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Journal articles on the topic 'Canonistes'

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1

Leveleux-Teixeira, Corinne. "L'utilitas publica des canonistes." Revue Française d'Histoire des Idées Politiques 32, no. 2 (2010): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rfhip.032.0259.

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2

Fransen, Gérard. "Les canonistes dans le monde du Moyen Âge." Bulletin de la Classe des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques 2, no. 1 (1991): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/barb.1991.38812.

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3

Fransen, Gérard. "La vie universitaire d'après les «Quaestiones» des canonistes (1160-1234)." Bulletin de la Classe des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques 3, no. 1 (1992): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/barb.1992.38772.

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4

Longère, Jean. "L'enseignement du Credo: conciles, synodes et canonistes médiévaux jusqu'au XIIIe siècle." Sacris Erudiri 32, no. 2 (January 1991): 309–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.se.2.303771.

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Gouron, André. "Une école de canonistes anglais à Paris : maître Walter et ses disciples (vers 1170)." Journal des savants 1, no. 1 (2000): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/jds.2000.1631.

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6

Prietzel, Malte. "Canonistes et gens de finances. Les officiers de I'évêque de Tournai au XVe siècle." Publications du Centre Européen d'Etudes Bourguignonnes 40 (January 2000): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.pceeb.2.302212.

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7

Sadowski, Piotr. "Sąd Diecezji Opolskiej i kanoniści opolscy po drugiej wojnie światowej." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 16, no. 4 (1) (September 17, 2019): 199–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1212.

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This article presents the Opole Diocesan Court in the years 1951–2018 and Opole canonists in the years 1945–2018. It discusses the functions, structure, history and profiles of judicial vicars of the court, and gives summary information focusing on Opole canonists. Members of the Opole Diocesan Court are compared with Opole canonists because the both groups have often created or co-created the both of these realities. The article does not present any statistical information or names of trials taking place before the Opole Diocesan Court during the analyzed period, or possible trial costs. Furthermore, it does not analyze court judgements or individual reasons for declaring the nullity of a marriage solemnized at the Roman Catholic church. While determining the composition of the court is relatively easy, the concept of canon law study of Opole is a more complicated matter. A person related to the Opole Diocese area by birth, upbringing, residence or job is recognized by the author as an Opole canonist. However, the above-listed factors are not always cumulative. In many cases, someone who is considered to be an Opole canonist may also be identified as belonging to other scientific circles. In the past few decades, the Opole canonist community has been composed of graduates of numerous Polish and foreign academic centers, and, afterwards, such people dealt with various research areas. Their publications, professional, social and organizational activities, and their membership of different associations are the evidence of proper creativity. Even if the author does not discuss detailed scientific achievements of Opole canonists, the above summary presentation shows that these achievements are rather extensive.
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8

Laskowski, Jerzy. "Wartość prawna miłości." Prawo Kanoniczne 33, no. 1-2 (June 5, 1990): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.1990.33.1-2.05.

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Durant les trois dernières générations le mariage dans la occidentale a subi des mutations profondes. Il joui maintenent d’ une grande autonomie par égard aux familles dont proviennent les jeunes mariés. Le mariage devient maintenant de plus en plus une „intima communitas vitae et amoris”. Il y a une grande différence de vue s’il s’agit de la notion de l’ amour et surtout de l’ amour dans le mariage. Aussi parmi les canonistes les point de vue concernants ce sujet sont différent. Par exemple le professeur U. Navarette et l’eveque Z. Grocholewski considèrent l’amour dans le mariage d’une facon différente. Independament des points de vue l’amour conjugal a une valeur juridique indirecte, parce que ’ il a une grande importance pour l’expression du consentement conjugal
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9

Laurent-Bonne, Nicolas. "Notes sur deux canonistes méridionaux du XIVe siècle : Guillaume de Rosières et Aymeric de Montal." Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes 171, no. 2 (2013): 365–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bec.2013.464622.

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10

Jońca, Maciej. "Recenzja monografii Piotra Alexandrowicza Kanonistyczne uzasadnienie swobody umów w zachodniej tradycji prawnej. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 2020, stron 333." Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 14, no. 2 (2021): 268–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.21.018.13526.

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Review of Piotr Alexandrowicz’s Book Canonistic Justification of Freedom of Contract in the Western Legal Tradition. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 2020,333 Pages The inspiring monograph of Piotr Alexandrowicz entitled “Canonistic Justification of Freedom of Contract in the Western Legal Tradition” clearly shows that the true creators of freedom of contract were not ancient Roman jurists or emperors, but medieval canonists. Based on Christian moral theology, they built the unique doctrine of obligations without which it is quite difficult to imagine contemporary legal transactions. Their thought was subsequently taken up and further developed by modern thinkers.
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11

Sheehan, Michael M. "The European family and canon Law." Continuity and Change 6, no. 3 (December 1991): 347–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416000004094.

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Alors que la loi générale de l'église imposait des limitations à la possibilité de produire un héritier par son opposition à la polygamie et au divorce suivi de remariage et en imposant une importante restriction à l'endogamie, ces mêmes limitations s'étaient dévelopées dans le contexte du mariage – un soucis majeur de l'église – plutôt que dans celui de la famille. A partir d'autres points de vue, les canonistes essayaient d'aider la continuation de la famille par leur soutien de la légitimation. On ne rencontre aucune opposition à l'adoption dans la loi générale de l'Eglise: elle présume l'adoption. L'article suggère que dans la recherche de facteurs qui ont contribué à façonner la famille européenne, il faudrait porter plus d'intérêt au rôle joué par l'Eglise dans l'accentuation croissante du droit de l'individu d'opter pour le célibat ou pour le mariage, et dans ce dernier cas, le droit de choisir un(e) conjoint(e)
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Jankowiak, François. "Droit canonique et gouvernement central de l’Église : regards de canonistes sur le pouvoir romain (vers 1850-vers 1920)." Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Italie et Méditerranée 116, no. 1 (2004): 141–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.2004.10086.

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13

Kritsch, Raquel. "Política e Jurisprudência." Philosophica: International Journal for the History of Philosophy 11, no. 22 (2003): 99–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philosophica2003112214.

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Le propos de l’article c’est d’analyser la formation et l’évolution du concept de souveraineté, concernant essentiellement les siècles XII-XIV, une période au long de laquelle il est progressivement configuré. La thèse fondamentale de l’auteur consiste précisément dans l’affirmation selon laquelle les questions inhérentes à la souveraineté sont simultanément politiques et juridiques, liaison intrinsèque qui transparaît dans les deux moments essentiels de la construction du concept de souveraineté : le premier se rapportant avec la question de la distribution des juridictions strictu sensu, c’est-à-dire, avec la définition de l’entité dont la mission est de faire accomplir la loi en tant que telle; le second qui signale l’apparition d’un sens plus large du concept de juridiction - légitimité de créer, de changer et de révoquer les normes - associée à l’idée de pouvoir législatif dans une acception moderne. Cette construction en deux mouvements est analysée dans des auteurs fondamentaux de cette période depuis les canonistes du XIII siècle jusqu’à Guillaume d’Ockham, passant par Saint Thomas d'Aquin et Jean Quidort, entre autres.
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Rosolino, Riccardo. "Crimes contre le marché, crimes contre Dieu." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 60, no. 6 (December 2005): 1245–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900020825.

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RésuméEn 1619-1620, l’une des plus importantes villes assujetties à la Couronne de Sicile pour la production et la commercialisation du blé (Corleone) devint le théâtre d’une campagne judiciaire contre l’usure. L’action du tribunal archiépiscopal de Monreale – qui instruisit les procès – porta au grand jour certaines pratiques de l’Ancien Régime relatives au crédit et, du même pas, finit par entamer une discussion sur les critères de définition du juste prix, qui impliquait l’équivalence dans l’échange. L’article traite du juste prix – un des éléments fondamentaux de l’architecture théologique et juridique de l’Ancien Régime – à travers une comparaison entre les avis de différents canonistes et juristes et une « perception locale » réélaborée grâce aux sources judiciaires. La justice commutative, inhérente à la sphère contractuelle, requérait une équivalence entre le prix et la valeur de l’objet mais, souvent, l’attribution d’une telle équivalence était confuse. L’ambiguïté qui émerge des sources judiciaires prouve à quel point peut être incertain le procédé de définition de la « juste mesure » et de la « marge » que l’on perdait ou que l’on récupérait selon les délais de paiement ou de remise de la marchandise. Le prix politique finit, autant que le prix du marché, par devenir une valeur indicative de référence dans un scénario riche et complexe.
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15

Ben-Ari, Nitsa. "The Ambivalent Case of Repetitions in Literary Translation. Avoiding Repetitions: a "Universal" of Translation?" L'école de Tel-Aviv : pour une théorie de la traduction littéraire 43, no. 1 (October 2, 2002): 68–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/002054ar.

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Résumé Bien que la répétition joue un rôle majeur dans les textes littéraires, éviter les répétitions est l'une des normes les plus fréquentes en traduction. Au point qu'il serait plus approprié de parler d'un des "universaux" de la traduction. Pour éviter les répétitions, on a recours à des techniques diverses, allant de la suppression pure et simple au remplacement par des synonymes. Quand ces solutions s'avèrent impossibles, le traducteur peut se résoudre à "annoncer" (souligner) la répétition. Éviter les répétitions est une stratégie dominante dans la traduction de textes "canonisés", aussi bien que "semi-canonisés", la seule différence résidant dans le nombre de cas relevés et dans l'audace de la solution. Dans les textes semi-canonisés qui ont subi un changement de genre au cours du processus de traduction, éviter les répétitions doit être considéré comme faisant partie d'un complexe normatif plus large. Pour la littérature non canonisée, les "libertés" que se permet le traducteur sont telles qu'il serait peu rentable de rechercher un équivalent adéquat des répétitions. Dans le cadre global des normes, des répétitions sont parfois ajoutées en traduction. Elles sont, cependant, de nature différente, suscitées par des contraintes répertorémiques, normatives. Tant la rigidité que la récurrence de cet "universel" en matière de traduction, dans des langues et des systèmes littéraires si nombreux, donnent à penser qu'on peut conclure que des considérations d'adéquation cèdent le pas à des considérations d'acceptabilité dans la culture-cible.
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16

RESNICK, IRVEN M. "ALBERT THE GREAT ON NATURE AND THE PRODUCTION OF HERMAPHRODITES: THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL CONSIDERATIONS." Traditio 74 (2019): 307–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2019.10.

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Despite its rarity, hermaphroditism is often discussed in medieval texts in theoretical and practical contexts by canonists, theologians, and natural philosophers. For the canonist or theologian, hermaphroditism raised questions concerning baptism, marriage, entry to clerical orders, and legal status. For the natural philosopher, the hermaphrodite seemed to violate the strict dichotomy of male and female. Here I examine Albert the Great's natural-philosophical treatment of hermaphroditism. Albert rejects the view that hermaphrodites constitute a “third sex” and instead invokes Aristotle's authority to show that hermaphrodites are a “monstrous” flaw in nature. He carefully investigates the manner in which nature produces hermaphrodites in the womb and introduces a discussion of the generative capacity of hermaphrodites themselves. He concludes that they are incapable of reproducing in and of themselves (i.e., they are incapable of auto-fecundation) although they seem able to generate in another individual through coition.
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Stantchev, Stefan K. "“Apply to Muslims What Was Said of the Jews:” Popes and Canonists Between a Taxonomy of Otherness andInfidelitas." Law and History Review 32, no. 1 (February 2014): 65–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824801300062x.

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This article analyzes the targets of papal policies on Christians' relations with non-(Roman)Christians contained in canon law'sOn Jews, Saracens, and Their Servantsin a historical period that has attracted comparatively little attention: the mid-thirteenth to the late fifteenth century. It argues the inherent ambiguity of the normative discourse on “proper” relations with “infidels.” On the one hand, popes and canonists faithfully preserved a taxonomy of otherness inherited from the church's ancient past. On the other hand, they often reduced all difference to the pastoral distinction between flock and “infidels.” The conflation of non-Christians occurred in multiple ways: through the explicit extension of a specific policy's targets, overt canonistic discussion, the tacit application of the law to analogous situations, or its simplification for use in the confessional. As a result, a number of policies aimed originally at a specific target were applied to all non-Christians. In the course of the later Middle Ages, a whole group of policies meant to define Christians' proper relations with others became potentially applicable against all non-Christians. In the words of a widely, if regionally disseminated, penitential work, all that was said of the Jews applies to the Muslims and all that was said of heretics, applies to schismatics.
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18

Freidenreich, David. "Sharing Meals with Non-Christians in Canon Law Commentaries, Circa 1160-1260: A Case Study in Legal Development." Medieval Encounters 14, no. 1 (2007): 41–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138078507x254730.

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AbstractCanon law scholarship flourished in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and its practitioners left a remarkable paper trail. Surviving documents capture the intellectual evolution that occurred during this formative period and offer historians a rare opportunity to trace legal development in premodern times. This article examines the evolution of laws regulating the sharing of meals with non-Christians, with particular attention to the ways in which medieval canonists conceptualized foreigners. These canonists struggle to fit Islam into traditional legal categories, concluding that Muslims are "judaizing pagans" on account of their dietary practices. This outcome, and its implications for the way canonists understood not only commensality with Muslims but also with Jews and pagans, reflects the degree to which medieval scholars of canon law were both unfamiliar with other religious traditions and uninterested in acquiring such knowledge. The ideas of these scholars about non-Christians reflect their detatchment from realia and their commitment, as participants in the canon law tradition, to the conservation of existing paradigms, laws, and interpretations. This case study thus sheds light both on medieval Christian conceptions of foreigners and on the ways in which great works of premodern law developed.
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Robinson, Andrew. "Galileo should be canonised." New Scientist 208, no. 2785 (November 2010): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(10)62771-6.

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Sztychmiler, Ryszard. "Dowodzenie nieważności małżeństwa w świetle dyskusji kanonistów w latach 1997-1998." Prawo Kanoniczne 42, no. 1-2 (June 15, 1999): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.1999.42.1-2.06.

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In anni 1997-1998 sono stati molti interessanti discussioni dei canonisti in Polonia, Germania e Spania sull matrimonio canonico. Nel Polonia e nella Spania hanno partecipato anche dei canonisti dal Italia (Prof. Grocholewski, prof. Pompedda). I canonisti hanno discutere per esempio i probierni: della certezza morale dei giudice, influsso dei alkoolismo nella famiglia al volonta di sposarsi, significazione dei obligazioni matrimoniali essenziali nel processo matrimoniale, verita sui matrimonio e sentenza, l’errore circa qualita della persona, lavoro dei periti e charattere delle prove nei processi dal can. 1095 n. 2-3, simulazione totale e della coscienza.
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Mehmeti, Sami. "The influence of canon law on ius commune in its formative period." SEEU Review 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2015-0034.

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AbstractIn the Medieval period, Roman law and canon law formedius communeor the common European law. The similarity between Roman and canon law was that they used the same methods and the difference was that they relied on different authoritative texts. In their works canonists and civilists combined the ancient Greek achievements in philosophy with the Roman achievements in the field of law. Canonists were the first who carried out research on the distinctions between various legal sources and systematized them according to a hierarchical order. The Medieval civilists sought solutions in canon law for a large number of problems that Justinian’s Codification did not hinge on or did it only superficially. Solutions offered by canon law were accepted not only in the civil law of Continental Europe, but also in the English law.
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Brundage, James A. "Canonists Versus Civilians: The Battle of The Faculties." Jurist: Studies in Church Law and Ministry 71, no. 2 (2011): 316–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jur.2011.0001.

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23

Robinson, Jonathan. "Ockham, the Sanctity of Rights, and the Canonists." Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law 31, no. 1 (2014): 147–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bmc.2014.0009.

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Frijhoff, Willem. "Pays-Bas : canoniser la nation ?" Le Débat 175, no. 3 (2013): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.175.0172.

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Merckaert, Jean. "Faut-il canoniser les victimes ?" Projet 340, no. 3 (2014): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pro.340.0002.

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Rousseau, J. "'n Multidimensionele benadering tot die kommunikasie van ou gekanoniseerde tekste." Verbum et Ecclesia 9, no. 1 (August 2, 1988): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v9i1.982.

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A multidimensional approach towards the communication of ancient canonised texts This article suggests that the implementation of a multidimensional approach towards ancient canonised texts is a reality-orientated, problem-solving and progressive-effective alternative to the futile exercise of a one-dimensional approach. The over- and underexposure of the text by either an absolutised text-immanent or historical analysis is comparable to someone trying to solve Rubic's cube by turning only one level of squares. The multidimensional analysis of the relief-mapping function of the static thrust, the cosmologic-orientational function of the dynamic perspective and the persuasive function of the dialectic strategy of 1 Peter, illustrated new possibilities of experiencing a meaningful communication of ancient canonised texts as "a cosmologic battle between perspectives".
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Dzierżon, Ginter. "Polemika wokół kontraktualistycznej natury małżeństwa." Prawo Kanoniczne 43, no. 1-2 (June 5, 2000): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2000.43.1-2.04.

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Questo studio cerca di presentare la discussione dei canonisti, relativa alla concezione contrattualistica o meno del matrimonio. L’analisi della dottrina in questa materia indica che fino agli anni venti del ventesimo secolo non venivano sollevate obbiezioni nella canonistica nei confronti della concezione contrattualistica del matrimonio. Contro tale impostazione, sotto l’influsso della critica dei civilisti e romanisti nei detti anni, sono stati alcuni canonisti a muoversi. Tale critica divenne più forte dopo la conclusione del Concilio Vaticano II. Lo spunto principale venne dato dalla Cost. past. Gaudium et Spes, nella quale i Patri Conciliari non avevano usato il termine „contractus”, bensì „foedus”. Quindi alcuni canonisti cominciarono ad evidenziare il valore personalistico del matrimonio. La concezione personalistica non è in grado di spiegare tutti i meccanismi coinvolti nella struttura del diritto matrimoniale canonico.
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Syryjczyk, Jerzy. "Kara ekskomuniki a pełna wspólnota kościelna według Kodeksu Prawa Kanonicznego z 1983 r." Prawo Kanoniczne 33, no. 3-4 (December 10, 1990): 173–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.1990.33.3-4.09.

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L’excommunication dans le Code de droit canon (CIC/1983), une des peines correctionnelles, est une des peines ecclésiastiques le plus graves (саn. 1318). C’est ce qu’indiquent clairement surtout ses effets précisés dans le can. 1331. Elle atteint les chrétiens coupables de transgressions spécialement graves et interdit presque absolument de jouir des biens dont l’Église dispose pour atteindre la vie éternelle. Du point de vue des effects de l’excommunication, CIC/1983 en principe maintient la même conception de la peine qui était celle de CIC/1917. Cependant, dans le droit actuel elle ne peut plus être définie comme une censure qui excult de la communion des fidèles. La raison de cette affirmation, comme le remarque à juste titre V. De Paolis, c’est la conception changée de „communio” qui a actuellement une signification plus complète qu’en CIC/1917. L’excommunication ne s’oppose ni à la conception de pleine communion ecclésiale (can. 205), ni à la notion de „communio”. Les effects matérieles de l’excommunication (can. 1331) ne portent plus atteinte aux liens d’appartenance à la pleine communion ecclésiale; ils n’annulent non plus les effets du sacrament le baptême qui est le fondament de la communion ecclésiale (communio). L’analyse des résolutions juridiques dans CIC/1983 prouve qu’il n’y a pas de stricte corrélation entre l’absence de la pleine communion ecclésiale et la peine d’excommunication. Cette peine n’exclut pas de la communion ecclésiale. De même, ne sont pas toujours excommuniés ceux qui’s’en sont exclus eux-mêmes. C’est ce que confirme le can. 96, dans lequel l’excommunication, à côté de l’absence de la pleine communion, constitue une seconde raison qui limite les droits des fidèles. L’excommunication, de même que les autres peines eccléssiastiques, n’est pas une conséquence automatique du péché mortel, puisque tous les péchés martels ne sont pas entourés d’une sanction pénale de ce genre. L’excommunication suppose l’existence d’un péché mortel; on ne peut pas cependant identifier les effets du péché avec les effets de la peine. Ces derniers sont effet dépendants de la volonté du législateur. De même, la menace de l’excommunication qui repose sur des péchés mortels concrets est dictée par la „politique criminelle”; elle est donc également du domaine du droit ecclésiastique positif. La peine de l’excommunication ne peut être comprise comme une déclaration d’un état de fait qui découle comme conséquence d’un péché mortel commis. Malgré l’opinion de certains canonistes, on n’affirme rien sur les conséquences d’un péché mortel sous la forme de l’abandon d’une pleine communion ecclésiale, car un tel affet n’est pas provoqué de par sa nature un péché mortel (à l’exception de l’apostasie, de l’hérésie et du schisme), ni par la peine qui nous intéresse ici. En décrétant l‘excommunication, l’autorité ecclésiastique place l’auteur du délit dans une nouvelle situation ecclésiale et canonique qui diffère nettement de la situation dans laquelle se trouve le fidèle par le fait d’avoir commis ce péché/délit.
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Dondorp, Harry. "VI. Review of Papal Rescripts in the Canonists' Teaching." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 76, no. 1 (August 1, 1990): 172–253. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgka.1990.76.1.172.

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Dondorp, Harry. "II. Review of Papal Rescripts in the Canonists' Teaching." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 77, no. 1 (August 1, 1991): 32–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgka.1991.77.1.32.

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31

Djukic, Marjana. "Octave Mirbeau, un canonisateur à canoniser." Studi Francesi, no. 185 (LXII | II) (August 1, 2018): 259–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.12609.

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32

Rothbard, Murray N. "O Pensamento Econômico na Idade Média Cristã – Parte 2." MISES: Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy, Law and Economics 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 477–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.30800/mises.2013.v1.503.

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O autor apresenta o desenvolvimento do pensamento econômico na Idade Média (séculos XII e XIII), dando atenção principalmente ao entendimento dos canonistas e teólogos das grandes universidades medievais e dos grandes pensadores das emergentes ordens religiosas, como os dominicanos e franciscanos, a aspectos econômicos tais como a usura, a cobrança de juros e o estabelecimento do “preço justo”.
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Doe, Norman. "Robert Owen (1820–1902)." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 21, no. 1 (January 2019): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x18000959.

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This journal has published two distinguished series on the lives and careers of individual jurists in the history of English church law, from the mediaeval period to the late nineteenth century: one by Professor Sir John Baker on ‘famous English canonists’ (1988–1997); and the other by Professor Richard Helmholz on ‘notable ecclesiastical lawyers’ (2013–2017). Most prepared for their professional careers with the study of civil law at Oxford or Cambridge (and before the Reformation also of canon law). Many practised as judges, advocates and proctors in the church courts (until statute ended much of their jurisdiction in the 1850s). Some wrote treatises on church law. A small number were also priests, but less so as the centuries unfolded. While these professional canonists and civilians may have had a monopoly in practising church law, they did not have a monopoly in thinking or writing about it. The clergy, who never trained or practised as lawyers, also had things to say about church law. But the clerical profession has been somewhat neglected by scholarship as a class contributing to the history of church law and jurisprudence. From diocesan bishops through parish priests to clerical scholars in the universities, their books, pamphlets, sermons, letters and other materials often deal with the nature, sources and subjects of church law. Their aims vary: from the educational through the historical or theological to the practical and polemical. These priest-jurists – fathers-in-law, they might quip – contributed much to the intellectual development of church law. One is Robert Owen, a Welsh scholar cleric whose books include Institutes of Canon Law (1884). No scholar has to date unveiled Owen as a notable Anglican priest-jurist – strangely, he has been lost to scholarship as among those whom he himself chided as ‘eminent Canonists’ who ‘hide themselves’ and remain ‘veiled Prophets’.
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Nestola, Paola. "“Nemine discrepante”: Agostinho Barbosa (1590-1649), estudante da universidade de coimbra, erudito lexicógrafo, canonista difamado?" Biblos, no. 5 (October 17, 2019): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4112_3-5_8.

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A partir de documentos inéditos, conservados no Arquivo da Universidade de Coimbra e no Archivio Segreto Vaticano, o estudo visa (re)considerar Agostinho Barbosa (1590-1649), douto canonista formado na Universidade de Coimbra (1608-1618), e uma parte da sua extensa produção editorial em latim. Estes eruditos textos lexicográficos e jurídicos motivaram, muitas vezes, afirmações difamantes, transmitidas também por quantos trataram, recentemente, da complexa personagem. Barbosa foi um canonista com um cursus itinerante entre a Península Ibérica e a Italiana, durante décadas de profundo colapso social para Portugal, nos anos de integração na coroa espanhola.
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35

Van Den Auweele, Dirk. "Rechtshistorisch Onderzoek in België: 75 Jaar Canonistiek." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 61, no. 3 (1993): 349–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181993x00204.

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AbstractL'étude de l'histoire du droit canonique en Belgique (1918-1993) est portée, essentiellement, par les facultés de droit canonique de l'université de Louvain. Jusqu'en 1968 l'Université Catholique de Louvain (U. C.L. et K.U. Leuven) était dotée d'une faculté unitaire de droit canonique (Faculté de Droit canonique / Faculteit Kerkelijk Recht). En 1968, à l'occasion du "splitsing", deux facultés autonomes et indépendantes furent creées: une Faculté de Droit canonique à l' U. C.L. (Louvain-la-Neuve), qui s'intégrait très rapidement dans la Faculté de Théologie et qui perdait ainsi très vite sa spécificité - on vient d'ailleurs de la suspendre -; une Faculteit Kerkelijk Recht à la K. U. Leuven (Leuven) dotée d'un statut spécial et particulier ("bijzondere faculteit"), qui connaît une expansion toute relative (e.a. grâce à son orientation anglo-américaine). Evidemment, la position actuelle du droit canonique positif se caractérise par un rétrécissement grandissant, dû à la position de l'Eglise en tant qu'institution (la séparation de l'Eglise et de l'Etat) et, à l'intérieur de l'Eglise, à une perte certaine de sa fonctionnalité en faveur d'une approche théologique. Ces conditions particulières ne favorisent pas l'étude de l'histoire du droit canonique. Deux chercheurs éminents d'une renommée internationale, issus de ces facultés, ont déterminé l'étude du droit canonique: Monseigneur A. Van Hove (1872-1947) et le Chanoine Gérard Fransen (°1915). Van Hove doit sa renommée à ses études sur les rapports juridiques concernant la principauté de Liège, sur l'histoire de l'université de Louvain en général et, en particulier, sur la faculté de droit canonique et sur la doctrine médiévale, mais, avant tout, à ses Prolegomena. Parmi ces élèves on compte, e.a., H. Wagnon et W. Onclin. G. Fransen s'est concentré et se concentre davantage sur l'étude des manuscrits canoniques (analyses, stemmata codicum) et les sources canoniques (éditions critiques et approche typologique). On lui doit, e.a., une édition modèle de la Summa 'Elegantius in iure divino'seu Coloniensis, des contributions approfondies sur les collections canoniques, les décrétales et les collections de décrétales, les questiones et la doctrine canonique médiévale. Il compte parmi ses élèves, e.a., C. Van de Wiel, E. Van Balberghe et D. van den Auweele. Monseigneur H. Wagnon (1906-1983) et Monseigneur W. Onclin (1905-1989) ont largement contribué à l'étude de l'histoire de droit canonique. Wagnon était un spécialiste reconnu de relations entre l'Eglise et l'Etat au XIXe siècle. Le nom de Onclin, promoteur de Fransen, est associé à Vaticanum II et au nouveau Code de droit canonique (1983). L'étude de l'histoire du droit canonique ne se limite pas à ces facultés ni, d'ailleurs, à l'université de Louvain. Signalons, à titre d'exemple, les études de J. Warichez (Etienne de Tournai), M. Nuttinck (Zeger-Bernard Van Espen), de J. Roegiers, D. van den Auweele, W. Prevenier, P.C. Boeren, e.a. A l'université de Gand deux élèves de R.C. van Caenegem, à savoir D. Lambrecht et M. Vleeschouwers-Van Melkebeek, ont examiné la pratique judiciaire (la synode paroissiale, les officialités). L'avenir de l'histoire du droit canonique se situe dans la grande tradition instaurée par H. Kantorowicz, S. Kuttner, E. Kantorowicz, P. Legendre, G. Fransen, P. Landau (la genèse et la généalogie du droit canonique à partir du XIe-XIIe siècles, tout en conservant son approche érudite et scientifique classique (S. Kuttner, G. Fransen) et en s'alignant sur la voie tracée par P. Landau (la perspective de l'élaboration d'un droit européen).
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36

Van Den Auweele, Dirk. "Rechtshistorisch Onderzoek in België: 75 Jaar Canonistiek." Legal History Review 61, no. 2 (January 1, 1993): 349–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181993x00385.

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37

Ciria, Alberto. "Angels and Demons." Index on Censorship 14, no. 6 (December 1985): 46–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533997.

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38

Brundage, James A. "XIX. From Classroom to Courtroom: Parisian Canonists and Their Careers." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 83, no. 1 (August 1, 1997): 342–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgka.1997.83.1.342.

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39

Baker, J. H. "Famous English Canonists: III John Ayton (or Acton) U.J.D. († 1349)." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 2, no. 08 (January 1991): 159–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00001083.

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Another well known name from the golden age of the Cambridge law school was that of John ‘of Aton’. The name, however, requires some comment before proceeding to the man. In the printed edition of his work he is ‘de Athon:’ or ‘de Aton’, which Stubbs rendered as Ayton, on the assumption that it derived from the place in Yorkshire. Maitland said it was convenient to follow this spelling, though he pointed out that the papal chancery addressed him as ‘Johannes Johannis de Acton’. ‘Acton’ was used in theDictionary of National Biography, and is now the preferred spelling, though more cautious writers have adopted the neutral ‘Athon’. In view of the strong East Anglian bias of the Cambridge law school in the time of Bishop Bateman, it is possible that the name derived from Acton in Suffolk. But that is only so if the papal chancery may be trusted; Athon is not itself a variant of Acton. If, on the other hand, the spelling in the treatise is preferred – and it certainly seems more common in all the manuscripts – Ayton (formerly Aton) remains a more likely identification than any other. Certainly the doctor's connections in his professional career seem to have been with the north rather than with East Anglia.
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40

Brundage, James A. "The Hierarchy of Violence in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Canonists." International History Review 17, no. 4 (December 1995): 670–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1995.9640725.

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41

Wood, Diana. "John of Ayton’s ‘Grumbling Gloss’: A Northern Churchman’s View of Society." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 12 (1999): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002441.

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The canonist John of Ayton was described by Maitland as being ‘a little too human to be strictly scientific’. His best-known work, the commentary on the legatine constitutions of Otto (1237) and Ottobuono (1268), was dubbed a ‘grumbling gloss’, which often became ‘a growl against the bad world in which he lives, the greedy prelates, the hypocritical friars, the rapacious officials’. But this, while it may not make him the ideal canonist, is precisely what makes a study of his view of society rewarding.
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42

Ombres, Robert. "The Fifteenth Colloquium of Anglican and Roman Catholic Canon Lawyers." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 16, no. 3 (August 13, 2014): 363–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x1400057x.

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The latest colloquium took place in London, and had as its theme ‘Counsel and Consent’, a clear echo of Eric Kemp's book of that title. On the Anglican side, the participants were Will Adam, Norman Doe, Mark Hill QC (in whose Inner Temple chambers we met), Anthony Jeremy and Stephen Slack. The Roman Catholic canonists were Andrew Cole, James Conn SJ, Fintan Gavin, Aidan McGrath OFM and Robert Ombres OP.
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43

Alonso Furelos, Juan Manuel. "Evolución histórica de la aplicación del derecho extranjero en el proceso civil español." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 22 (July 9, 2018): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.22.2018.22283.

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Abordo en el trabajo la aplicación del derecho material privado en la sentencia —sea en primera instancia, en segunda o casación— en el proceso tramitado en España ante nuestros jueces y tribunales del orden civil de la jurisdicción ordinaria. Desde que existen textos legales conocidos y hasta la segunda mitad del S. xix se aplicó exclusivamente el derecho nacional tanto a los españoles como a los extranjeros, aunque se permitió excepcionalmente en dicha jurisdicción civil ordinaria y real la aplicación del derecho romano y canónico en cuanto formase parte de la «doctrina considerada auténtica» de determinados romanistas y canonistas. A partir de la segunda mitad del S. xix, por virtud de la LEC 1855 (juicio de reconocimiento de sentencias extranjeras) y la doctrina legal de nuestro Tribunal Supremo al pronunciarse en los recursos de casación por infracción de ley se permitirá la prueba y aplicación del derecho extranjero en el proceso civil seguido en España ante nuestros jueces y tribunales. (Aunque escasa fue su doctrina legal al pronunciarse sobre los recursos de casación por quebrantamiento de las formas esenciales del juicio referidas a la actividad probatoria del derecho extranjero causantes de indefensión). Este trabajo sigue el sistema histórico-cronológico destacando los periodos e hitos considerados más sobresalientes.I approach in the work the application of private material right in the judgment —be it in the first instance, in second or cassation— in the process processed in Spain before our judges and courts of the civil order of the ordinary jurisdiction. Since there are known legal texts and until the second half of the 19th century applied exclusively the national law both to the Spaniards and to the foreigners, although there was allowed exceptionally in the above mentioned civil ordinary and royal jurisdiction the application of the roman and canon law in all that it was forming a part of the «doctrine considered authentic» of certain romanists and canonists. From the second half of the 19th century, by virtue of the LEC 1855 (judgment of recognition of foreign judgments) and the legal doctrine of our Supreme Court on having declared in the appeals in cassation for infraction of law will allow itself the test and application of the foreign right in the civil process followed in Spain before our judges and courts. (although there was little legal doctrine to pronounce on appeals in cassation for breach of the essential procedure of the trial referred to the evidential activity of foreign law causing defenselessness). This work follows the historical-chronological system highlighting the periods and milestones considered most outstanding.
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Young, Charles Rice. "Monuments of Endlesse Labours: English Canonists and their Work 1300–1900." American Journal of Legal History 43, no. 1 (January 1999): 75–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajlh/43.1.75.

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45

Cushing, K. G. "The Medieval Origins of the Legal Profession: Canonists, Civilians, and Courts." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 515 (July 26, 2010): 954–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq207.

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46

Young, Charles Rice, and J. H. Baker. "Monuments of Endlesse Labours: English Canonists and Their Work 1300-1900." American Journal of Legal History 43, no. 1 (January 1999): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/846132.

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Greiner, Philippe. "Point de vue d’un canoniste sur le mariage en Droit français." L'Année canonique Tome LIII, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/cano.053.0191.

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48

Barber, Paul. "The Fall and Rise of Doctors' Commons?" Ecclesiastical Law Journal 4, no. 18 (January 1996): 462–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00002350.

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The historic new LLM degree in Canon Law from the University of Wales College of Cardiff means that there now exists a body of Canon Law graduates, the first ‘home-grown’ canonists in this country since the King's Vicar-General. Thomas Cromwell, suppressed the faculties of Canon Law at Cambridge and Oxford in 1535. It was for a gathering of the first such graduates that the original version of this paper was prepared.
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Müller, Wolfgang P. "Huguccio of Pisa: Canonist, Bishop, and Grammarian?" Viator 22 (January 1991): 121–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.2.301319.

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50

Martin, Susan. "Biblical Authority in the Writing of Pope Innocent IV (1243-54)." Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 98–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015758.

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When discussing the thirteenth-century concept of Christian unity, Jack Watt asserted, ‘Too little is as yet known of the interaction of theological and canonical thought to be able to say with precision just what the canonists contributed to this development among more abstract thinkers and what they received from it.’ Thirty-five years on this comment largely remains true for our knowledge of the inter-relation of theology and canon law in the thirteenth century. Little attention has been paid to the impact of theology on canon law, and even less to canon law on theological thinking. G.R. Evans claimed, ‘Canon law glosses tend to be conservative and less theologically sophisticated than contemporary theological work.’ That comment could be seen as an explanation for how little attention has been paid to the theological content of canonical writing. However, canon law glosses were written principally to investigate law. The area of ‘sophistication’ was different. Yet, this is not to say that there was no interest in theological questions and their possible solutions on the part of the canonists. All canon lawyers had a theological education, and they cited biblical references to support their arguments extensively. This paper aims to show that the use and understanding of contemporary medieval theology had an important impact on the writing of thirteenth-century canon lawyers, which should not be readily overlooked by modern scholars.
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