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Journal articles on the topic 'Cape of Good Hope (Colony)'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Ndaguba, E. A. "Assessing Development Paradigms of Democracy: A Perspective of Minimal Democracy in the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope 1853 – 1994." Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review 4, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 440. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/apsdpr.v4i3.123.

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This paper is a first of two separate papers in an attempt to recount the antecedent of minimalist democracy in the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope. The study uses thematic reviews, documentary evidence, scholarly encyclopaedia and articles. Other methods used in gathering data for the study include legislative proceedings, enactments and Acts, as well as various Constitutions and information from websites (www.nelsonmandela.org). The study establishes that there existed tenets of democratic element not in wholeness as with maximalist approach to democracy in the Cape of Good Hope. Nonetheless, based on the context of time and space. It contends that both representative and responsible democracy existed in practice and principle in the Cape of Good Hope between 1854 and 1872 respectively. The central thesis of this paper is that, the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope is arguably the first and only Colony under British Conquest in Africa to operate both representative and responsible government in colonial era. Also, opportunities were evenly shared between whites and non-whites. It concludes with an African Proverb that says, “Until lions tell their tale, the story of the hunt will always glorify the hunter.”

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Thornberry, Elizabeth. "The Problem of African Girlhood: Raising the Age of Consent in the Cape of Good Hope, 1893–1905." Law and History Review 38, no. 1 (February 2020): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000737.

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In 1893, legislation in the Cape Colony raised the age of consent to sexual intercourse from twelve to fourteen. Only twelve years later, however, did colonial administrators extend the law to the predominantly African districts in the eastern region of the colony. A reconstruction of the political debates surrounding the law, and its eventual extension, illuminates the relationship between understandings of childhood and race in the Cape. By the late 19th century, the comparison of Africans to children had become the governing metaphor for the “native question”; but this metaphor contained fundamental ambiguities. Debates over the age of consent forced Cape politicians to confront the racial and chronological boundaries of childhood innocence, and thus to articulate more precise theories of racial difference itself. Rural elites upheld a vision of hierarchy calibrated by wealth and social knowledge as well as race. Reformers sought to protect the innocence of white girls, in part to defend against racial degeneration, but disagreed over the inclusion of black girls. Meanwhile, even liberal social purity advocates hesitated to extend the law to the eastern districts, where “native law and custom” seemed not only to offer more protection but also to undermine claims of European superiority.

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3

Thornberry, Elizabeth. "PROCEDURE AS POLITICS IN THE CAPE COLONY: THE CAREER OF ANDREW GONTSHI, 1880–1904." Journal of African History 61, no. 3 (November 2020): 409–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853720000559.

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AbstractIn 1881, Andrew Gontshi became the first black law agent in the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope and thus South Africa's first black lawyer. Records of court cases argued by Gontshi and his fellow black law agents provide a rich new archive for understanding the political sensibilities of the nineteenth-century Eastern Cape, where Gontshi practiced law and participated in the development of new forms of political organization, as well as the meaning of law to black intellectuals. In both law and politics, Andrew Gontshi employed procedural tactics to hold the state accountable to its own formalities. In Gontshi's world, law provided not a source of justice but a set of tools that could be used to advance a political agenda. Gontshi's story thus prompts a reconsideration of law's place in the intellectual tradition of South Africa's liberation struggle.

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4

Leeuw, Lerothodi L., and Jarita Holbrook. "The Role of the IAU Gleaned From Oral Histories of Individuals Involved in Astronomy in South Africa." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 13, S349 (December 2018): 240–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921319000371.

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AbstractThe South African Astronomical Observatory (SAAO), formerly known as the Royal Observatory, Cape of Good Hope, will be 200 years old in 2020. Also, South Africa (SA), formerly a British colony known as the Cape of Good Hope, will celebrate her 100-year anniversary as an International Astronomical Union (IAU) member in 2020, following the IAU centenary in 2019 that this IAU Symposium 349 celebrates. In light of all this, particularly in anticipation of the 200-year anniversary of SAAO in 2020, the SA National Research Foundation (NRF) has developed a Roadmap for the History of Astronomy in South Africa. As part of this we are conducting an oral history of astronomers to complement the historical celebrations of the institutions and science relating to astronomy in SA, supported by the SA NRF. Primarily drawing on literature and setting the scene for this work, here we present a snippet of the on-going oral histories, to glean the role of the IAU in astronomy in South Africa and show the potential of the oral histories to inform and complement written history.

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5

Samkin, J. G. "The accounting function of John Company’s Cape of Good Hope factory 1812–1813, during the second British occupation of the Cape colony – observations and comments." De Ratione 10, no. 1 (December 1996): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10108270.1996.11435063.

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6

Bialuschewski, Arne. "Thomas Bowrey's Madagascar Manuscript of 1708." History in Africa 34 (2007): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2007.0002.

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In 1913 an old chest was discovered in a manor house in Worcestershire in the west of England. Packed with bundles of manuscripts, it contained several hundred letters and business papers written in a crabbed italic hand. These documents belonged to Thomas Bowrey, an English overseas merchant, who was born in 1662 and died in 1713. The collection of papers was later purchased by Colonel Henry Howard, and in 1931 part of it was presented to the Guildhall Library in London. These documents include an incomplete manuscript titled “Discription of the Coast of Affrica from the Cape of Good Hope, to the Red Sea” dated 1708. The notes indicate that Bowrey intended to write a book that encompassed descriptions of all the major ports of the region.Only fragments of the draft survive. Most of the manuscript contains amendments, crossed-out sections, and blank spaces. The text consists of different versions of a preface, brief accounts of the Dutch Cape Colony and Delagoa Bay in Mosambique, as well as a draft portion which has the title “Islands of ye Coast of Africa on ye East Side of ye Cape of Good Hope: Places of Trade on Madagascar.” The densely written and in part hardly legible text is on sixteen folio pages. It gives information about Assada, Old Masselege, Manangara, New Masselege, Terra Delgada, Morondava, Crab Island, St. Vincent, St. Iago, Tulear, St. Augustin Bay, St. John's, Port Dauphin, Matatana, Bonavola, St. Mary's Island, and Antongil Bay. This document also includes descriptions of Mauritius and Bourbon, nowadays called Réunion. Most of these places were visited by English, Dutch, and French seafarers in the last decades of the seventeenth century.

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7

Wagenaar, Lodewijk, and Mieke Beumer. "Esaias Boursse’s ‘Tijkenboeck’." Rijksmuseum Bulletin 67, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 312–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.52476/trb.9736.

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We do not know who trained Esaias Boursse (1631-1672) to be a painter, but we do know that he became a member of the Amsterdam Guild of St Luke around 1651. He certainly did not have a successful career because he joined the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in 1661. He travelled to Colombo, the capital of the island of Ceylon (Sri Lanka since 1972), captured six years earlier by the Portuguese, by way of Batavia (now Jakarta). In 1663 he was back in Amsterdam – remarkable, as the standard contract with the VOC was for five years. In financial straits again, he re-joined the VOC in 1671 and left for Asia. Shortly after leaving he died at sea. In 1996 an album containing 116 drawings came to light, most of them made by Boursse during his time in Ceylon; he made only a small number during his outward or return journeys to the Cape of Good Hope. The drawings are completely different from his earlier known oeuvre of genre paintings and prints with religious themes. The pages in his ‘Tijkenboeck’ provide a unique picture of what Boursse saw in and around Colombo. They are important evidence of the early days of the VOC in its conquered colony of Ceylon.

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8

Wilbraham, Lindy. "Reconstructing Harry: A Genealogical Study of a Colonial Family ‘Inside’ and ‘Outside’ the Grahamstown Asylum, 1888–1918." Medical History 58, no. 2 (April 2014): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.9.

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AbstractRecent scholarship has explored the dynamics between families and colonial lunatic asylums in the late nineteenth century, where families actively participated in the processes of custodial care, committal, treatment and release of their relatives. This paper works in this historical field, but with some methodological and theoretical differences. The Foucauldian study is anchored to a single case and family as an illness narrative that moves cross-referentially between bureaucratic state archival material, psychiatric case records, and intergenerational family-storytelling and family photographs. Following headaches and seizures, Harry Walter Wilbraham was medically boarded from his position as Postmaster in the Cape of Good Hope Colony of South Africa with a ‘permanent disease of the brain’, and was committed to the Grahamstown Asylum in 1910, where he died the following year, aged 40 years. In contrast to writings about colonial asylums that usually describe several patient cases and thematic patterns in archival material over time and place, this study’s genealogical lens examines one white settler male patient’s experiences within mental health care in South Africa between 1908 and 1911. The construction of Harry’s ‘case’ interweaves archival sources and reminiscences inside and outside the asylum, and places it within psychiatric discourse of the time, and family dynamics in the years that followed. Thus, this case study maps the constitution of ‘patient’ and ‘family’ in colonial life,c.1888–1918, and considers the calamity, uncertainty, stigma and silences of mental illness.

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9

Mason, John Edwin. "Hendrik Albertus and his Ex-slave Mey: A Drama in Three Acts." Journal of African History 31, no. 3 (November 1990): 423–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031169.

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This essay draws on documents relating to a single extraordinary episode, and on supporting materials, to illustrate aspects of the mentalités of slaves, slave-owners, and Protectors of Slaves in the British South African colony of the Cape of Good Hope. The narrative follows the story of a slave, Mey, who was harshly beaten twice within six days in 1832. Mey, and several other slaves who had been whipped for the same offence, accepted the first punishment; Mey complained about the second, which he alone suffered, to a colonial official called the Protector of Slaves. The Protector vigorously investigated the complaint. Mey's master, Hendrik Albertus van Niekerk, co-operated only reluctantly with the investigation. As the Protector pursued the case, van Niekerk suddenly brought it to an end by manumitting Mey, giving cash compensation to the other slaves he had whipped, and paying legal fines.The behaviour of each of the men fails to conform to the roles conventional wisdom has prepared for masters, slaves, and colonial officials. The essay demonstrates that the men were not eccentric, but that they were both rational and representative of their class. Mey acted as he did because the slaves had developed a ‘moral economy of the lash’ and because the second beating fell outside the boundaries of acceptable punishment by those standards. The Protector prosecuted van Niekerk with determination because he believed the punishment had been brutal and capricious and because Mey was a good slave who had been wronged. Hendrik Albertus freed Mey and compensated the other slaves because he refused to accept the legitimacy of the Protector. He settled the case before he was forced to visit the Protector's office or face Mey in court. To have honored the law and to have answered Mey's charge directly would have been to dishonor himself. He would have compromised the power and authority on which his honor as a slave-owner rested. Hendrik Albertus valued his honor more highly than one slave and a few pounds Sterling.

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10

Durrani, Matin. "The Cape of good hope." Physics World 19, no. 12 (December 2006): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/2058-7058/19/12/18.

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11

Fourie, Johan, and Erik Green. "Building the Cape of Good Hope Panel." History of the Family 23, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 493–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1081602x.2018.1509367.

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12

Ward, Kerry. "Monitoring Death at the Cape of Good Hope." South African Historical Journal 59, no. 1 (January 2007): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582470709464776.

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13

Warner, B. "SIR JOHN HERSCHEL AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE." Transactions of the Royal Society of South Africa 49, no. 1 (January 1994): 19–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00359199409520291.

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14

Rijpma, Auke, Jeanne Cilliers, and Johan Fourie. "Record linkage in the Cape of Good Hope Panel." Historical Methods: A Journal of Quantitative and Interdisciplinary History 53, no. 2 (February 14, 2019): 112–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01615440.2018.1517030.

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15

Subiros, P. "Jane Alexander: Surveys (from the Cape of Good Hope)." Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art 2013, no. 33 (September 1, 2013): 92–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10757163-2352839.

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16

Rubenstein, Sondra. "The bleaker side at the Cape of Good Hope." British Journalism Review 8, no. 1 (March 1997): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095647489700800110.

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17

Čaplar, Roman. "Editorial: Good Winds for (NUCLEAR) Physics from the Cape of Good Hope∗." Nuclear Physics News 16, no. 3 (September 2006): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10506890600910899.

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18

Czerniewicz, Laura. "Cape of Storms or Cape of Good Hope? Educational technology in a changing environment." British Journal of Educational Technology 35, no. 2 (March 2004): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0007-1013.2004.00377.x.

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19

Bradlow, Edna. "The "Great Fear" at the Cape of Good Hope, 1851-52." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 3 (1989): 401. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220203.

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20

Macdonald, I. A. W., D. L. Clark, and H. C. Taylor. "The alien flora of the Cape of Good Hope Nature Reserve." South African Journal of Botany 53, no. 5 (October 1987): 398–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0254-6299(16)31404-1.

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21

Donald, P. R., Marie-Louise Pretorius, and P. J. Burger. "Shigellosis in the south-western Cape of Good Hope 1968–85." Epidemiology and Infection 98, no. 2 (April 1987): 165–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0950268800061872.

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SUMMARYDuring the period 1968–85 shigella organisms were isolated from stool specimens of 1562 patients attending Tygerberg Hospital, situated in the south-western province of the Cape of Good Hope of the Republic of South Africa.Shigella flexneri(72% of patients) was the commonest subgroup identified.Sh. sonneiwas the second-commonest isolate (20%), with smaller number ofSh. boydii(5%) andSh. dysenteriae(3%).Sh. dysenteriaehas not been isolated since 1979. In 1985 30% of isolates were resistant to ampicillin and 52% to trimethoprim-sulphamethoxazole. During this period 12 cases of shigellaemia were seen, 11 in young infants less than 13 months of age who were malnourished in 6 cases. The single adult had had a previous gastrectomy and splenectomy.

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22

Levitt, G. J. "PRIMARY PRODUCTION OF CAPE OF GOOD HOPE LITTORAL AND SUBLITTORAL SEAWEEDS." Transactions of the Royal Society of South Africa 48, no. 2 (January 1993): 339–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00359199309520279.

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23

Thomson, J. Stuart. "The Alcyonaria of the Cape of Good Hope and Natal.-Gorgonacea." Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 81, no. 4 (August 21, 2009): 870–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1096-3642.1911.tb01961.x.

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Botha, L. "Occurrence and distribution of Cape hakesMerluccius capensisCast. andM. paradoxusFranca in the Cape of Good Hope area." South African Journal of Marine Science 3, no. 1 (June 1985): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/025776185784461207.

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25

Kowalski, Mariusz. "Poles in the Dutch Cape Colony 1652-1814." Werkwinkel 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 65–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/werk-2015-0005.

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Abstract The contribution of Poles to the colonisation and development of the Dutch Cape Colony is not commonly known. Yet, Poles have been appearing in this colony since its very inception (1652). During the entire period considered here the presence of Poles was the result of the strong economic ties between Poland and the Netherlands. At the end of this period there was an increase in their share, in connection with the presence of numerous alien military units on the territory of the Colony, because of Poles having served in these units. Numerous newcomers from Poland settled in South Africa for good, established families, and their progeny made up part of the local society. The evidence of this phenomenon is provided by the present-day Afrikaner families of, for instance, Drotsky, Kitshoff, Kolesky, Latsky, Masuriek, Troskie, Zowitsky, and others. A quite superficial estimation implies that the settlers coming from Poland could make up a bit over 1% of the ancestors of the present-day Afrikaners. Poles would also participate in the pioneering undertakings within the far-off fringes of the Colony, including the robbery-and-trade expedition of 1702.

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26

Stroux, Christoph. "Saint Cecilia's Books at the Cape of Good Hope: A Preliminary Report." Ars Nova 17, no. 1 (January 1985): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03796488508566450.

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27

PARKER, KENNETH. "TELLING TALES: EARLY MODERN ENGLISH VOYAGERS AND THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE." Seventeenth Century 10, no. 1 (March 1995): 121–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.1995.10555395.

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28

Samuelson, Meg. "Rendering the Cape-as-Port: Sea-Mountain, Cape of Storms/Good Hope, Adamastor and Local-World Literary Formations." Journal of Southern African Studies 42, no. 3 (May 3, 2016): 523–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2016.1176365.

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29

Hepworth, M. W. Campbell. "Wind systems and trade routes between the cape of good hope and Australia." Quarterly Journal of the Royal Meteorological Society 17, no. 77 (July 6, 2007): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/qj.4970177704.

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30

De Zwart, Pim. "Real wages at the Cape of Good Hope: a long-term perspective, 1652-1912." Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geschiedenis/ The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 10, no. 2 (June 15, 2013): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/tseg.198.

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31

Frescura, Franco. "Symbolic Dimensions of 19th Century Dutch Colonial Settlement at the Cape of Good Hope." Journal for the Study of Religion 30, no. 2 (2017): 297–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3027/2017/v30n2a13.

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32

Oosterhoff, Jan. "Sodomy at Sea and at the Cape of Good Hope During the Eighteenth Century." Journal of Homosexuality 16, no. 1-2 (January 10, 1989): 229–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j082v16n01_12.

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33

Nelson, E. C. "FORSYTH (FL. 1835)’: A PHANTOM BOTANICAL COLLECTOR AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE EXPLAINED." Bothalia 36, no. 2 (August 21, 2006): 167–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/abc.v36i2.355.

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Markell, Ann, Martin Hall, and Carmel Schrire. "The historical archaeology of Vergelegen, an early Farmstead at the Cape of Good Hope." Historical Archaeology 29, no. 1 (March 1995): 10–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03374206.

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35

Harries, Patrick. "MIDDLE PASSAGES OF THE SOUTHWEST INDIAN OCEAN: A CENTURY OF FORCED IMMIGRATION FROM AFRICA TO THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE." Journal of African History 55, no. 2 (May 29, 2014): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853714000097.

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AbstractForced immigration from the Southwest Indian Ocean marked life at the Cape of Good Hope for over a century. Winds, currents, and shipping linked the two regions, as did a common international currency, and complementary seasons and crops. The Cape's role as a refreshment station for French, Portuguese, American, and Spanish slave ships proved particularly important in the development of a commerce linking East Africa, Madagascar, and the Mascarenes with the Americas. This slave trade resulted in the landing at the Cape of perhaps as many as 40,000 forced immigrants from tropical Africa and Madagascar. Brought to the Cape as slaves, or freed slaves subjected to strict periods of apprenticeship, these individuals were marked by the experience of a brutal transhipment that bears comparison with the trans-Atlantic Middle Passage. The history of the Middle Passage occupies a central place in the study of slavery in the Americas and plays a vital role in the way many people today situate themselves socially and politically. Yet, for various reasons, this emotive subject is absent from historical discussions of life at the Cape. This article brings it into the history of slavery in the region. By focusing on the long history of this forced immigration, the article also serves to underline the importance of the Cape to the political and economic life of the Southwest Indian Ocean.

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36

Botha, L. "Reproduction, sex ratio and rate of natural mortality of Cape hakesMerluccius capensisCast. andM. paradoxusFranca in the Cape of Good Hope area." South African Journal of Marine Science 4, no. 1 (June 1986): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/025776186784461783.

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37

Hearnshaw, John. "Book Review: The Observatory at the Cape: Royal Observatory, Cape of Good Hope, 1820–1831: The Founding of a Colonial Observatory." Journal for the History of Astronomy 30, no. 3 (August 1999): 332–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182869903000320.

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Tosh, John. "From the ‘cape of despair’ to the Cape of Good Hope: letters of the emigrant poor in early nineteenth-century England." Social History 42, no. 4 (September 28, 2017): 480–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2017.1368233.

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Atkins, Keletso E. "The 'Black Atlantic Communication Network': African American Sailors and the Cape of Good Hope Connection." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1166840.

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Rakhmanov, Azat. "Wealthy people of Africa: business elites between the pyramids and the cape of good hope." Азия и Африка сегодня, no. 11 (2018): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750001789-9.

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41

Tosh, John. "Children on ‘free’ emigrant ships: From England to the Cape of Good Hope, 1819–20." History Australia 9, no. 2 (January 2012): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14490854.2012.11668415.

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Jordan, S. C., C. Schrire, and D. Miller. "Petrography of Locally Produced Pottery from the Dutch Colonial Cape of Good Hope, South Africa." Journal of Archaeological Science 26, no. 11 (October 1999): 1327–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jasc.1998.0375.

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Ernsten, Christian, and Nick Shepherd. "A Decolonial Diary: Traversing the Colonial Pasts and Presents of the Cape of Good Hope." Journal of Contemporary Archaeology 7, no. 2 (May 12, 2021): 258–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jca.40432.

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44

Atkins, Keletso E. "The ‘Black Atlantic Communication Network’: African American Sailors and the Cape of Good Hope Connection." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 23–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502303.

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Francis Seymour, a curly headed nigger from the land of stars and stripes, was brought up for having shown a little too much of the Yankee spirit of independence... He became refractory, refused to do any [work], demanded a sovereign from Mr. Neethling, said....that if he did not get the sovereign he would knock it out of [him]. His abuse was very unsparing, and he was only prevented from “knocking it out” by the opportune appearance of Mr. J. J. Meintjes, who procured a police officer, and the “man of independent mind” was given into custody.While on its homeward passage in 1813, the whaling ship William Penn was intercepted off the island of Trinidad in the South Atlantic by a British frigate, boarded, and informed of the existence of war; and that the American seamen were prisoners of H.M.S. Acorn. Within a half hour, the Acorn and its prize (now manned by English sailors) were underway, heading off southeast for the Cape of Good Hope. After a passage of forty days they anchored in Table Bay.

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45

Meter, E. B., and T. J. Edwards. "A checklist of the plants of Mahwaqa Mountain, KwaZulu-Natal." Bothalia 32, no. 1 (September 11, 2002): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/abc.v32i1.473.

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A checklist o f the plants of Mahwaqa Mountain. KwaZulu-Natal, is presented. The list includes 1 030 indigenous and naturalized flowering plants and ferns. Comparisons are made with the floras of KwaZulu-Natal (Ross 1972). the Cape of Good Hope Nature Reserve, Cape Point (Taylor 1985). the southern Natal Drakensberg (Hilliard Burtt 1987). the Amatolas (Phillipson 1987). the Langeberg (McDonald 19991 and Umtamvuna Nature Reserve (Abbott et al. 2000). It is hoped that the publication of this list w ill contribute towards the recognition of the area as a natural heritage site.

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Yao, Zhen-Guo, and Clayton Smith. "Equator and Equinox Solutions from Meridian Circle Observations of the Sun, Mercury and Venus at the Cape of Good Hope and the U. S. Naval Observatory from 1907 to 1971." Symposium - International Astronomical Union 156 (1993): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0074180900173589.

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A total of 53,259 observations(26,793 in declination and 26,466 in right ascension) of the Sun, Mercury and Venus made with the Washington, six-inch and nine-inch transit circles from 1911 to 1971 and the Cape of Good Hope reversible transit circle from 1907 to 1959 are used to obtain equator and equinox solutions.

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47

Murray, C. A. "David Gill And Celestial Photography." Symposium - International Astronomical Union 133 (1988): 143–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0074180900139543.

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In this centenary commemoration of the Paris Astrographic Congress it is appropriate that we should recall the very significant role played by David Gill, Her Majesty's Astronomer at the Cape of Good Hope, in pioneering the application of photography to mapping the sky, and in the planning of the great Carte du Ciel project itself.

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48

Evans, David S. "Book Review: Maclear and Herschel at the Cape: Maclear and Herschel: Letters and Diaries at the Cape of Good Hope 1834–1838." Journal for the History of Astronomy 17, no. 2 (May 1986): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182868601700210.

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49

Santana Pérez, Germán. "Spanish maritime experience in Southern Africa during the Early Modern Period." International Journal of Maritime History 30, no. 4 (November 2018): 621–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871418808498.

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Apparently, the Treaty of Tordesillas dismissed the possibility of Spanish shipping via Africa and the Cape of Good Hope. The preferred route to Asia was via Cape Horn or Acapulco. In this article we will show that access to Southern Africa was not entirely closed to the Spanish between the 16th and 18th centuries. We will analyse shipping in this period and, above all, we will discuss the enlightened reforms of the 18th century that changed the connecting routes between Spain and the Philippines, making them pass through Cape Town, as well as the hostility shown to the Hispanic presence in those waters by great powers like the Netherlands. Based on these connections, we will discuss the exchange of plants between Spain and Southern Africa.

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50

Taylor, H. C. "An analysis of the flowering plants and ferns of the Cape of Good Hope Nature Reserve." South African Journal of Botany 51, no. 1 (February 1985): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0254-6299(16)31695-7.

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