Academic literature on the topic 'Capitulation, 1805'

Using archival documents in the Ottoman archives related to British travellers in the Ottoman empire who were travelling under the protection of the capitulations, this article examines the yol emri (travel permit) issued to travellers by the Ottoman state and focuses specifically on the case of Edward Wortley Montagu. In so doing it seeks to highlight the importance of Ottoman archival sources for an understanding of the diplomatic and commercial relations between Britain and the Ottoman empire, an importance that is often overshadowed by a heavy reliance on British sources.

Abstract The many sieges of the Napoleonic Wars remain a relatively neglected area of historical study, especially in the context of the history of customary laws of war, where sieges played a central role. This article explores an important but largely forgotten episode in the infamous British storm and sack of the French-held Spanish towns of Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajoz and San Sebastián during the Peninsular War: mercy to the French garrisons, who, in obstinately defending against storming parties, had forfeited their protective rights under prevailing laws of war. Combining military, legal and cultural history, and drawing upon British soldiers’ letters, diaries and memoirs, the article focuses on three interrelated issues: siege capitulation and surrender rituals, attitudes to obstinate defences, and British mercy to the French garrisons. The article highlights sieges as a privileged site for examining laws of war, cultures of war, and moral sensibilities. In doing so, it sheds further light on historical debates about changes and continuities in practices and cultures of war over the long eighteenth century. There has been considerable recent interest in the history of atrocity, massacre and enmity during the French Revolutionary–Napoleonic Wars. Yet the Anglo-French case-studies examined here highlight the persistence of restraint, honour codes, civility and humanity between regular soldiers, even in the seemingly most barbarous of wartime theatres, and despite laws of war that sanctioned violence in these very circumstances.

Madrid est le centre d’intérêt de notre travail de recherche. Deux raisons essentielles nous ont amené à faire un tel choix : le 2 mai 1808 à Madrid marque le début de l’insurrection contre les troupes napoléoniennes ; de la même manière, Madrid est la première région à capituler, d’une part, face à la répression de Murat et, d’autre part, la ville ne résiste pas à l’offensive menée, en décembre 1808, par Napoléon. L’intérêt de notre travail de recherche est donc double : souligner l’effectivité des stigmates des événements des 2 et 3 mai 1808 ainsi que de la guerre d’Indépendance, puis démontrer leur incidence tant sur la vie quotidienne des Madrilènes que sur la situation démographique de la ville tout au long de la guerre (1808-1814). Cette guerre contribue également à ternir l’image du nouveau roi, Joseph Bonaparte, dont la légitimité et les politiques de réformes sont contestées par la plupart des Espagnols. Ce travail se subdivise en trois parties : période prérévolutionnaire, révolution proprement dite et période postrévolutionnaire à Madrid. Les différents aspects abordés sont examinés à partir d’une approche politique, sociale et démographique
Madrid is the focus of our research. Two main reasons led us to make such a choice. May 2nd 1808, in Madrid, was the beginning of the uprising against Napoleon's troops. In the same way, on the one hand, Madrid was the first region to capitulate, facing Murat’s repression. And on the other hand, the city did not resist the offensive led by Napoleon on December 1808. Therefore our research has aims. First, to highlight the effectiveness of the marks of the events occurred on May 2nd and 3rd 1808 those of the War of Independence, then to portray their impact on Madrid’s people daily life as well as the demographics situation of the city during the war (1808-1814). The war also contributed to tarnish the image of the new King, Joseph Bonaparte, whose legitimacy and reforms policy most Spaniards opposed. This work is divided into three parts: pre-revolutionary period, revolution itself and postrevolutionary period in Madrid. The differents aspects dealt with are examined from a political, social and demographic approach

Après la défaite désastreuse de 1870 contre la Prusse, la France se devait de retrouver son rang de grande puissance. L’expansion de son domaine colonial en fut l’un des moyens. Sa relation avec l’Empire ottoman entrait dans ce cadre, notamment sous la forme d’un impérialisme financier. En parallèle, une prépondérance culturelle française s’imposait aux élites ottomanes. La propagation de l’enseignement du français sur tout le territoire de l’Empire a été essentiellement le fait des congrégations catholiques, elles-mêmes sous la protection des consuls, armés par les Capitulations et dont les fonctions à caractère politique étaient amplifiées. Le réseau consulaire en Turquie se trouve alors le plus dense de toutes les autres puissances. L’un des axes de ce travail est l’examen de la cohérence entre les carrières des personnels nommés en Turquie et les spécificités d’un contexte oriental en pleine évolution. L’analyse des causes de la défaite avait mis en lumière les faiblesses des services extérieurs. La République a renforcé les conditions de recrutement des diplomates, des consuls et des drogmans tout en instaurant des parcours de carrière où la faveur n’avait plus sa place. Ces changements font l’objet d’une étude prosopographique. Les caractéristiques personnelles d’environ cinq cents agents et les éléments descriptifs de leur carrière sont collationnés dans une base de données destinées à des analyses statistiques. La répartition du corpus en quatre groupes selon quatre périodes de recrutement successives fait ressortir les évolutions intervenues. Pour un certain nombre de ces agents, l’examen de leurs biographies permet d’illustrer les résultats de la statistique ou de faire ressortir des exceptions significatives. Le réseau consulaire et ses hommes sont un moyen. Pour quelles fins ? Les objectifs stratégiques de la France visés par le déploiement de son réseau font l’objet d’une comparaison avec les différentes puissances. Leur rivalité en Orient a entravé la constitution d’alliances, autre pôle majeur de la politique extérieure française.L’étude de cas réalisée à propos du Liban et du consulat général à Beyrouth soulève la problématique du clientélisme et de la signification du concept d’influence, dans une région où les catholiques sont minoritaires en nombre et ont un pouvoir économique et politique faible. Se pose dès lors la question des rapports de la France avec le monde musulman, que l’arrivée au pouvoir des Jeunes Turcs exacerbe
In the aftermath of a disastrous defeat by Prussia in 1870, France sought, in part through the expansion of her colonial domain, to retrieve her position as a great power.Financial imperialism created a semi-colonial aspect to the relationship between France and the Ottoman Empire. Similarly, the embrace of French culture by the Ottoman elite enhanced this tie. The expansion of the teaching of French throughout the empire was largely the work of the Catholic Church under the protection of the French consuls, themselves armed with the Capitulations and consequentially politically empowered. Thus, the French consular network in Turkey became the most entrenched of all the powersOne aspect of this work is the examination of the coherence between the consular staff resident in Turkey and the cultural standards of an oriental society in the midst of rapid change. Analysis of the reasons for the failures in this regard brings to light weakness of the foreign service at the time. The Republican regime increased the requirements for diplomats, consuls and dragomans while setting career path insulated from favouritism. These changes have been analyzed through a prosopographic study. Personal data of nearly five hundred officers and the details of their careers have been input in a database for the purpose of statistical analysis. Splitting the corpus in four groups according to four successive recruiting periods shows the evolutions that took place. Biographies of a number of these officers have been written illustrating statistical results or showing off meaningful exceptions. The consular network is a means but to what end? France’s strategic objectives, and those of the other powers, that underlined the development of their networks have been analyzed in a comparative perspective. Their rivalries in the Middle East hindered France’s formation of alliances, though that was a major goal of her foreign policy.The case study regarding Lebanon and the consulate general in Beirut addresses the question of patronage and the significance of influence in a region where Catholics are a minority and hold a weak economic and political power. Thus, is raised the question of the relationship between France and the Muslim world, exacerbated by the rise to power of the Young Turks

Sevastopol capitulated in September of 1855, nearly one year after the siege had begun. The Allies did not pull out of the peninsula until May 1856, well after the official declaration of peace. Thus, even after the fall of Sevastopol, war continued to ravage Crimea. Armies further denuded landscapes. They requisitioned food, and worked thousands of animals to their deaths. This chapter opens with the Battle of the Chernaya River and the subsequent fall of Sevastopol in September 1855 and continues through the declaration of peace in March 1856. It ends with the arduous process of demobilization several months later. Subjects include the fortification of Crimea’s interior, the Battle of the Chernaya River, the capitulation of Sevastopol, the Allied attack on Kinburn fortress, the declaration of peace, and the transfer of Crimean territory from the Allies back to Russia.

This chapter discusses the origins and characteristic features of statehood in Africa, in particular the position at the time of the arrival of European agencies. It examines the climate of opinion in which the first treaties were concluded and compares it with the sui generis relationship between the contracting parties that later developed at the height of the European–African confrontation. The rapidity of change resulted in some abnormal legal institutions, including the ‘colonial protectorate’. A number of fundamental questions arise in the analysis of treaties: the legal capacity of the contracting parties, particularly of the African rulers and chiefs; the freedom of consent in the particular African circumstances as emphasised at the Berlin Conference of 1885; and the form of treaties and the application of various treaty rules. Among the particular stipulations, those referring to the establishment of protectorates and to jurisdictional capitulations are singled out for special attention.

The recast of the international debt contracted by the former Ottoman Empire and the overcoming of the capitulations regime that had afflicted Turkey for centuries, are two of the most relevant sectors in which the political and diplomatic action promoted by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has been expressed. Extremely relevant in this regard are the different disciplines established, respectively, by the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and then by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. After the Ottoman Government defaulted in 1875, an agreement (the Decree of Muharrem) was concluded in 1881 between the Ottoman Government and representatives of its foreign and domestic creditors for the resumption of payments on Ottoman bonds, and a European control of a part of the Imperial revenues was instituted through the Administration of the Ottoman Public Debt. At the same time, the Ottoman Empire was burdened by capitulations, conferring rights and privileges in favour of their subjects resident or trading in the Ottoman lands, following the policy towards European States of the Byzantine Empire. According to these capitulations, traders entering the Ottoman Empire were exempt from local prosecution, local taxation, local conscription, and the searching of their domicile. The capitulations were initially made during the Ottoman Empire’s military dominance, to entice and encourage commercial exchanges with Western merchants. However, after dominance shifted to Europe, significant economic and political advantages were granted to the European Powers by the Ottoman Empire. Both regimes, substantially maintained by the Treaty of Sèvres, were considered unacceptable by the Nationalist Movement led by Mustafa Kemal and therefore became the subject of negotiations during the Conference of Lausanne. The definitive overcoming of both of them, therefore represents one of the most evident examples of the reacquisition of the full sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey.