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Journal articles on the topic 'Cappadocian Fathers'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2024

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1

Torrance, Alexis. "Precedents for Palamas' Essence-Energies Theology in the Cappadocian Fathers." Vigiliae Christianae 63, no. 1 (2009): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x287661.

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AbstractFollowing a brief summary of the main tenets of Palamas' theology relating to the immanent divine ενεργειαι, this article will explore possible precedents for such a concept in the Cappadocian Fathers. The aim is twofold: first to argue against the exclusive use of ενεργεια language in attempting to outline precedents for Palamite thought in the Cappadocians, and second to propose a framework for discussing the topic in terms of sanctification and deification. Through such an approach, I contend, it is possible to remain true to the Cappadocians, whilst concurrently finding striking precedents to the theology of Palamas.

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2

Shmaliy, Fr Vladimir. "COSMOLOGY OF THE CAPPADOCIAN FATHERS." Faith and Philosophy 22, no. 5 (2005): 528–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/faithphil200522517.

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3

Usacheva, Anna. "Grammar of theology: logical argumentation from Origen to the Cappadocian Fathers." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3333.

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The article outlines the philosophical and linguistic background of the Post- Nicene theological debates concerning the relationship between the Father and the Son. A sharp focus dwells of the provenance of the term hypostasis, the philosophical and grammatical understanding of the terms hypokeimenon and ousia and the Stoic definition of the signifier and thing signified. The article shows new aspects of the anti-Eunomian polemics of the Cappadocian fathers, which come into sight due to comparison of theological concepts with Hellenic linguistic and grammatical theories. In such a way, the comparison demonstrates methodological and technical strand of the theological argumentation of the Cappadocian fathers and their affinity for the exegetic methodology of Origen.

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4

Beagon, Philip M. "The Cappadocian Fathers, Women and Ecclesiastical Politics." Vigiliae Christianae 49, no. 2 (1995): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007295x00167.

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5

Calleja, Carlo. "The Orations of the Cappadocian Fathers on Lepers." Lumen et Vita 9, no. 2 (May 18, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lv.v9i2.11123.

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The aim of this paper is to understand what might effectively serve to exhort the practice of the virtue of solidarity with the socially alienated. Three orations on lepers: one by Gregory of Nazianzus, and two by Gregory of Nyssa, will be studied. The methods used to engender the virtue of solidarity with the lepers in these orations will be analyzed. Redefining classical Greek virtues in a Christian theological framework; sensitizing the listeners by appealing to emotions through the use of concrete examples; attempting to restore alienated kinship by retrieving kinship language; and encouraging a tangible encounter with lepers prove to be important elements. How the Gregorys appealed to non-Christians will also be considered. I conclude that through these three orations, the Gregorys teach us that the conviction to cultivate the virtue of solidarity is inculcated by engaging closely with those whose identity appears different from one’s own.

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6

BUTE, Cristian Florin. "MOVEMENT AND ITS STABILITY AS AN ARGUMENT FOR CREATION, IN THE CAPPADOCIAN FATHERS." Icoana Credintei 9, no. 18 (June 24, 2023): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/icoana.2023.18.9.32-38.

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The Cappadocian Fathers consider that the orderly movement of creatures and, especially, the stability of heavenly bodies is an indication of the existence of the Creator and divine providence. In St. Basil the Great we find a version of the argument of the First Mover from Aristotle, developed also by Thomas Aquinas. In St. Basil the Great and St. Gregory of Nazianz, as in Aristotle, the question of the existence of movement was posed not only in the sense of an original impulse towards movement, but also for the continuation of movement once begun. The sustaining in motion had to have a cause outside the one being moved. And St. Gregory of Nyssa shows that the stability of the movement of heavenly bodies is a witness of divine proneness, as a sign of the specificity of the uncreated, which is unchangeability, in contrast to the attribute of change that dominates the creature. The Cappadocian Fathers do not base faith on reason, but by rational arguments and facts of nature they strengthen the solidarity between faith and reason and clear the obstacles, coming from wrong philosophies, which obstruct the channels through which natural revelation inspires manry

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Szram, Mariusz. "Pokora w walce z pychą – fundamentalny spór moralno-duchowy w rozumieniu Ojców Kapadockich i Jana Chryzostoma." Vox Patrum 59 (January 25, 2013): 531–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4056.

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The aim of the article is to show the specificity of the fundamental fight in the soul and in the life of man between pride and humility as it is seen in the writings of the Cappadocian Fathers and John Chrysostom. In the opinion of the Greek Fathers of the 4th century pride is the root of all sin. It destroys all good fruits in the Christian spiritual development, whereas humility enables and protects spiritual growth. Arguing against the heretics of their time, mainly against the Arians, the Cappadocian Fathers (especially Gregory of Nazianzus) made particular attention to the theologians’ pride, characterized by the lack of respect for the mysteries of God and being proud that is without moderation in talking about God. Gregory of Nyssa pointed out the perversity of the vice of pride: the arbitrary exaltation leads finally to the great unwanted humiliation and even to fall into the sin. John Chrysostom emphasized the paradoxical risk characteristic of the process of spiritual fight: one can brag because of owned humility and enjoy it. Then even true humility can imperceptibly transform into pride and become its source. Therefore the righteous people should avoid the pride and seek humility with more care than sinners.

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Langley, Thomas R. "Local and Universal Citizenship in Works of the Cappadocian Fathers." Al-Masāq 32, no. 1 (November 4, 2019): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2019.1682855.

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9

Kim, Okjoo. "On the Holy Spirit: Focused on the Cappadocian Fathers and Youngsan." Journal of Youngsan Theology 52, no. 01 (June 30, 2020): 241–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18804/jyt.2020.06.52.241.

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10

Bradshaw, David. "The Divine Processions and the Divine Energies." Philosophy of Religion: Analytic Researches 4, no. 2 (2020): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2587-683x-2020-4-2-59-70.

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The concept of the divine energies (energeiai) is commonly associated with the late Byzantine theologian Gregory Palamas. In fact, however, it has biblical origins and figures prominently in Greek patristic theology from at least the fourth century. Here I briefly trace its history beginning with the Pauline usage of energeia and continuing through the Cappadocian Fathers, Dionysius the Areopagite, Maximus the Confessor, and Gregory Palamas. I argue that the divine processions in Dionysius function much as do the divine energies in the Cappadocians, although Dionysius enriches the concept by setting it within the context of a Neoplatonic pattern of procession and return. Dionysius’s own work was in need of a further synthesis in that he does not explain the relationship between the divine processions and the divine logoi, the “divine and good acts of will” by which God creates. Maximus the Confessor then introduced a further element into this complex tradition through his argument that certain “natural energies” must necessarily accompany any nature. I argue that the real importance of Palamas from the standpoint of the history of philosophy lies not in originating the concept of the divine energies, but in using it to synthesize these disparate elements from the Cappadocians, Dionysius, and Maximus.

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Colwell, John E. "A conversation overheard: reflecting on the Trinitarian grammar of intimacy and substance." Evangelical Quarterly 86, no. 1 (April 26, 2014): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08601006.

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In response to Stephen Holmes, this paper reviews the Trinitarian contributions of the Cappadocian Fathers and Augustine with the goal, following Robert Jenson and Colin Gunton in particular, of reasserting the key distinctions between them and some aspects of the heritage of these distinctions in Western theology and popular piety. The paper also acknowledges some of their commonalities, including the common inadequacies in their expressions of the doctrine of the Spirit.

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Sheeley, Kristian. "Moral Virtue as a Requisite for Illumination in the Platonic Tradition." Religions 12, no. 10 (October 8, 2021): 838. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12100838.

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This paper traces the development of the idea that we must cultivate moral virtue in order to attain some degree of illumination regarding the nature of reality. I use the term “illumination” to cover a range of meanings intended by the philosophers I discuss, such as the “acquisition of wisdom” (Phaedo, 65a), the “sight” of divine beauty (Symposium, 210d–212b), or a mystical experience involving God or divine reality. Although this theme appears in many texts from the Platonic tradition, I focus on three major stages of its development. First, I show how Plato provides the basic framework of the idea that moral virtue is necessary for illumination, especially in his Phaedo and Symposium. Then, I explain how Plotinus synthesizes and substantially develops Plato’s discussions of this idea. Finally, I discuss the Cappadocian Fathers’ (Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nyssa, and Gregory Nazianzen) Christianization of this Platonic theme. In other words, Plotinus develops the basic framework of this argument first set forth by Plato, and the Cappadocians then adapt and modify Plotinus’ views to fit their Christian commitments.

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Neganov, Vladimir V. "PREREQUISITES AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CAPPADOCIAN FATHERS EXEGESIS (ST. BASIL THE GREAT)." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (Philosophy), no. 3 (2018): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-7227-2018-3-129-138.

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14

RAITH II, CHARLES D. "Ressourcingthe Fathers? A Critical Analysis of Catherine Mowry LaCugna's Appropriation of the Trinitarian Theology of the Cappadocian Fathers." International Journal of Systematic Theology 10, no. 3 (July 2008): 267–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2400.2008.00354.x.

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15

Maspero, Giulio. "Different strategies of the Greek Fathers against the pneumatomachians." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3343.

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Different sources describe the theology of the Pneumatomachians or Macedonians in the 4th century. They shared with the Arians the negation of the divinity of the Holy Spirit but were in disagreement with them about the Son. Different Greek Fathers wrote different answers and the study of their strategies seems of interest to better understand the heresy itself and its varieties. Epiphanius of Salamis, both in Ancoratus 65, 1 - 73, 9 and in Panarion 54 (74), presents a description of the Pneumatomachian heresy with a series of arguments to counter it. Equally important seem the Dialogi duo contra Macedonianos (PG 28, 1291-1338), transmitted in Athanasius’ Corpus, later attributed to Didymus, and still of discussed authorship. The comparison of these different works on the background of Cappadocian pneumatology, in particular Basil’s De Spiritu Sancto and Gregory of Nyssa’s Adversus Macedonianos, may offer interesting insights from both the historical and theological perspective.

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NUCĂ, Sorin Cristian. "MONASTIC SPIRITUALITY IN THE TEACHING OF SAINT BASIL THE GREAT." International Journal of Theology, Philosophy and Science 5, no. 9 (November 7, 2021): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/ijtps.201.5.9.59-69.

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The spiritual training of the exceptional beacon of the Cappadocian Fathers, Saint Basil the Great, influenced the subsequent ecclesial life, but especially the monastic one, by the divinely inspired rules, which became essential for all the subsequent monastic settlements, the fruits of the monastic spirituality according to his teaching being substantiated in the principles governing the life of the monastic community by love, obedience, teaching, knowledge, asceticism, without despising the hermitic (skete) life, trying to combine the most useful principles of both of these forms of monastic asceticism.

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17

Lai, Pak-Wah. "John Chrysostom’s Reception of Basil of Caesarea’s Trinitarian Theology." Scrinium 15, no. 1 (July 23, 2019): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00151p05.

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Abstract The last two decades have seen extensive research on the Trinitarian theologies of several post-Nicene Fathers. Not much, however, has been done for John Chrysostom. Thomas Karman and Pak-Wah Lai have demonstrated separately that Chrysostom shares several theological beliefs with the Eusebian-Meletians, including the doctrine of divine incomprehensibility, and their anti-Sabellian concerns. Stylianos Papadopoulos has claimed further that Chrysostom is a successor of both Athanasius and the Cappadocians’ teachings. Among the Cappadocians, it was Basil of Caesarea who first allied himself with the Meletians in the 370s. This makes him a prime candidate for examining Chrysostom’s reception of Cappadocian theology. We observe, first of all, that both bishops operate within the Meletian tradition, employing a wide range of Eusebian motifs to denote the Trinitarian relations, including the use of hypostatic language as a safeguard against Sabellianism. Both also assume God’s nature as incomprehensible. Basil, however, also developed several theological ideas which feature prominently in Chrysostom’s homilies. Specifically, a doctrine of divine simplicity that distinguishes between the knowledge and conceptions of God’s ousia, a careful distinction between God’s ousia and hypostasis whereby the latter is taken as representing ousia in its particular properties or idiomata, the illuminating role of the Spirit, and, finally, the defence of the Son and Spirit’s full divinity by underscoring the fact that they are equal in knowledge, authority, honour, and power as the Father. Taken together, these similarities suggest strongly that Basil’s teachings loom large in Chrysostom’s Trinitarian theology.

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18

Szram, Mariusz. "Can humility exist without poverty? A response by Cappadocian Fathers and John Chrysostom." Vox Patrum 62 (September 4, 2014): 505–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3599.

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Greccy Ojcowie Kościoła IV w. uznawali zgodnie cnotę pokory za punkt wyjścia na drodze duchowego doskonalenia oraz za matkę wszystkich cnót. W duchu rozwijającego się monastycyzmu podkreślali przede wszystkim ścisły związek pokory z posłuszeństwem jako cnotą najbardziej jej pokrewną. Autor artykułu stara się znaleźć odpowiedź na pytanie, w jaki sposób postrzegali oni relację między pokorą i ubóstwem, mającą głęboką tradycję biblijną. Już w Starym Testamencie ludzie ubodzy (ptoco…) jako znajdujący się w potrzebie byli uważani za szczególnie skromnych i otwartych na pokorne szukanie pomocy u Boga i drugiego człowieka. Ojcowie Kapadoccy i Jan Chryzostom definiowali cnotę pokory jako przypisywanie wszelkiej chwały za dokonane dobre czyny samemu Bogu i niewywyższanie się ponad innych ludzi, nawet największych grzeszników. Zagadnienie związku ubóstwa z tak rozumianą pokorą poruszali komentując przede wszystkim pierwsze z ośmiu błogosławieństw Chrystusa na górze. Z analiz homilii poświęconych tej kwestii przez Grzegorza z Nyssy i Jana Chryzostoma wynikają następujące wnioski: (1) istnieją dwa rodzaje ubóstwa: duchowe i materialne, które są od siebie zależne; (2) istnieje także tzw. „złe ubóstwo”, które oznacza brak podstawowych cnót; jest ono przeszkodą do osiągnięcia cnoty pokory; (3) ubóstwo materialne ułatwia postawę pokory, ale nie wystarcza do osiągnięcia tej cnoty; (4) cnota pokory jest natomiast niemożliwa bez ubóstwa duchowego, które otwiera na Boga; (5) ludzie ubodzy w duchu, których dotyczy pierwsze błogosławieństwo, są synonimem ludzi pokornych.

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Portaru, Marius. "Patristic Apophaticism and the House of Being." Diakrisis Yearbook of Theology and Philosophy 5 (July 31, 2022): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/diakrisis.2022.3.

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This essay proposes a brief reflection on language, considering Patristic apophaticism, as seen in the works of the Cappadocian Fathers, Dionysius and Maximus the Confessor. It discusses Heidegger’s critique of onto-theology and his Letter on Humanism, where language is called “the House of Being”. It tries to show that, according to Patristic apophaticism, the human nous is instead the “House of Being”. The difference between Heidegger and Patristic thought lies in how Being is understood. It also notes that the Letter on Humanism displays a potential openess to the “energetic theory of language”, which characterises Patristic apophaticism.

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Lienhard, Joseph T. "Basil of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra, and “Sabellius”." Church History 58, no. 2 (June 1989): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168721.

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In textbooks on the history of early Christianity Marcellus of Ancyra usually merits one footnote, as the fourth-century oddity refuted by the Creed of Constantinople in the clause “and his kingdom will have no end,” since Marcellus taught that Christ's kingdom would end. But his significance is greater than that. Marcellus enjoyed notoriety in the 330s. Four decades later, in the 370s, opposition to Marcellus had all but ceased. But Basil of Caesarea, the first of the three Cappadocian fathers, campaigned relentlessly against Marcellus and his followers. Basil's virulent opposition to Marcellus still needs interpretation.

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Nichols, Aidan. "Collins, Trinitarian Theology East and West. Karl Barth, the Cappadocian Fathers, and John Zizioulas." Studies in World Christianity 8, no. 1 (April 2002): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2002.8.1.171.

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22

Vinel, Françoise. "Vassiliki M. Limberis, Architects of Piety. The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of Martyrs." Revue des sciences religieuses, no. 86/1 (January 1, 2012): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rsr.1634.

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23

Meredith, A. "Review: Trinitarian Theology West and East. Karl Barth, The Cappadocian Fathers, and John Zizioulas." Journal of Theological Studies 54, no. 1 (April 1, 2003): 439–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/54.1.439.

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Mogarichev, Yurii, and Alena Ergina. "The Lost Fresco Paintings of the Inkerman Cave Churches (“Temple with Baptistery”, “Church of Geography”, Monastery of Saint Sophia)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 6 (December 28, 2021): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.3.

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Introduction. Among the “cave towns” of Mountainous Southwestern Crimea, there are monuments located in the lower reaches of the Black River valley. There are no less than 9 rock-cut monastic complexes which include about 30 temples. Methods. Some churches of the 13th–15th centuries were decorated with fresco paintings. Today, frescoes have been preserved only in one church. Sources of the 18th–20th centuries indicate traces of paintings in more than five temples. Frescoes inside the “temple with baptistery”, “Church of Geography (Eugraphy)”, and the Monastery of St. Sophia have not survived. Archival materials that expose the plots and compositions are published in this work. Analysis. The frescoes of the “temple with baptistery” date back to the 13th century. The Deesis composition is reconstructed in the apse conch. In the “Church of Geography (Eugraphy)” (the 13th century), on each side of the throne, four figures of saints are depicted (The Holy Fathers composition). This is probably: John Chrysostom, Gregory the Theologian, Basil the Great, Cyril of Alexandria, Gregory of Nyssa, Athanasius of Alexandria and two more saints from among the Cappadocian Fathers. One of them is obviously St. Blaise. This painting in general terms repeats the traditional scheme of the lower register of the painting of the apses of the cave temples of the mountainous Crimea. The monastery of St. Sofia should be dated back to the 14th–15th centuries. During the period of the monastery’s functioning, there were fresco paintings in the Main Church and Church no. 3, but all the attempts to attribute them were unsuccessful. Results. The analyzed frescoes show themes of Deesis and the Great Cappadocians. They are common for altar compositions in cave temples in South-West Crimea. In the interiors of the cave temples of Inkerman, there are: simple linear ornaments, complex plant reports, linear ornaments with complex weaving and plant elements.

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Segneri, Angelo. "Spigolature pseudodidimiane." Augustinianum 61, no. 1 (2021): 53–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20216113.

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The present study, after a quick codicological investigation of the two surviving manuscripts of the De trinitate by pseudo-Didymus, in which it is concluded that one is a copy of the other, focuses on the lexical analysis of the first book of the mutilated trinitarian treatise. By showing divergences from the authentic works of Didymus, alongside parallels with the writings of the Cappadocian Fathers, Cyril of Alexandria, Theodoret, of other late patristic authors, as well as with those of the Neoplatonic philosophers, in particular Proclus, the author concludes that the chronological position of De trinitate should not be before the end of the 5th century, and suggests a possible origin from an environment of Antiochene influence.

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Dybała, Jolanta. "Listy Ojców Kapadockich do kobiet." Vox Patrum 60 (December 16, 2013): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3982.

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The letters of the Cappadocian Fathers serve as part of the evidence that in the early Church correspondence of its leaders played an essential role in ensuring its proper functioning. Among the addresses of the epistles of Basil the Great, Gregory of Nazianzus and Gregory of Nyssa we find a few women. They came from diverse backgrounds. Some of them devoted their lives to the service of God, others were lay people. This article seeks to present a part of the bishops’ correspondence and answer questions concerning its female audience. The letters were divided into three groups: 1) consolatory ones; 2) parenetic ones; 3) and the rest of them, that because of their thematic variety were grouped together.

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Frank, Georgia. "Architects of Piety: The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the Martyrs (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 20, no. 4 (2012): 650–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2012.0034.

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Corrigan, Kevin. "Oὐσíα and ὑπóσταıς in the Trinitarian Theology of the Cappadocian Fathers: Basil and Gregory of Nyssa." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum 12, no. 1 (January 2008): 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac.2008.009.

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Guise, Margaret. "‘A Passion for Passionlessness’: The Cappadocian Fathers and Iris Murdoch on Apatheia as a Spiritual Ideal." Literature and Theology 32, no. 1 (February 10, 2017): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/frw042.

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30

Holman, S. R. "Architects of Piety: The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the Martyrs. By VASILIKI M. LIMBERIS." Journal of Theological Studies 63, no. 1 (March 20, 2012): 319–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fls039.

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Daley, Brian. "1998 NAPS Presidential Address Building a New City: The Cappadocian Fathers and the Rhetoric of Philanthropy." Journal of Early Christian Studies 7, no. 3 (1999): 431–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.1999.0055.

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Matitashvili, Shota. "The Monasteries Founded by the Thirteen Syrian Fathers in Iberia." Studies in Late Antiquity 2, no. 1 (2018): 4–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2018.2.1.4.

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A new step in the history of Christian monasticism in eastern Georgia is associated with thirteen Syrian monks, led by John, who came to Iberia (K‘art‘li) in the mid-sixth century C.E. They were the bearers of a Syrian tradition that implied the combination of an heroic ascetic endeavor and an apostolic mission. They came as spiritual heirs of St. Nino, a Cappadocian virgin who converted Georgia to Christianity in the beginning of the fourth century. Their vitae were first composed by a certain hagiographer named John-Martyrius, but this work does not survive. In the tenth century, the head of the Georgian Church and the distinguished ecclesiastical writer Arsenius II (955–980) depicted their lives and deeds based on different oral and written sources. Later, other unknown authors also wrote additional hagiographical works about these Syrian ascetics. At the beginning of their ascetic and ecclesiastical careers, the thirteen Syrian monks settled on Zedazeni mountain with their spiritual supervisor, John. John later sent them to different corners of the Iberian kingdom in opposition to paganism and Zoroastrianism. They founded monasteries and became influential religious leaders during the second half of the sixth century. Through their vitae, composed by Arsenius and other unknown authors, it is possible to trace the process of transforming the small ascetic communities established by Syrian monks into great feudal organizations. These monasteries had an important impact on the Georgian social and cultural landscape during the Middle Ages.

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Schwöbel, Christoph. "The Trinity between Athens and Jerusalem." Journal of Reformed Theology 3, no. 1 (2009): 22–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973109x403705.

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AbstractThis article uncovers the roots of the doctrine of the Trinity in the 'prototrinitarian grammar of discourse on God' of the New Testament and in its Old Testament presuppositions. Contrary to the well-worn thesis of Harnack, it is argued that it was Jerusalem rather than Athens—i.e., the biblical witness rather than Greek metaphysics—that gave rise to the dogma of the Trinity. Greek metaphysics only came in when the early Christians had to express the universality of the truth they claimed for God's self-disclosure through Christ in the Spirit by engaging with Greek philosophy. This was a risky experiment, since it implied a conceptual redefinition that went against the doctrine's original import. It is shown, however, that the crucial link to the biblical witness was re-established by the Cappadocian fathers and subsequently adopted by the Council of Constantinople (381).

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ERGINA, ALENA. "Images of the Cappadocian Fathers in the Religious Culture of Taurica during the 13th and 14th Centuries." Временник Зубовского института, no. 2 (2022): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52527/22218130_2022_2_29.

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Guretzki, David. "Trinitarian Theology West and East: Karl Barth, the Cappadocian Fathers, and John Zizioulas, by Paul M. Collins." Arc: The Journal of the School of Religious Studies 31 (May 1, 2003): 225–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/arc.v31i.1000.

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Kowalski, Aleksy. "Zagadnienie personalizmu w "Protreptyku" Klemensa Aleksandryjskiego." Vox Patrum 64 (December 15, 2015): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3717.

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The article presents the outline of the pagan and Christian ancient anthropology that is interested in its relations to the cosmology. The antique philosophers describe a man as the microcosmos which belongs to the macrocosmos. According to Aristotle’s metaphysics and the henological metaphysics, the human being occupies the lower place in the hierarchy of the universe. The Christian thinkers, based on the Bible and the Tradition, show the human being as God’s creature made according to the image and similitude of his Creator. The Church Fathers know the Jewish and gnostic anthropologies and they make a polemic on their doctrinal issues. Investigating the patristic anthropology is possible to apply the prosopography exegesis that underlines the interpersonal dialogue. That method indicates three levels of mutual relationships: the analogical and iconic one, the dyadic and dialogical level and the triadic one. The Church Fathers creating the metaphysics of person change their research from the cosmology to the theology and the anthropology. Justin investigates the personalist logos-anthropology. Irenaeus of Lyon and Tertullian of Carthage show the personalist soma-anthropology. Clement of Alexandria elaborates the very interesting concept of the personalist eikon-anthropology that describes the human person as the divine Logos’ image, the living statue, in which dwells the divine Logos and the beautiful instrument fulfilled by God with the spirit. Origen of Alexandria, the Cappadocian Fathers and other Christian thinkers who examine that issue, will use Clément’s personalist eikon-anthropology in their future investigations. That concept helps to define the solemn Christological doctrine of Council of Chalcedon.

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Radde-Gallwitz, Andrew. "Vasiliki M. Limberis Architects of Piety: The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the MartyrsArchitects of Piety: The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the Martyrs. By Vasiliki M. Limberis. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Pp. xvii+232. $74.00." History of Religions 53, no. 4 (May 2014): 411–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/675372.

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Gresham, John L. "The Social Model of the Trinity and Its Critics." Scottish Journal of Theology 46, no. 3 (August 1993): 325–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600044859.

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One of the analogies used by the Cappadocian Fathers and other early theologians to illustrate the doctrine of the Trinity was the social analogy in which Father, Son and Spirit were likened to three human persons. Beginning with Augustine however, Christian Theology, particularly in the Western Church, shifted away from the social to the psychological analogy. Augustine found analogies to the Trinity in all of creation but the clearest analogy to the Trinity, in fact its unique image, was the human soul. The divine image was not found in the union of three persons but in the unity of three activities, remembering, knowing, willing in the individual human soul. The social analogy reappeared in the twelfth century in Richard of St Victor's argument for the existence of three persons in God based on the premise that supreme charity required shared interpersonal love. Though some of Richard's insights were taken up by Bonaventura, the impact of his trinitarian theology was overshadowed by the dominant influence of Thomas Aquinas with his masterful use of the psychological analogy to probe and illuminate the inner being of the divine Trinity. Following Aquinas's further development of Augustine's psychological analogy, the interpersonal approach of the social analogy all but disappeared from subsequent trinitarian theology. Even with a later shift away from the Augustinian-Thomistic model, modern theology retained its unipersonal image of the trinitarian God.

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Karahan, Anne. "Byzantine Visual Culture: Conditions of “Right” Belief and Some Platonic Outlooks." NUMEN 63, no. 2-3 (March 9, 2016): 210–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341421.

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Monumental picture programs of Byzantine churches exist within a spatial and liturgical setting of rituals that depend on circumstances that create a distinction from profane to sacred. The core theme is the epic narrative of the holy drama of the incarnated son, i.e., the image of God (eikon tou theou), acknowledged as indivisibly as much human as divine. In a Byzantine religious sense, images of Christ prove the incarnation, yet human salvation depends on faith in the incarnation but also in the transcendent unknowable God. From the perspective of visual culture, the dilemma is that divine nature is, in a religious sense, transcendent and unknowable, beyond words and categorizations, unintelligible, as opposed to human nature, which is intelligible. This article concerns the strategy of Byzantine visual culture to weave together expressible and inexpressible in order to acknowledge “right belief,” without trespassing the theology and mode of thought of the church fathers on the triune mystery of the Christian God and the incarnation. In a Byzantine religious sense, circumscribed by time and space, the human condition is inconsistent with cognition ofwhat God is. Nonetheless, salvation depends on faith inthat God is, a “fact” acknowledged through holy images. Particular theoretical and methodological focus will be on how the three fourth-century Cappadocian fathers and Dionysius the Areopagite, but also Maximus the Confessor discuss God’s unintelligibility but also intelligibility, with some comparative Platonic outlooks.

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Djakovac, Aleksandar. "The usage and the development of the term prohairesis from Aristotle to Maximus the Confessor." Theoria, Beograd 58, no. 3 (2015): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1503071d.

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The term prohairesis has a long history; its usage is crucial for the development and understanding of basic ethical and anthropological assumptions in ancient Hellenic philosophy. In this article the author analyses the most important moments for the semantic transformation of this term, with particular reference to the implications of its usage in Byzantine theological and philosophical heritage, with the ultimate expression in work of St Maximus the Confessor and his christological synthesis. The equation between the terms prohairesis and gnome and their separation from the authentic human nature, as well as the usage of the term thelesis for the original ?human will?, represents the thorough revision of the antique philosophical heritage which could be compared with the distinction of the terms ousia and hypostasis by Cappadocian Fathers. In this article the author will show the extent to which and the way in which Byzantine theological and philosophical thought adopted and transformed its own Hellenic heritage.

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Villani, Barbara. "Creation of the Universe and Creation of Man in Cyril of Alexandria’s Early Works on the Pentateuch." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 26, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 145–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2022-0018.

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Abstract After some preliminary remarks on Cyril’s two works on the Pentateuch, De adoratione and Glaphyra, as well as the σκοπός of the biblical text, this contribution deals with Cyril’s reading of the biblical account of the creation of the universe and creation of man. In contrast to other interpreters, e. g., the Cappadocian fathers, the Alexandrian patriarch does not show interest in a detailed explanation of cosmogony based on natural philosophy. He rather emphasizes the limits of the human mind in understanding the details of the act of God’s creation of the world. According to Cyril’s understanding of the goal of Moses’ writings, his exegesis of Genesis focuses especially on the creation of man. Convinced that Moses wrote his books as moral instruction to lead men to God, Cyril interprets selected parts of Genesis in a typological way in order to show man’s journey from the fall into sin to the restoration of a holy life.

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Cvetkovic, Vladimir. "St Maximus the confessor’s teaching on movement." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 142 (2013): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1342039c.

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The article aims to present how the Byzantine scholar St Maximus the Confessor perceived the notion of movement (kinesis). St Maximus exposed his teaching on movement in the course of his refutation of Origenism, which regarded the movement of created beings away from God as the cause of breaking the original unity that existed between the Creation and the Creator. By reversing Origen?s triad ?rest? - ?movement? - ?becoming? into the triad ?becoming? - ?movement? - ?rest?, St Maximus viewed the movement toward God as the sole goal of created beings, finding in the supreme being the repose of their own movement. In addition to the cosmological view of the movement, St Maximus developed a psychological and an ontological view on movement, relying on previous Christian tradition. By transforming and adapting Aristotelian and Neoplatonic notions to the basic principles of Christian metaphysics, St Maximus creates a new Christian philosophy of movement which he supported primarily with the views of the Cappadocian Fathers and Dionysius the Areopagite.

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Marunová, Magdalena. "Nourishment in Paradise and After Resurrection: Double Creation According to Gregory of Nyssa." Perichoresis 19, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2021-0024.

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Abstract Gregory of Nyssa (cca 335–cca 395), one of the three Cappadocian Fathers, introduces the creation of human beings on the basis of Genesis 1:26–27 and interprets these two biblical verses as a ‘double creation’—the first of which is ‘in the image of God’ (Genesis 1:26) and secondly as male or female (Genesis 1:27). His concept of ‘double creation’ is obviously inspired by Philo of Alexandria, a first-century Jewish philosopher, but Gregory points out the condition of human beings before and after committing the sin, in contrast to Philo’s conception. While Philo distinguishes between the first and the second creation of the entirety of nature, Gregory only relates the double creation to humans. Thus plants as nourishment for humans, according to Genesis, must be matched with the second creation of humans. In the resurrection, when the ‘first creation’ of human nature will be reached, human beings with their restored bodies will only feed on immaterial, spiritual food—the Word of God.

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Valčo, Michal, Marek Petro, Mária Kardis, Rozalina V. Shagieva, Maria A. Kuznetsova, and Nina I. Kryukova. "Ecumenical Trinitarian Reflections and the ‘De Régnon Paradigm’: A Probe into Recovering the Social-Trinitarian Emphases of the Cappadocian Fathers." Konštantínove listy/Constantine's Letters 12, no. 1 (June 2019): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17846/cl.2019.12.1.76-89.

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Rostock, Nigel. "Two Different Gods or Two Types of Unity? A Critical Response to Zizioulas’ Presentation of ‘The Father as Cause’ with Reference to the Cappadocian Fathers and Augustine." New Blackfriars 91, no. 1033 (May 2010): 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.2008.00245.x.

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Greschat, Katharina. "Vasiliki M. Limberis, Architects of Piety. The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the Martyrs. Oxford/New York/Auckland, Oxford University Press 2011 Limberis Vasiliki M. Architects of Piety. The Cappadocian Fathers and the Cult of the Martyrs. 2011 Oxford University Press Oxford/New York/Auckland $ 74,–." Historische Zeitschrift 295, no. 1 (September 2012): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/hzhz.2012.0379.

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Silvas, Anna M. "In Quest of Basil's Retreat: An Expedition to Ancient Pontus." Antichthon 41 (2007): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001763.

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Basil of Caesarea (AD 329–378), his brother, Gregory of Nyssa (335–394), and their friend, Gregory Nazianzen (328–389), are a group of three great Christian thinkers of the late 4th century AD known as the ‘Cappadocian Fathers’. All were steeped in the culture of traditional Hellenism, and at the same time were great theologians and leaders who steered the Christian church of the eastern Roman empire in the turbulent years of the late 4th century. Theologically they are best known for bringing to a close the Arian controversy that had wracked the Christian church for most of the 4th century. Basil, called ‘the Great’ in the Christian tradition for his leading role in steering the Arian controversy to a conclusion, is also known for his reforms of the unruly ascetic movement in Asia Minor, documented in such works as his Asketikon. As a result of his labours he effectively established Greek cenobitic (common-life) monasticism. But his influence as a preceptor of Christian monasticism was destined to spread far, both east in Syria and in the Latin West. A Latin translation was an important source of the Rule of St Benedict, which set the tone of western monasticism for many centuries to come.

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Neganov, Vladimir V. "BASIC TENDENCIES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF PHILOSOPHICAL AND THEOLOGICAL VIEWS OF THE CAPPADOCIAN FATHERS ON ACCEPTABLE METHODS OF EXEGESIS (ST. BASIL THE GREAT)." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (Philosophy), no. 3 (2018): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-7227-2018-3-139-149.

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Naumowicz, Józef. "„Szaty ze skór”: kara czy ratunek dla człowieka? Patrystyczna interpretacja Rdz 3, 21." Vox Patrum 55 (July 15, 2010): 463–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4350.

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In giving different allegorical meanings to the „garments of skins” (Gen 3:21) given to man after the Fall (mortality, corporeality, carnal mentality, animality, passions), the patristic authors tried not only to describe the effects of the sin of the first people, but also and above all to show what God did to ensure that the consequences of the Fall did not last forever and that a return to paradise might be possible. What most interested them was the meaning of these garments in the history of salvation. So Irenaeus of Lyon formed the concept of these garments as an antidote or medicine for sin, a concept developed later by the Cappadocian fathers. Gregory of Nyssa emphasized the fact that they permitted the preservation of man’s freedom and other characteristics of his having been formed in the image of God (rationality). In short, they were given in order to open a road for man to God, to make possible a return to paradise. Even if they signify the effects of the fall of man, which effects can be held to be burdensome and trying, they are not an expression of the Creator’s anger and punishment, but rather deliverance for man and a chance of salvation. They can at most be considered as „a divine way of punishing”, which is ultimately „a manifestation of mercy” (Gregory of Nazianzen).

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McCloughlin, Thomas, and Andreas Andreoploulos. "Dynamic Divinity in Flux: Tracing Nikos Kazantzakis's Convergence of Greek Theology and Evolutionary Philosophy." Khazanah Theologia 5, no. 3 (December 30, 2023): 201–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/kt.v5i3.20710.

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This study embarks on an analytical journey through the theological perspectives of Nikos Kazantzakis, underpinned by the concept of God's mutability and its roots in ancient and Byzantine Greek theology. Focusing on Kazantzakis's pivotal works such as "The Last Temptation of Christ" and "Report to Greco," the research employs a literary and historical approach to unravel the synthesis of Christian Orthodoxy, neo-Platonic philosophy, and modern evolutionary thought. The influence of Alfred North Whitehead's process theology and Henri Bergson's evolutionary vitalism on Kazantzakis's conception of a dynamic, evolving God is explored, challenging traditional doctrines of divine immutability. The study also delves into Platonic thought's impact on Kazantzakis, examining the dialectic of being and becoming, and the reinterpretation of classical concepts like stasis and kinesis in a Christian theological context. Additionally, it scrutinizes the compatibility of Kazantzakis’s views with Orthodox Christian theology, particularly in the light of contributions from figures such as Origen and the Cappadocian Fathers. The findings reveal a complex interplay between Greek philosophical heritage and Christian theology in Kazantzakis's work, offering a unique perspective on the nature of God and the compatibility of faith with evolving scientific understanding. This research contributes to the ongoing dialogue between religion and philosophy, highlighting the relevance of ancient wisdom in contemporary theological discourse and underscoring the transformative potential of theological thought in the modern era.

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