 1 (January 2022): 215824402210849. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440221084991.
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While past studies have attempted to understand the factors influencing the donation amount received by candidates, little scholarly attention has been paid to the consequences of political donation. Using the candidate-level data from three legislative elections in Taiwan from 2008 to 2016, this study examines the relationship between political donation and candidates’ election outcomes. The empirical findings demonstrate that political donation exerts a significant positive effect on candidates’ election outcomes. Specifically, candidates who receive more campaign contributions are more likely to get a high vote share and elected. However, different sources of political donations have different effects on election outcomes and donation from individuals plays a more important role among four sources of political donations. Furthermore, this study also finds that political donation has a larger impact on non-incumbent candidates’ election outcomes than that of incumbent candidates. Overall, the findings suggest that money matters for candidates’ electoral fate, especially for challengers. Given the importance of political donation in election outcomes, the government should enhance transparency of campaign contributions to ensure fair electoral competition.
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Sugiharto, Imawan. "REKONSTRUKSI PENEGAKAN HUKUM POLITIK UANG DALAM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH BERBASIS HUKUM PROGRESIF." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 3, no. 1 (April 18, 2016): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v3i1.1351.
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Law enforcement ban on the provision of money or other materials to influence voters in both the legislative elections and the elections of regional heads although in practice the naked eye and is no longer a public secret, but the law enforcement feels very weak. Rarely may not even have happened, law enforcement is applied to Regional Head-Deputy Head candidates who caught giving money or other material known as money politics to win their partner is done transparently, even go to court. In practice, law enforcement is applied only to the person who was caught giving money to someone for choosing a particular candidate. Whereas those arrested is only a messenger of others, for example the Campaign Team of Regional Head Deputy Head Candidates. The purpose of this study was to analyze the influential factors against law enforcement of money politics in regional elections, to find out the shortcomings of political money law enforcement and law enforcement to reconstruct the money politics of the regional elections based progressive law. The results of the research which were done by separating the reconstruction of administrative sanctions such as canceling regional head-deputy head candidates who are convicted of money politics by the Provincial Election Commission or Regional Election Commission upon the recommendation of the Provincial Election Supervisory Board or Regional Election Supervisory Board where the regional head election ongoing and should not wait for the criminal process. While the process of examination of criminal offenses against the political actors of money in provincial or regional elections remain to be done in accordance with the provisions stipulated in the Criminal Procedure Code.
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Wielgosz, Łukasz. "Funkcjonowanie międzypartyjnych porozumień wyborczych w formie koalicyjnych komitetów wyborczych oraz komitetów wyborczych partii w latach 2018–2019." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 69, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.05.05.
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Election committees in Poland nominate candidates for elections and organize election campaigns for them. The legislator lists three types of committees that may take part in elections to the Sejm, Senate and the European Parliament: the election committee of a political party, a coalition election committee and an election committee of voters. Of these, the coalition committee is the most complicated formula – to organize it, an agreement between several parties is required. In 2019, Poland saw a consolidation of the political scene – at that time, in the elections to the European Parliament, only six committees put up lists of candidates across the country, while in the elections to the Sejm – only five committees. This was because multi- party electoral agreements formally took part in the elections as party rather than coalition election committees. So is the institution of a coalition election committee still useful?
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Davidson, Adrienne M., R. Michael McGregor, and Myer Siemiatycky. "Gender, Race and Political Ambition: The Case of Ontario School Board Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 2 (April 6, 2020): 461–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919001057.
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AbstractThe political underrepresentation of women and racial minorities in Canadian politics is well documented. One political arena that has yet to be examined in this respect, however, is school boards. Using data from a candidate survey conducted during the course of the 2018 Ontario school board elections, as well as demographic data collected on the entire population of school board candidates, we explore the unique characteristics of school board elections. The research note begins by describing the gender and racial composition of candidates and trustees in Canada's most populous province. It then considers the ways in which school board elections may serve as a launchpad to higher office for either of these two traditionally underrepresented groups, as we explore the features of progressive political ambition, recruitment into school board campaigns and the relative electoral success of racialized candidates and women in this local office. While women do very well in school board elections, they are significantly less likely than their male counterparts to have the desire to move up to provincial or federal politics. Meanwhile, racialized candidates contest school board election in significant numbers and report similar levels of progressive ambition relative to their white counterparts, but they fare exceptionally poorly in school board elections.
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Yakub, Sandra Leoni Prakasa Yakub, and Qurrata Ayuni. "Legal Standing Provision to The Community on Disputes Over The Results of Regional Elections With A Single Candidate In Constitutional Court." JASSP 2, no. 1 (May 30, 2022): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.23960/jassp.v2i1.60.
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This article discusses Constututional Court Regulations Number 6 of 2020 which regulates parties who can be applicants in disputes over the results of Regional election with a single candidate are only candidate itself and election monitors, but ignores the right for community to become applicants. This paper argues that legal standing in disputes over the results of regional head elections with a single candidates should also be given to the community based on: community is a real subject involved in elections, and has an impact on the election of regional heads, the right to argue and actualize themselves in the democratic process, then the state should be able to open an opportunity for the public. The approach method used is normative juridical with secondary data. This paper concludes with the existence of a mechanism that provides access to the public as applicants in disputes over the results of regional elections with one pair of candidates, the community does not only play a role in choosing the options offered by the political system but is able to speak out over the circumstances created by the system.
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Breux, Sandra, Jérôme Couture, and Royce Koop. "Influences on the Number and Gender of Candidates in Canadian Local Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 1 (September 11, 2018): 163–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000483.
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AbstractWe explore influences on the number of candidates, and female candidates in particular, who contest mayoral elections in Canada. We draw on an original cross-national data set of election results from mayoral elections in Canada's 100 largest cities between 2006 and 2017. An average of 4.96 candidates contested mayoral elections in this period, and 16 per cent of all candidates were women. Density and mayoral prestige were related to higher numbers of candidates; in contrast, incumbent candidates and the availability of other elected positions were related to lower numbers. Notably, the presence of a female incumbent was related to higher numbers of women running for the position of mayor; in contrast, higher mayoral salaries were associated with an increase in the number of male but not female candidates. This analysis enhances our understanding of the factors underlying contested local elections, as well as the factors that appear to facilitate women contesting local elections.
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Milazzo, Caitlin, and Joshua Townsley. "Conceived in Harlesden: Candidate-Centred Campaigning in British General Elections." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 1 (December 19, 2018): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsy040.
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Abstract Recent decades have seen an increasing trend towards the personalisation of election campaigns, even in systems where candidates have few structural incentives to emphasise their personal appeal. In this article, we build on a growing literature that points to the importance of candidate characteristics in determining electoral success. Using a dataset composed of more than 3700 leaflets distributed during the 2015 and 2017 general elections, we explore the conditions under which messages emphasising the personal characteristics of prospective parliamentary candidates appear in British general election campaign materials. Even when we account for party affiliation, we find that there are important contextual and individual-level factors that predict the use of candidate-centred messaging.
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Rickenbach, Elizabeth, Janelle Fassi, and Kevin Doran. "WHAT WAS IMPORTANT TO OLDER VOTERS IN THE 2020 ELECTION? A LOOK AT COVID-19, MISINFORMATION, AND POLICY." Innovation in Aging 6, Supplement_1 (November 1, 2022): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igac059.135.
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Abstract High older voter turnout rates, a growing aging population, and organizations that serve the interests of older adults have historically contributed to the importance of older adults for elections. Since 2010 older voters have tended to vote Republican, with White older adults typically preferring Republican candidates, and Black and Hispanic older voters typically preferring Democratic candidates. In the 2020 election, the 65+ group of voters showed the same Republican candidate favorability but followed a slow downward trend from recent elections. Grounded in a demographic, economic, and generational context, and considering theory and research from gerontology, political science, psychology, and sociology, this presentation will explore older voter turnout and candidate choice in the 2020 presidential election. The focus will be on considering past trends and public polling data to examine three key issues in relation to the behavior of older voters in 2020: COVID-19, presidential candidate platforms, and misinformation and the media.
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Rohman, Syaiful, and Biky Uthbek Mubarok. "SINGLE CANDIDATES AGAINST THE EMPTY BOX; ON REGIONAL HEAD ELECTIONS 2020 IN INDONESIA." JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) 7, no. 2 (October 30, 2022): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jwp.v7i2.34730.
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Regional Head Elections (Pilkada) on 2020 have a positive effect on the implementation of a constitution and at least democracy for measuring political participation, the elections that were held after reform started from a Regional Head who was elected by the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD), then elected directly by the community (one man one vote). The direct election then became a simultaneous election in all parts of Indonesia. Until the latest development, namely the presence of a single candidate. The Single Candidate then implies the Empty Box as a companion because there are no candidates or no eligible candidates. This consequence must be accepted due to the Direct-Simultaneous Election system with the threshold record regulations as full of regional head nominations. This gave birth to various interests of political elites and party elites playing in it so that party elites inevitably intervened to whom the letter of recommendation would be given, or consolidation at the elite political level had agreed on a political dowry which then gave birth to a single candidate. This research uses qualitative methods with comprehensive analysis through data collected from the General Election Commission (KPU) and previous research. This paper examines the main factors that gave birth to a single candidate and the political elite’s role in compiling the party’s recommendation letter. The hypothesis that can be seen from the phenomenon of fighting empty boxes is the political dowry factor and the party cadre system’s ineffectiveness in producing leader candidates.
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Reuning, Kevin, and Nick Dietrich. "Media Coverage, Public Interest, and Support in the 2016 Republican Invisible Primary." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 02 (October 29, 2018): 326–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718003274.
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Donald Trump’s success in the 2016 presidential primary election prompted scrutiny for the role of news media in elections. Was Trump successful because news media publicized his campaign and crowded out coverage of other candidates? We examine the dynamic relationships between media coverage, public interest, and support for candidates in the time preceding the 2016 Republican presidential primary to determine (1) whether media coverage drives support for candidates at the polls and (2) whether this relationship was different for Trump than for other candidates. We find for all candidates that the quantity of media coverage had significant and long-lasting effects on public interest in that candidate. Most candidates do not perform better in the polls following increases in media coverage. Trump is an exception to this finding, receiving a modest polling bump following an increase in media coverage. These findings suggest that viability cues from news media contributed to Trump’s success and can be influential in setting the stage in primary elections.
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Mukhametov, Ruslan. "ELECTORAL PREFERENCES OF VOTERS: DOES THE «FRIENDS AND NEIGHBORS» VOTING MATTER IN RUSSIA?" Political Science (RU), no. 4 (2022): 165–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2022.04.08.
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The article examines the level of influence of the spatial characteristics of the candidate on the voting results. The author seeks to answer three questions: do «local» candidates have advantages? What determines the propensity of voters to vote for «local» politicians? What is the magnitude of the «friends and neighbors» effect on the election results? It is shown that candidates, as a rule, receive more votes in their «home» towns (districts). The author notes that most of the studies are based on electoral data for the United States and European countries. The number of papers devoted to understanding the spatial attributes of candidates in elections in Russia is limited. A geographical factor such as the «friends and neighbors» voting was chosen as the conceptual basis of the study. To answer the research questions, the author analyzed the data collected during the online survey. The article compared the results of «local» candidates in direct gubernatorial elections, which they received at the regional level, with the votes of voters in the «home» district. Based on the results of the study, the author came to the conclusion that voters tend to electorally support «local» candidates. The results show that voters with a more pronounced local identity are more concerned about the spatial attributes of candidates. The article notes that the tendency to vote for «local» candidates for deputies depends on the level of organization of elections: support for «local» candidates is more pronounced in municipal elections/ The author emphasizes that the «friends and neighbors» voting gives «local» candidates 4,92% of the vote.
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Kruszyńska, Paulina. "Rywalizacja w ramach listy wyborczej jako konsekwencja systemu list półotwartych w wyborach do Sejmu RP." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 24 (May 7, 2018): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.24.2.
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Competition between candidates from the same party against each other as a consequence of the open-list PR system in elections to the Polish Sejm lower houseAlthough a open-list PR system guarantees the voter the possibility of nominating a specific candidate from the list, which, according to voters, should represent his political option, it is often said that voters do not exercise that power, and that for the election results the most important is candidate’s ballot positionHowever, we know that the personal votes have a real impact on the electoral success. The question is what prompts voters to vote for a particular candidateThe purpose of this article is to analyze the results of the elections to the Polish Sejm from 2015 in terms of the ballot position effect, the intervention effect of the personal votes on the electoral success and effect of one of the determinants of the individual candidate’s success — locality/local ties of candidate.
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MEREDITH, MARC. "Exploiting Friends-and-Neighbors to Estimate Coattail Effects." American Political Science Review 107, no. 4 (October 8, 2013): 742–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000439.
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Federalist democracies often hold concurrent elections for multiple offices. A potential consequence of simultaneously voting for multiple offices that vary with respect to scope and scale is that the personal appeal of candidates in a high-profile race may affect electoral outcomes in less salient races. In this article I estimate the magnitude of such coattail effects from governors onto other concurrently elected statewide executive officers using a unique dataset of county election returns for all statewide executive office elections in the United States from 1987 to 2010. I exploit the disproportionate support that candidates receive from geographically proximate voters, which is often referred to as the friends-and-neighbors vote, to isolate variation in the personal appeal of candidates. I find that a one-percentage-point increase in the personal vote received by a gubernatorial candidate increases the vote share of their party's secretary of state and attorney general candidates by 0.1 to 0.2 percentage points. In contrast, personal votes for a secretary of state or attorney general candidate have no effect on the performance of their party's gubernatorial candidate or other down-ballot candidates.
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Nwankwo, Cletus Famous. "Religion and Voter Choice Homogeneity in the Nigerian Presidential Elections of the Fourth Republic." Statistics, Politics and Policy 10, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2018-0010.
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Abstract This article examines the influence of religion on voter choice homogeneity (VCH) in the Nigerian presidential elections of the fourth republic (1999–2015). The result indicates that in the first two elections, religion did not have a significant impact on VCH but had increasing influence from 2011. Thus, compared with the 1999 and 2003 elections, the effect of faith in 2011 and 2015 elections was positive, but the impact of religion was highest in 2015, having a significant and robust effect on VCH. Thus, the paper demonstrates that impact of faith in the presidential elections in the fourth republic has strengthened over time. This finding is, however, put in the context of each election regarding the role of candidates’ popularity, party-identification, ethnicity, candidates’ performance, the number of candidates contesting the election and the position of prominent leaders of the different regions of the country. The paper demonstrates that placing the influence of religion on vote choice in the context of each election and place-specific manifestation of VCH is pertinent in understanding better how religion shapes voting behaviour in Nigeria.
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Abdulrahman, Wahid. "10. KEGAGALAN CALEG PETAHANA DALAM PILEG DPRD JAWA TENGAH 2014." JIIP: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan 1, no. 1 (March 17, 2015): 110–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jiip.v1i1.796.
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Legislative incumbent candidates have a chance to win the legislative elections with the political capital that they have been owned. However, the fact is that 32 of the 69 legislative incumbent candidates have been failed to be re-elected in 2014 election for Central Java House of Representative. Through a qualitative approach this study explains the failure of legislative incumbent candidates in 2014 Central Java house of representative. The results show incumbent candidate reasons of failure is the failure of the party in maintaining the seat, the inability of incumbent candidates in facing internal competition with other candidates in one party, and the serial number. Pragmatism voters, election less professional organizers are all factors that contribute to the defeat of incumbent candidates.
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Agranov, Marina. "Flip-Flopping, Primary Visibility, and the Selection of Candidates." American Economic Journal: Microeconomics 8, no. 2 (May 1, 2016): 61–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.20130036.
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We present an incomplete information model of two-stage elections in which candidates can choose different platforms in primaries and general elections. Voters do not directly observe the chosen platforms, but infer the candidates' ideologies from observing candidates' campaigns. The ability of voters to detect candidates' types depends on the visibility of the race. This model captures two patterns: the post-primary moderation effect, in which candidates pander to the party base during the primary and shift to the center in the general election; and the divisive-primary effect, which refers to the detrimental effect of hard-fought primaries on a party's general-election prospects. (JEL D11, D72, D83)
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Elkind, Edith, Piotr Faliszewski, and Arkadii Slinko. "Cloning in Elections." Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 24, no. 1 (July 4, 2010): 768–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v24i1.7606.
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We consider the problem of manipulating elections via cloning candidates. In our model, a manipulator can replace each candidate c by one or more clones, i.e., new candidates that are so similar to c that each voter simply replaces c in his vote with the block of c's clones. The outcome of the resulting election may then depend on how each voter orders the clones within the block. We formalize what it means for a cloning manipulation to be successful (which turns out to be a surprisingly delicate issue), and, for a number of prominent voting rules, characterize the preference profiles for which a successful cloning manipulation exists. We also consider the model where there is a cost associated with producing each clone, and study the complexity of finding a minimum-cost cloning manipulation. Finally, we compare cloning with the related problem of control via adding candidates.
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MARKOV, ROMAN. "REPEATED VOTING AT THE ELECTIONS OF THE RUSSIAN GOVERNORS." Economic Problems and Legal Practice 17, no. 5 (October 28, 2021): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2541-8025-2021-17-5-121-126.
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The elections of the governors traditionally arouse significant interest among voters. As with other personalized votes, the winning candidate is required to provide absolute, not relative, support from the electorate. However, the practice that has developed over the past decade demonstrates the extremely rare use of repeated voting to determine the results of gubernatorial elections, and the few examples are rather an exception to the general rule. The above circumstances indicate the relevance of studying this aspect of the regional electoral process. Materials and methods. When preparing the article, federal and regional legislation, materials of election campaigns were analyzed. The main methods used are technical-legal, formal-legal, comparative-legal. Results. Repeated voting in elections of heads of governors is one of the mechanisms that ensure the full implementation of the will of voters, guaranteeing the election of the candidate with the greatest electoral support. However, some aspects of the legislation on gubernatorial elections, in particular, the limited number of subjects for nominating candidates and the procedure for supporting the nomination of candidates by elected officials of local self-government, entails a reduction in competition and, as a consequence, the determination of the results of voting in one round. A few episodes of re-voting, as a rule, were observed in regions that have either complicated relations with the federal center or an internal political conflict. Conclusions. Based on the results of the study, the expediency of liberalizing the requirements for the nomination and registration of candidates for the position of governor is substantiated.
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Ziegfeld, Adam. "Candidate Characteristics in Indian Elections." Asian Survey 55, no. 5 (October 1, 2015): 1018–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.5.1018.
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Are certain kinds of candidates more likely to do better in elections than others? Using a unique dataset on the characteristics of candidates in elections in the north Indian state of Haryana, this study finds that certain candidate characteristics are associated with greater vote shares.
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Mok, Chit Wai John. "Why and How Umbrella Movement Participants Ran in the Authoritarian Elections in Hong Kong." Asian Survey 60, no. 6 (November 2020): 1142–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.6.1142.
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Why do social movement participants turn to elections to advance their goals? Little scholarship has examined movement–election connections at the micro level, and cases from nondemocratic settings are few. After the 2014 Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong failed to achieve substantive results, very few occupiers ran as candidates in the next two general elections. Drawing on interviews with Umbrella candidates and campaign assistants, I argue that after being politicized by the occupation, those candidates used the authoritarian elections to prolong their challenge. They ran to prove that the occupation, though it had failed, did enjoy popular support, thus turning the elections into electoral “moments”: eruptions of civic energy. Their campaigns were also direct challenges to the existing parties. However, they were constrained by electoral logic. Candidates therefore devised various tactics to justify their decision, and to differentiate themselves from conventional candidates.
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Sadiyatunnimah, Siti. "CAPITAL COMPARISON OF CANDIDATES FROM POLITICAL DYNASTIES IN THE 2020 MAYORAL AND DEPUTY MAYORAL ELECTION IN INDONESIA." Journal of Social Political Sciences 2, no. 2 (May 29, 2021): 124–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v2i2.54.
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This study was conducted to compare the capital owned by candidates from political dynasties in the 2020 mayor and deputy mayor elections and make a generalization about which capital turns out to be the most influential in the election. The study is a comparative research which uses the Large-N, a method that compares cases in a broad area and a large number, with 28 candidates from political dynasties as the objects. The conclusion of this study is that the dynasties owned by candidates do not seem to mean much in the 2020 mayor and deputy mayor elections. The victories of candidates from political dynasties were influenced by various combinations of capital. No capital is more influential than other capital because ownership of capital will not mean much if the candidate does not have a good enough strategy in using that capital to attract voters.
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Taylor, Charles Fernandes, Jon CW Pevehouse, and Scott Straus. "Perils of pluralism: Electoral violence and incumbency in sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 3 (May 2017): 397–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343316687801.
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Why do some multiparty elections lead to political violence while others do not? Despite extensive literatures on democratization, civil war, and violence against civilians in civil war, the topic of electoral violence has received less attention. We develop a set of theoretical propositions to explain this variation, testing them on an original dataset on African elections from 1990 to 2008. We find that elections in which an incumbent presidential candidate is running for re-election are significantly more likely to experience electoral violence, both prior to the election and after voting has taken place. We argue that clientelism is behind this pattern, and that clients often resort to electoral violence to protect a reliable incumbent patron. On the other hand, when an incumbent candidate is not running for office, we argue that clients are less willing to assume the risks of participating in electoral violence because candidates in the election have not established a record of delivering patronage at the executive level. We further find some evidence that pre-existing social conflicts increase the risk of pre-election violence. We suggest that this finding is due to the tendency of political elites to mobilize voters around pre-existing political and economic grievances to promote their candidacies, in turn heightening tensions and divisions. We also examine, but find little support for, a number of other possible determinants of electoral violence, such as regime type, income level, international observers, ongoing civil war, pathway to power, and first elections after civil war. The article contributes not only to a small but growing literature on electoral violence but also to a burgeoning literature on political behavior in African elections.
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Darwin, Rizkika Lhena. "POST-PEACE: THE VICTORY OF INDIVIDUAL CANDIDATES AND POLICY PERFORMANCE IN PIDIE, ACEH." Jurnal Politik Profetik 10, no. 2 (December 29, 2022): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v10i2a2.
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Electoral democracy has provided opportunities for candidates from individual path. Therefore, political parties do not become the single way to win the political election. This paper explores the victory of individual candidates in Pidie, Aceh, amid the difficulty of individual candidates winning against candidates from political parties which happened in other regions. This paper argues that the victory of individual candidates was strongly influenced by the risk of the policy performance of the ruling party in the previous period. The findings of this research are (1) individual candidates have no difference with political party’s candidate as they are not coming from social activist who bring alternative issues to the citizen. It only differs from its administrative requirements. (2) Pidie is an area where the majority of political parties support one candidate, so the presence of individual candidates becomes an alternative. (3) People's voting behavior in post-conflict areas tends to lead to rational choice, where past government policies become a consideration in voting in the next election. Thus, individual candidates in the context of regional elections will not affect the quality of democracy that takes place in Indonesia. Furthermore, in the positive side, people are increasingly maturing in politics because they make performance considerations the basis of their political choices. But the positive side is that people are increasingly maturing in politics because they make performance considerations the basis of their political choices. Strengthening the model of rational choice voting behavior will support the quality of elections and democracy that takes place in Indonesia.