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Journal articles on the topic 'Cappadocian Fathers'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2024

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1

Torrance, Alexis. "Precedents for Palamas' Essence-Energies Theology in the Cappadocian Fathers." Vigiliae Christianae 63, no. 1 (2009): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x287661.

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AbstractFollowing a brief summary of the main tenets of Palamas' theology relating to the immanent divine ενεργειαι, this article will explore possible precedents for such a concept in the Cappadocian Fathers. The aim is twofold: first to argue against the exclusive use of ενεργεια language in attempting to outline precedents for Palamite thought in the Cappadocians, and second to propose a framework for discussing the topic in terms of sanctification and deification. Through such an approach, I contend, it is possible to remain true to the Cappadocians, whilst concurrently finding striking pr

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2

Shmaliy, Fr Vladimir. "COSMOLOGY OF THE CAPPADOCIAN FATHERS." Faith and Philosophy 22, no. 5 (2005): 528–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/faithphil200522517.

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3

Usacheva, Anna. "Grammar of theology: logical argumentation from Origen to the Cappadocian Fathers." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3333.

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The article outlines the philosophical and linguistic background of the Post- Nicene theological debates concerning the relationship between the Father and the Son. A sharp focus dwells of the provenance of the term hypostasis, the philosophical and grammatical understanding of the terms hypokeimenon and ousia and the Stoic definition of the signifier and thing signified. The article shows new aspects of the anti-Eunomian polemics of the Cappadocian fathers, which come into sight due to comparison of theological concepts with Hellenic linguistic and grammatical theories. In such a way, the co

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Beagon, Philip M. "The Cappadocian Fathers, Women and Ecclesiastical Politics." Vigiliae Christianae 49, no. 2 (1995): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007295x00167.

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Calleja, Carlo. "The Orations of the Cappadocian Fathers on Lepers." Lumen et Vita 9, no. 2 (2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lv.v9i2.11123.

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The aim of this paper is to understand what might effectively serve to exhort the practice of the virtue of solidarity with the socially alienated. Three orations on lepers: one by Gregory of Nazianzus, and two by Gregory of Nyssa, will be studied. The methods used to engender the virtue of solidarity with the lepers in these orations will be analyzed. Redefining classical Greek virtues in a Christian theological framework; sensitizing the listeners by appealing to emotions through the use of concrete examples; attempting to restore alienated kinship by retrieving kinship language; and encoura

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BUTE, Cristian Florin. "MOVEMENT AND ITS STABILITY AS AN ARGUMENT FOR CREATION, IN THE CAPPADOCIAN FATHERS." Icoana Credintei 9, no. 18 (2023): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/icoana.2023.18.9.32-38.

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The Cappadocian Fathers consider that the orderly movement of creatures and, especially, the stability of heavenly bodies is an indication of the existence of the Creator and divine providence. In St. Basil the Great we find a version of the argument of the First Mover from Aristotle, developed also by Thomas Aquinas. In St. Basil the Great and St. Gregory of Nazianz, as in Aristotle, the question of the existence of movement was posed not only in the sense of an original impulse towards movement, but also for the continuation of movement once begun. The sustaining in motion had to have a caus

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Szram, Mariusz. "Pokora w walce z pychą – fundamentalny spór moralno-duchowy w rozumieniu Ojców Kapadockich i Jana Chryzostoma." Vox Patrum 59 (January 25, 2013): 531–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4056.

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The aim of the article is to show the specificity of the fundamental fight in the soul and in the life of man between pride and humility as it is seen in the writings of the Cappadocian Fathers and John Chrysostom. In the opinion of the Greek Fathers of the 4th century pride is the root of all sin. It destroys all good fruits in the Christian spiritual development, whereas humility enables and protects spiritual growth. Arguing against the heretics of their time, mainly against the Arians, the Cappadocian Fathers (especially Gregory of Nazianzus) made particular attention to the theologians’

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8

Langley, Thomas R. "Local and Universal Citizenship in Works of the Cappadocian Fathers." Al-Masāq 32, no. 1 (2019): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2019.1682855.

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9

Kim, Okjoo. "On the Holy Spirit: Focused on the Cappadocian Fathers and Youngsan." Journal of Youngsan Theology 52, no. 01 (2020): 241–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18804/jyt.2020.06.52.241.

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10

Bradshaw, David. "The Divine Processions and the Divine Energies." Philosophy of Religion: Analytic Researches 4, no. 2 (2020): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2587-683x-2020-4-2-59-70.

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The concept of the divine energies (energeiai) is commonly associated with the late Byzantine theologian Gregory Palamas. In fact, however, it has biblical origins and figures prominently in Greek patristic theology from at least the fourth century. Here I briefly trace its history beginning with the Pauline usage of energeia and continuing through the Cappadocian Fathers, Dionysius the Areopagite, Maximus the Confessor, and Gregory Palamas. I argue that the divine processions in Dionysius function much as do the divine energies in the Cappadocians, although Dionysius enriches the concept by s

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Colwell, John E. "A conversation overheard: reflecting on the Trinitarian grammar of intimacy and substance." Evangelical Quarterly 86, no. 1 (2014): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08601006.

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In response to Stephen Holmes, this paper reviews the Trinitarian contributions of the Cappadocian Fathers and Augustine with the goal, following Robert Jenson and Colin Gunton in particular, of reasserting the key distinctions between them and some aspects of the heritage of these distinctions in Western theology and popular piety. The paper also acknowledges some of their commonalities, including the common inadequacies in their expressions of the doctrine of the Spirit.

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Sheeley, Kristian. "Moral Virtue as a Requisite for Illumination in the Platonic Tradition." Religions 12, no. 10 (2021): 838. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12100838.

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This paper traces the development of the idea that we must cultivate moral virtue in order to attain some degree of illumination regarding the nature of reality. I use the term “illumination” to cover a range of meanings intended by the philosophers I discuss, such as the “acquisition of wisdom” (Phaedo, 65a), the “sight” of divine beauty (Symposium, 210d–212b), or a mystical experience involving God or divine reality. Although this theme appears in many texts from the Platonic tradition, I focus on three major stages of its development. First, I show how Plato provides the basic framework of

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Neganov, Vladimir V. "PREREQUISITES AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CAPPADOCIAN FATHERS EXEGESIS (ST. BASIL THE GREAT)." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (Philosophy), no. 3 (2018): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-7227-2018-3-129-138.

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14

RAITH II, CHARLES D. "Ressourcingthe Fathers? A Critical Analysis of Catherine Mowry LaCugna's Appropriation of the Trinitarian Theology of the Cappadocian Fathers." International Journal of Systematic Theology 10, no. 3 (2008): 267–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2400.2008.00354.x.

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15

Maspero, Giulio. "Different strategies of the Greek Fathers against the pneumatomachians." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3343.

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Different sources describe the theology of the Pneumatomachians or Macedonians in the 4th century. They shared with the Arians the negation of the divinity of the Holy Spirit but were in disagreement with them about the Son. Different Greek Fathers wrote different answers and the study of their strategies seems of interest to better understand the heresy itself and its varieties. Epiphanius of Salamis, both in Ancoratus 65, 1 - 73, 9 and in Panarion 54 (74), presents a description of the Pneumatomachian heresy with a series of arguments to counter it. Equally important seem the Dialogi duo c

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NUCĂ, Sorin Cristian. "MONASTIC SPIRITUALITY IN THE TEACHING OF SAINT BASIL THE GREAT." International Journal of Theology, Philosophy and Science 5, no. 9 (2021): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/ijtps.201.5.9.59-69.

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The spiritual training of the exceptional beacon of the Cappadocian Fathers, Saint Basil the Great, influenced the subsequent ecclesial life, but especially the monastic one, by the divinely inspired rules, which became essential for all the subsequent monastic settlements, the fruits of the monastic spirituality according to his teaching being substantiated in the principles governing the life of the monastic community by love, obedience, teaching, knowledge, asceticism, without despising the hermitic (skete) life, trying to combine the most useful principles of both of these forms of monasti

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Lai, Pak-Wah. "John Chrysostom’s Reception of Basil of Caesarea’s Trinitarian Theology." Scrinium 15, no. 1 (2019): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00151p05.

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Abstract The last two decades have seen extensive research on the Trinitarian theologies of several post-Nicene Fathers. Not much, however, has been done for John Chrysostom. Thomas Karman and Pak-Wah Lai have demonstrated separately that Chrysostom shares several theological beliefs with the Eusebian-Meletians, including the doctrine of divine incomprehensibility, and their anti-Sabellian concerns. Stylianos Papadopoulos has claimed further that Chrysostom is a successor of both Athanasius and the Cappadocians’ teachings. Among the Cappadocians, it was Basil of Caesarea who first allied hims

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Szram, Mariusz. "Can humility exist without poverty? A response by Cappadocian Fathers and John Chrysostom." Vox Patrum 62 (September 4, 2014): 505–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3599.

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Greccy Ojcowie Kościoła IV w. uznawali zgodnie cnotę pokory za punkt wyjścia na drodze duchowego doskonalenia oraz za matkę wszystkich cnót. W duchu rozwijającego się monastycyzmu podkreślali przede wszystkim ścisły związek pokory z posłuszeństwem jako cnotą najbardziej jej pokrewną. Autor artykułu stara się znaleźć odpowiedź na pytanie, w jaki sposób postrzegali oni relację między pokorą i ubóstwem, mającą głęboką tradycję biblijną. Już w Starym Testamencie ludzie ubodzy (ptoco…) jako znajdujący się w potrzebie byli uważani za szczególnie skromnych i otwartych na pokorne szukanie pomocy u B

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19

Portaru, Marius. "Patristic Apophaticism and the House of Being." Diakrisis Yearbook of Theology and Philosophy 5 (July 31, 2022): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/diakrisis.2022.3.

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This essay proposes a brief reflection on language, considering Patristic apophaticism, as seen in the works of the Cappadocian Fathers, Dionysius and Maximus the Confessor. It discusses Heidegger’s critique of onto-theology and his Letter on Humanism, where language is called “the House of Being”. It tries to show that, according to Patristic apophaticism, the human nous is instead the “House of Being”. The difference between Heidegger and Patristic thought lies in how Being is understood. It also notes that the Letter on Humanism displays a potential openess to the “energetic theory of langu

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20

Lienhard, Joseph T. "Basil of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra, and “Sabellius”." Church History 58, no. 2 (1989): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168721.

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In textbooks on the history of early Christianity Marcellus of Ancyra usually merits one footnote, as the fourth-century oddity refuted by the Creed of Constantinople in the clause “and his kingdom will have no end,” since Marcellus taught that Christ's kingdom would end. But his significance is greater than that. Marcellus enjoyed notoriety in the 330s. Four decades later, in the 370s, opposition to Marcellus had all but ceased. But Basil of Caesarea, the first of the three Cappadocian fathers, campaigned relentlessly against Marcellus and his followers. Basil's virulent opposition to Marcell

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21

Nichols, Aidan. "Collins, Trinitarian Theology East and West. Karl Barth, the Cappadocian Fathers, and John Zizioulas." Studies in World Christianity 8, no. 1 (2002): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2002.8.1.171.

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22

Vinel, Françoise. "Vassiliki M. Limberis, Architects of Piety. The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of Martyrs." Revue des sciences religieuses, no. 86/1 (January 1, 2012): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rsr.1634.

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23

Meredith, A. "Review: Trinitarian Theology West and East. Karl Barth, The Cappadocian Fathers, and John Zizioulas." Journal of Theological Studies 54, no. 1 (2003): 439–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/54.1.439.

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24

Mogarichev, Yurii, and Alena Ergina. "The Lost Fresco Paintings of the Inkerman Cave Churches (“Temple with Baptistery”, “Church of Geography”, Monastery of Saint Sophia)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 6 (2021): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.3.

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Introduction. Among the “cave towns” of Mountainous Southwestern Crimea, there are monuments located in the lower reaches of the Black River valley. There are no less than 9 rock-cut monastic complexes which include about 30 temples. Methods. Some churches of the 13th–15th centuries were decorated with fresco paintings. Today, frescoes have been preserved only in one church. Sources of the 18th–20th centuries indicate traces of paintings in more than five temples. Frescoes inside the “temple with baptistery”, “Church of Geography (Eugraphy)”, and the Monastery of St. Sophia have not survived.

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Segneri, Angelo. "Spigolature pseudodidimiane." Augustinianum 61, no. 1 (2021): 53–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20216113.

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The present study, after a quick codicological investigation of the two surviving manuscripts of the De trinitate by pseudo-Didymus, in which it is concluded that one is a copy of the other, focuses on the lexical analysis of the first book of the mutilated trinitarian treatise. By showing divergences from the authentic works of Didymus, alongside parallels with the writings of the Cappadocian Fathers, Cyril of Alexandria, Theodoret, of other late patristic authors, as well as with those of the Neoplatonic philosophers, in particular Proclus, the author concludes that the chronological positio

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Dybała, Jolanta. "Listy Ojców Kapadockich do kobiet." Vox Patrum 60 (December 16, 2013): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3982.

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The letters of the Cappadocian Fathers serve as part of the evidence that in the early Church correspondence of its leaders played an essential role in ensuring its proper functioning. Among the addresses of the epistles of Basil the Great, Gregory of Nazianzus and Gregory of Nyssa we find a few women. They came from diverse backgrounds. Some of them devoted their lives to the service of God, others were lay people. This article seeks to present a part of the bishops’ correspondence and answer questions concerning its female audience. The letters were divided into three groups: 1) consolatory

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Frank, Georgia. "Architects of Piety: The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the Martyrs (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 20, no. 4 (2012): 650–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2012.0034.

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Corrigan, Kevin. "Oὐσíα and ὑπóσταıς in the Trinitarian Theology of the Cappadocian Fathers: Basil and Gregory of Nyssa". Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum 12, № 1 (2008): 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac.2008.009.

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29

Guise, Margaret. "‘A Passion for Passionlessness’: The Cappadocian Fathers and Iris Murdoch on Apatheia as a Spiritual Ideal." Literature and Theology 32, no. 1 (2017): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/frw042.

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Holman, S. R. "Architects of Piety: The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the Martyrs. By VASILIKI M. LIMBERIS." Journal of Theological Studies 63, no. 1 (2012): 319–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fls039.

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Daley, Brian. "1998 NAPS Presidential Address Building a New City: The Cappadocian Fathers and the Rhetoric of Philanthropy." Journal of Early Christian Studies 7, no. 3 (1999): 431–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.1999.0055.

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Matitashvili, Shota. "The Monasteries Founded by the Thirteen Syrian Fathers in Iberia." Studies in Late Antiquity 2, no. 1 (2018): 4–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2018.2.1.4.

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A new step in the history of Christian monasticism in eastern Georgia is associated with thirteen Syrian monks, led by John, who came to Iberia (K‘art‘li) in the mid-sixth century C.E. They were the bearers of a Syrian tradition that implied the combination of an heroic ascetic endeavor and an apostolic mission. They came as spiritual heirs of St. Nino, a Cappadocian virgin who converted Georgia to Christianity in the beginning of the fourth century. Their vitae were first composed by a certain hagiographer named John-Martyrius, but this work does not survive. In the tenth century, the head of

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Schwöbel, Christoph. "The Trinity between Athens and Jerusalem." Journal of Reformed Theology 3, no. 1 (2009): 22–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973109x403705.

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AbstractThis article uncovers the roots of the doctrine of the Trinity in the 'prototrinitarian grammar of discourse on God' of the New Testament and in its Old Testament presuppositions. Contrary to the well-worn thesis of Harnack, it is argued that it was Jerusalem rather than Athens—i.e., the biblical witness rather than Greek metaphysics—that gave rise to the dogma of the Trinity. Greek metaphysics only came in when the early Christians had to express the universality of the truth they claimed for God's self-disclosure through Christ in the Spirit by engaging with Greek philosophy. This wa

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ERGINA, ALENA. "Images of the Cappadocian Fathers in the Religious Culture of Taurica during the 13th and 14th Centuries." Временник Зубовского института, no. 2 (2022): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52527/22218130_2022_2_29.

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Guretzki, David. "Trinitarian Theology West and East: Karl Barth, the Cappadocian Fathers, and John Zizioulas, by Paul M. Collins." Arc: The Journal of the School of Religious Studies 31 (May 1, 2003): 225–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/arc.v31i.1000.

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Kowalski, Aleksy. "Zagadnienie personalizmu w "Protreptyku" Klemensa Aleksandryjskiego." Vox Patrum 64 (December 15, 2015): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3717.

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The article presents the outline of the pagan and Christian ancient anthropology that is interested in its relations to the cosmology. The antique philosophers describe a man as the microcosmos which belongs to the macrocosmos. According to Aristotle’s metaphysics and the henological metaphysics, the human being occupies the lower place in the hierarchy of the universe. The Christian thinkers, based on the Bible and the Tradition, show the human being as God’s creature made according to the image and similitude of his Creator. The Church Fathers know the Jewish and gnostic anthropologies and

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Radde-Gallwitz, Andrew. "Vasiliki M. Limberis Architects of Piety: The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the MartyrsArchitects of Piety: The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the Martyrs. By Vasiliki M. Limberis. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Pp. xvii+232. $74.00." History of Religions 53, no. 4 (2014): 411–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/675372.

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Gresham, John L. "The Social Model of the Trinity and Its Critics." Scottish Journal of Theology 46, no. 3 (1993): 325–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600044859.

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One of the analogies used by the Cappadocian Fathers and other early theologians to illustrate the doctrine of the Trinity was the social analogy in which Father, Son and Spirit were likened to three human persons. Beginning with Augustine however, Christian Theology, particularly in the Western Church, shifted away from the social to the psychological analogy. Augustine found analogies to the Trinity in all of creation but the clearest analogy to the Trinity, in fact its unique image, was the human soul. The divine image was not found in the union of three persons but in the unity of three ac

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Karahan, Anne. "Byzantine Visual Culture: Conditions of “Right” Belief and Some Platonic Outlooks." NUMEN 63, no. 2-3 (2016): 210–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341421.

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Monumental picture programs of Byzantine churches exist within a spatial and liturgical setting of rituals that depend on circumstances that create a distinction from profane to sacred. The core theme is the epic narrative of the holy drama of the incarnated son, i.e., the image of God (eikon tou theou), acknowledged as indivisibly as much human as divine. In a Byzantine religious sense, images of Christ prove the incarnation, yet human salvation depends on faith in the incarnation but also in the transcendent unknowable God. From the perspective of visual culture, the dilemma is that divine n

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Djakovac, Aleksandar. "The usage and the development of the term prohairesis from Aristotle to Maximus the Confessor." Theoria, Beograd 58, no. 3 (2015): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1503071d.

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The term prohairesis has a long history; its usage is crucial for the development and understanding of basic ethical and anthropological assumptions in ancient Hellenic philosophy. In this article the author analyses the most important moments for the semantic transformation of this term, with particular reference to the implications of its usage in Byzantine theological and philosophical heritage, with the ultimate expression in work of St Maximus the Confessor and his christological synthesis. The equation between the terms prohairesis and gnome and their separation from the authentic human

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Villani, Barbara. "Creation of the Universe and Creation of Man in Cyril of Alexandria’s Early Works on the Pentateuch." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 26, no. 1 (2022): 145–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2022-0018.

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Abstract After some preliminary remarks on Cyril’s two works on the Pentateuch, De adoratione and Glaphyra, as well as the σκοπός of the biblical text, this contribution deals with Cyril’s reading of the biblical account of the creation of the universe and creation of man. In contrast to other interpreters, e. g., the Cappadocian fathers, the Alexandrian patriarch does not show interest in a detailed explanation of cosmogony based on natural philosophy. He rather emphasizes the limits of the human mind in understanding the details of the act of God’s creation of the world. According to Cyril’s

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Cvetkovic, Vladimir. "St Maximus the confessor’s teaching on movement." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 142 (2013): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1342039c.

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The article aims to present how the Byzantine scholar St Maximus the Confessor perceived the notion of movement (kinesis). St Maximus exposed his teaching on movement in the course of his refutation of Origenism, which regarded the movement of created beings away from God as the cause of breaking the original unity that existed between the Creation and the Creator. By reversing Origen?s triad ?rest? - ?movement? - ?becoming? into the triad ?becoming? - ?movement? - ?rest?, St Maximus viewed the movement toward God as the sole goal of created beings, finding in the supreme being the repose of t

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Marunová, Magdalena. "Nourishment in Paradise and After Resurrection: Double Creation According to Gregory of Nyssa." Perichoresis 19, no. 4 (2021): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2021-0024.

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Abstract Gregory of Nyssa (cca 335–cca 395), one of the three Cappadocian Fathers, introduces the creation of human beings on the basis of Genesis 1:26–27 and interprets these two biblical verses as a ‘double creation’—the first of which is ‘in the image of God’ (Genesis 1:26) and secondly as male or female (Genesis 1:27). His concept of ‘double creation’ is obviously inspired by Philo of Alexandria, a first-century Jewish philosopher, but Gregory points out the condition of human beings before and after committing the sin, in contrast to Philo’s conception. While Philo distinguishes between t

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Valčo, Michal, Marek Petro, Mária Kardis, Rozalina V. Shagieva, Maria A. Kuznetsova, and Nina I. Kryukova. "Ecumenical Trinitarian Reflections and the ‘De Régnon Paradigm’: A Probe into Recovering the Social-Trinitarian Emphases of the Cappadocian Fathers." Konštantínove listy/Constantine's Letters 12, no. 1 (2019): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17846/cl.2019.12.1.76-89.

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Rostock, Nigel. "Two Different Gods or Two Types of Unity? A Critical Response to Zizioulas’ Presentation of ‘The Father as Cause’ with Reference to the Cappadocian Fathers and Augustine." New Blackfriars 91, no. 1033 (2010): 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.2008.00245.x.

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Greschat, Katharina. "Vasiliki M. Limberis, Architects of Piety. The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the Martyrs. Oxford/New York/Auckland, Oxford University Press 2011 Limberis Vasiliki M. Architects of Piety. The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the Martyrs. 2011 Oxford University Press Oxford/New York/Auckland $ 74,–." Historische Zeitschrift 295, no. 1 (2012): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/hzhz.2012.0379.

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Silvas, Anna M. "In Quest of Basil's Retreat: An Expedition to Ancient Pontus." Antichthon 41 (2007): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001763.

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Basil of Caesarea (AD 329–378), his brother, Gregory of Nyssa (335–394), and their friend, Gregory Nazianzen (328–389), are a group of three great Christian thinkers of the late 4th century AD known as the ‘Cappadocian Fathers’. All were steeped in the culture of traditional Hellenism, and at the same time were great theologians and leaders who steered the Christian church of the eastern Roman empire in the turbulent years of the late 4th century. Theologically they are best known for bringing to a close the Arian controversy that had wracked the Christian church for most of the 4th century. B

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Neganov, Vladimir V. "BASIC TENDENCIES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF PHILOSOPHICAL AND THEOLOGICAL VIEWS OF THE CAPPADOCIAN FATHERS ON ACCEPTABLE METHODS OF EXEGESIS (ST. BASIL THE GREAT)." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (Philosophy), no. 3 (2018): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-7227-2018-3-139-149.

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Naumowicz, Józef. "„Szaty ze skór”: kara czy ratunek dla człowieka? Patrystyczna interpretacja Rdz 3, 21." Vox Patrum 55 (July 15, 2010): 463–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4350.

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In giving different allegorical meanings to the „garments of skins” (Gen 3:21) given to man after the Fall (mortality, corporeality, carnal mentality, animality, passions), the patristic authors tried not only to describe the effects of the sin of the first people, but also and above all to show what God did to ensure that the consequences of the Fall did not last forever and that a return to paradise might be possible. What most interested them was the meaning of these garments in the history of salvation. So Irenaeus of Lyon formed the concept of these garments as an antidote or medicine for

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McCloughlin, Thomas, and Andreas Andreoploulos. "Dynamic Divinity in Flux: Tracing Nikos Kazantzakis's Convergence of Greek Theology and Evolutionary Philosophy." Khazanah Theologia 5, no. 3 (2023): 201–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/kt.v5i3.20710.

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This study embarks on an analytical journey through the theological perspectives of Nikos Kazantzakis, underpinned by the concept of God's mutability and its roots in ancient and Byzantine Greek theology. Focusing on Kazantzakis's pivotal works such as "The Last Temptation of Christ" and "Report to Greco," the research employs a literary and historical approach to unravel the synthesis of Christian Orthodoxy, neo-Platonic philosophy, and modern evolutionary thought. The influence of Alfred North Whitehead's process theology and Henri Bergson's evolutionary vitalism on Kazantzakis's conception

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