Journal articles on the topic 'Captivity, 1866'

Abstract: The author of the article analyzes life and activity of Imam Shamil’s legendary Naib after his captivity in August 1859, the activity of one-eyed, one-armed and one-legged brave Baisungur within the period from 1859 till his captivity by Russian soldiers in the Benoy society in February 1861. Basing on archival documents, published sources and field data collected by the author and Chechen researchers in the mountains of Dagestan and Chechnya, the author considers the main reasons for the rise and development of the people’s liberation movement of the mountaineers of the Benoy society under the command of Baisungur from Benoy, which in official documents of the Caucasian command was called Benoy or Ichkeria uprising. The author emphasizes that the main reason for the Benoyers’ uprising was harsh resettlement policy of the Caucasian command that did not take into account the socio-economic conditions and traditions of the Chechens. Baisungur, who headed the Benoy society for more than 30 years and was Imam Shamil’s Naib, was not the initiator of the renewal of military confrontation with the Russian authorities in the North-East Caucasus, but the fate of the Chechen society, which for the years of the Caucasian war sustained enormous human and moral losses, was the main factor for him. On the basis of analysis of the information published in the newspaper “Caucasus”, the author traces the course of the uprising in 1860 and the last period of life and activity of Baisungur and his relatives until his captivity in late February 1861 and his execution in Khasavyurt Square in March.

Abstract This study analyses two seminal American memoirs that depict female captivity: A Narrative of the Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson (1682) by Mary Rowlandson and Harriet Jacobs’ Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (1861). My aim is to discuss, using the tools of Critical Race Theory, the intersections of gender and race, focusing on how the two women’s femininity, as well as their individuality, is linked to Christianity and motherhood.

A specimen of the clausiliid snail Pontophaedusa funiculum (Mousson, 1856) was kept alive for 15 years after it was collected as an adult. This is the longest direct observation of the lifespan in the Clausiliidae, and one of the longest in all land snails.

I describe the first instance off successful captive propagation of Algerian Whipsnakes (Hemorrhois algurus) in 2012–2013. In 2010–2012, a juvenile male and an adult pair were maintained separately. After two months of hibernation (October–December 2012) at 10–16 °C, the adults were introduced and subsequently housed together. The female laid six eggs on 23 March. They were incubated at 27–29 °C and one young hatched on 25 May, but died after 11 days during the first shed. The remaining eggs were dissected and found to contain dead embryos. On 1 June 2013, the female laid a second clutch of five eggs. They were incubated at 25–27 °C at night and 26–30 °C during the day. The young hatched between 3 and 15 August (exact dates unknown). After the first shed, they started to feed on small lizards, and later began to accept newborn mice.

An account is given of the ovum and larva of Thisanotia chrysonuchella (Scopoli, 1763) together with photographs of both, including the latter in various instars. Except for a description of the first instar, all other accounts of the larva in the British literature appear to be based on a German publication of 1865 that does not entirely agree with our observations. We review cited larval foodplants, all in the Poaceae, and set out our observations on larvae feeding on moss in captivity.

Twenty-seven percent of the Union Army prisoners captured July 1863 or later died in captivity. At Andersonville, the death rate may have been as high as 40 percent. How did men survive such horrific conditions? Using two independent datasets, we find that friends had a statistically significant positive effect on survival probabilities and that the closer the ties between friends as measured by such identifiers as ethnicity, kinship, and the same hometown, the bigger was the impact of friends on survival probabilities. (JEL N41, Z13)

Studies on mammalian fauna from the Andaman & Nicobar Islands have been done by various researchers but meager information is available on rodent fauna from these Islands. Morphometric and cranial details of fresh specimens of one of the rodent species, Rattus andamanensis (Blyth, 1860) of family Muridae, collected from its type locality in southern Andamans has been reported in the present paper. Morphological variations within the population are discussed. Observations on in-captivity-development of the young ones of the species in the laboratory are also recorded.

AbstractThe ethmoidal region of the snake Helicops infrataeniatus is described on the basis of serial sections. Cavernous tissue and a subnasal muscle circling the nasal vestibule were identified. These structures are related to the aquatic habit of this species, serving as a device for narrowing walls of the fenestra narina, which prevents the entry of water when the snake submerges. Observations related to behavior in captivity are also presented.

The author approached the problem of national identity – the most popular topic among Ukrainian scholars still – in the terms of relativism. Despite the ancestry, a person might choose other identity in Ukraine. The article focuses on biography of Henryk Wereszycki (1898–1990), a Polish historian. His natural father Mykola Hankevyč was a leader of the Ukrainian Social-Democratic Party, mother was Rosa Altenberg, a daughter of a Jewish book trader. Contrary to his parents, Henryk became neither Ukrainian, nor Jewish but a prominent Polish historian. After graduating from the Faculty of History of Lviv University, H. Vereshytskyi taught history at Lviv gymnasiums. In 1930 was published his first book «Austria and the 1863 Uprising». For the last four pre-war summers he worked as a librarian at the Pilsudski Institute in Warsaw. In September 1939, H. Vereshytskyi participated in the fighting for Warsaw, was captured and spent five years in fascist concentration camps. His mother, brother and sister were died in captivity. In the postwar period G. Vereshytsky continued his career as a historian.From 1945 to 1947 he worked in the Institute of National Memory, 1947–1956 – docent of Wroclaw University, 1956–1969 – Professor, later is a Doctor of Jagiellonian University. The entire edition of his first book «The Political History of Poland. 1864–1918» (1948) was destroyed by censorship. This book (first reprinted in Poland in 1990), as well as his «History of Austria» and «Under the Habsburgs» were included in the gold fund of Polish historiography. Keywords socialism in Galicia, Polish historiography, Rozalia Altenberg, Mykola Hankevych, Henryk Vereshytskyi.

We study whether paternal trauma is transmitted to the children of survivors of Confederate prisoner of war (POW) camps during the US Civil War (1861–1865) to affect their longevity at older ages, the mechanisms behind this transmission, and the reversibility of this transmission. We examine children born after the war who survived to age 45, comparing children whose fathers were non-POW veterans and ex-POWs imprisoned in very different camp conditions. We also compare children born before and after the war within the same family by paternal ex-POW status. The sons of ex-POWs imprisoned when camp conditions were at their worst were 1.11 times more likely to die than the sons of non-POWs and 1.09 times more likely to die than the sons of ex-POWs when camp conditions were better. Paternal ex-POW status had no impact on daughters. Among sons born in the fourth quarter, when maternal in utero nutrition was adequate, there was no impact of paternal ex-POW status. In contrast, among sons born in the second quarter, when maternal nutrition was inadequate, the sons of ex-POWs who experienced severe hardship were 1.2 times more likely to die than the sons of non-POWs and ex-POWs who fared better in captivity. Socioeconomic effects, family structure, father-specific survival traits, and maternal effects, including quality of paternal marriages, cannot explain our findings. While we cannot rule out fully psychological or cultural effects, our findings are most consistent with an epigenetic explanation.

Abstract We describe the behavior in captivity of the dusky shrew-opossum Caenolestes fuliginosus from 17 specimens captured at Finca La Martinica (Colombia), which were kept alive in plastic terraria for different periods of time (between 1 and 12 consecutive days). We found that C. fuliginosus can climb and jump well and uses its nonprehensile tail as a support when climbing. Feeding observations showed a preference towards an animalivorous diet, which included moths/butterflies (Insecta, Lepidoptera), stick-insects (Insecta, Phasmatoidea), flatworms (Platyhelminthes, Turbellaria), earthworms (Annelida, Oligochaeta), frogs (Amphibia, e.g., Pristimantis sp.), and dead rodents (Rodentia, Sigmodontinae, e.g., Microryzomys sp., Thomasomys sp.). Individuals were active throughout the day and night, with no indication of daily torpor. Our observations showed C. fuliginosus is not aggressive towards congeners and often aggregates during rest, especially when several individuals are placed together. Unlike other New World marsupials, C. fuliginosus showed nonagonistic group feeding behavior when consuming carcasses. Stereotyped behavior patterns (e.g., grooming) were not frequently observed. Our work provides comparative information for further studies on caenolestids and other New World marsupials. En este trabajo describimos el comportamiento en cautiverio del ratón Runcho, Caenolestes fuliginosus, a partir de la observación directa de 17 individuos capturados en Finca La Martinica (Colombia), que fueron mantenidos en terrarios plásticos por diferentes períodos de tiempo (entre 1 y 12 días consecutivos). Observamos que C. fuliginosus puede trepar y saltar bien, usando su cola no prensil como soporte al trepar. Los individuos mostraron preferencias alimenticias hacia una dieta animalívora que incluyó: polillas/mariposas (Insecta, Lepidoptera), insectos palo (Insecta, Phasmatoidea), gusanos planos de vida libre (Platyhelminthes, Turbellaria), lombrices (Annelida, Oligochaeta), ranas/sapos (Amphibia, e.g., Pristimantis sp.) y roedores muertos (Rodentia, Sigmodontinae, e.g., Microryzomys sp., Thomasomys sp.). Observamos actividad durante todo el día y la noche, sin preferencias, y no observamos torpor en ningún individuo. Los individuos no mostraron comportamiento agresivo hacia sus congéneres y, con frecuencia, se juntaron para descansar unos sobre otros. A diferencia de otros marsupiales del nuevo mundo, C. fuliginosus no mostró comportamiento agonístico cuando se alimenta de cadáveres. Patrones estereotipados de comportamiento (e.g., limpieza) no fueron frecuentemente observados. Nuestro trabajo aporta información comparativa para futuros estudios sobre el comportamiento de otros cenoléstidos y marsupiales del nuevo mundo.

Fifty-six opossums (Didelphis aurita) were captured on the campus of Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro, Seropédica county, Rio de Janeiro state, in order to investigate the occurrence of Borrelia sp among them in relation with the study of spirochaetemia and its ectoparasites. Blood tests were made through dark field and phase contrast microscopy, as well as the obtainment of blood smears. Smears were stained with Giemsa stain, which did not prove efficacy. There was no relation between results obtained through blood tests (13 opossum positive for Borreliasp.), and this technique (two positive animals). Parasitaemia studies of 37 animals kept in captivity as well as of several recaptures in which animals once negative proved to be positive days later, showed that haemoscopical studies could be used as an effective diagnosis tool. Ectoparasites from nine animals were classified; with the occurrence of nymphal Amblyomma cajennense and adult Ctenocephalides sp..

AbstractThe political prisoner is a figure taken for granted in historical discourse, with the term being used broadly to describe any individual held in captivity for oppositional activities. This article argues for understanding the political prisoner, for whom prison becomes a vehicle of politics, as the product of modern states and political movements. The earlier practices of the “imprisoned political,” for whom prison was primarily an obstacle to politics, gave way to prisoners who used the category creatively against the regimes that imprisoned them. Using the cases of Polish socialists in the Russian Empire, Fenians in Ireland, suffragettes in Britain, andsatyagrahiin British South Africa, this article explains how both regimes and their prisoners developed common practices and discourses around political incarceration in the years 1865–1910.

The siphonostomatoid copepod Prosaetes rhinodontis (Wright, 1876) is redescribed in detail based on adult female specimens recently collected from the sieve-like gill rakers of a whale shark, Rhincodon typus Smith, held in captivity off the coast of Motobu-cho, Okinawa-jima Island, Japan. Comparisons with other caligiform copepod species previously identified as Dysgamus atlanticus Steenstrup & Lütken, 1861 and described as Echthrogaleus pectinatus Kirtisinghe, 1964 from a whale shark revealed that these two taxa are conspecific with P. rhinodontis. The latter is transferred herein from the Pandaridae to the Cecropidae based on the relatively slim shape of its maxilliped corpus, and an amended diagnosis of Prosaetes C. B. Wilson, 1907 is provided. Neotype material of P. rhinodontis was selected from a previous collection of 173 specimens removed from a whale shark caught alive off the coast of Yonabaru-cho, Okinawa-jima Island, Japan, and subsequently held in captivity, albeit briefly, in the Okinawa Churaumi Aquarium, Motobu-cho, Okinawa-jima Island, Japan. Asymmetrical clusters of P. rhinodontis females on the host’s gill rakers were observed in this study, which suggest that this aggregative behavior most likely does not facilitate their attachment to the host but rather is a strategy used to augment their reproductive fitness. We also postulate that P. rhinodontis grazes on the epithelium of the host’s gill rakers and is, in contrast to other cecropids, a relatively vagile species.

AbstractThis article explores the nature and expansion of slavery in Benguela, in West Central Africa, during the nineteenth century, engaging with the scholarship on second slavery. Robert Palmer, Eric Hobsbawm, and Janet Polasky have framed the nineteenth century as the age of contagious liberty, yet, in Benguela, and elsewhere along the African coast, the institution of slavery expanded, in part to attend to the European and North American demand for natural resources. In the wake of the end of the slave trade, plantation slavery spread along the African coast to supply the growing demand in Europe and North America for cotton, sugar, and natural resources such as wax, ivory, rubber, and gum copal. In Portuguese territories in West Central Africa, slavery remained alive until 1869, when enslaved people were put into systems of apprenticeship very similar to labor regimes elsewhere in the Atlantic world. For the thousands of people who remained in captivity in Benguela, the nineteenth century continued to be a moment of oppression, forced labor, and extreme violence, not an age of abolition.After the 1836 abolition of slave exports, local merchants and recently arrived immigrants from Portugal and Brazil set up plantations around Benguela making extensive use of unfree labor. In this article, I examine how abolition, colonialism, and economic exploitation were part of the same process in Benguela, which resulted in new zones of slavery responding to industrialization and market competition. Looking at individual cases, wherever possible, this study examines the kinds of activities enslaved people performed and the nature of slave labor. Moreover, it examines how free and enslaved people interacted and the differences that existed in terms of gender, analyzing the type of labor performed by enslaved men and women. And it questions the limitations of the “age of abolition”.

An adult (presumably female) Herpele squalostoma was found attending 16 young in Cameroon. Four young that were preserved one day after collection have multicusped teeth and skin-like material in their gut. The adult and remaining young were maintained in captivity without provision of food for one month. During this period the young gained more than 10% in mass. Twenty-nine days after collection one additional young was preserved, this has adult-like dentition. We conclude that H. squalostoma resembles the oviparous caecilians Boulengerula taitanus and Siphonops annulatus in having young that receive extended parental care and that remove and eat the stratum corneum of maternal skin using specialized deciduous teeth. This discovery matches a prediction that maternal dermatophagy is widespread (and homologous) among teresomatan caecilians.

SummaryThe seminal characteristics of Moenkhausia oligolepis are described. Three males were induced with a single dose of carp pituitary. Semen was collected 6 h after induction, and diluted in dibasic sodium phosphate extender solution. For motility analysis, 1 µl of diluted semen was added to 10 µl of distilled water to achieve gamete activation. The average duration of total motility was 76.67 s; while the average sperm motility rate at intervals of 15 s was 95.3, 85.3, 59.6, 31.7, 13.0, 4.6 and 1.2%. To determine sperm concentration in samples, 0.5 μl of semen was diluted with 500 μl of glutaraldehyde. An aliquot of 10 μl of this dilution was utilized for cell counting. An average count of 4.97 × 109 ± 3.46 sperm/ml was obtained. Morphological analyses were performed using eosin–nigrosine dye; 20.33% of the sperm were observed to be dead. Live sperm, comprising the other 79.67%, had an average length of approximately 30 µm, with a head diameter of 4.488 ± 0.7 µm; and a flagella plus mid-piece length of 26.071 ± 12.4 µm. Of those sperm, 69% had a normal morphology, while 31% had primary and secondary abnormalities. The observed abnormality rate did not have a detrimental effect on artificial fertilization potential for the species. The description of the seminal characteristics of a species is one of the most important sets of information required for artificial reproduction of fish in captivity. It also contributes significantly to the total biological knowledge of the studied species.

The validation of an ovarian biopsy method for in vivo assessment of oocyte maturation in Centropomus parallelus was studied. Diameters of intra-ovarian oocytes siphoned with cannula were analyzed fresh and preserved with 1% formalin in 0.7% NaCl solution. Oocytes in different stages were present along the ovaries, up to the tertiary yolk globule stage, which had a unimodal diameter frequency distribution. The oocyte diameter means were not significantly different at four sites along the ovaries (P > 0.05). Samples obtained with cannula were representative of the ovary central portion, in vivo and in vitro samples of the seven females examined were not significantly different (P > 0.05). An estimate of the coefficient of variation corrected for bias (P < 0.05) for 8 repeated in vivo samples was 1.9 ± 0.6. The results demonstrated that for the species, the biopsy method was satisfactory, providing representative samples of the ovaries.

SummaryThe aim of this study was to describe, for the first time, the embryogenesis and larval growth of the Paraitinga Brycon nattereri Günther, 1864 reared in captivity. After artificial fertilization, eggs were incubated at constant temperature (~19°C) and collected every 15 min during the first 3 h and then every 3 h until hatching. Five larvae were collected daily over 15 days for evaluation of the length, yolk sac volume and specific growth rate. The following stages of embryonic development were identified: zygote, cleavage, gastrula, segmentation and larval. The hatching occurred after 50–54 h, with larvae poorly developed and fully depigmented, devoid of mouth and swimming capacity, presenting 6.32 mm total length and 3.64 mm3 yolk sac volume. The mouth opening was observed between days 3–4 after hatching. The yolk sac absorption was slow during the first 3 days, increasing sharply after this period, being completed on the day 11. During this period there was a decrease in the larval growth rate. After yolk sac absorption, an increase in the growth rate was observed that coincided with the start of exogenous feeding. Cannibalism was not observed during the 15 days of evaluation. The initial development of B. nattereri was slow and poorly developed larvae in relation to other Brycon species, certainly due to the lower temperature required for egg incubation and larval rearing. Other studies are needed in order to develop techniques to improve the methods of incubating eggs and feeding larvae.

We assessed the effects of starvation, body size, and water temperature on the onset of metamorphosis in leptocephali of Japanese eel ( Anguilla japonica Temminck and Schlegel, 1846) as determined by the morphological criteria of proportion, preanal length, and body depth to total length. Leptocephali of mean total length 55.6 mm that had been reared in captivity for 241 days from hatching were divided into unfed (n = 28) and fed (n = 30) groups in triplicate and reared for an additional 2 weeks. The mean percentage of larvae starting metamorphosis within 2 weeks was significantly higher in the unfed than in the fed groups (70% vs. 28.6%), suggesting that food deprivation acted as a cue for metamorphosis. The critical size for metamorphosis was a total length of 50–55 mm; smaller larvae did not start metamorphosis even in the absence of food, whereas larvae reaching that critical size were induced to undergo metamorphosis by starvation. The start of metamorphosis under unfed conditions was independent of diel-varying water temperature (day 23 °C; night 21–29 °C), suggesting a high plasticity in response to a wide range of environmental temperatures. These findings suggest methods for the efficient production of glass eels, as well as new insights into the mechanism of eel metamorphosis.

In seasonal breeders, periods of reproductive activity often coincide with high levels of glucocorticoids. We studied seven male and seven female African lesser bushbabies (Galago moholi A. Smith, 1836) over two mating periods via noninvasive faecal hormone metabolite monitoring to investigate the relationship between reproductive and adrenocortical hormone activity. We used linear mixed-effect models to investigate the effect of physiological (endocrine) variables on faecal glucocorticoid metabolite concentrations. Our results indicate faecal androgen (males) and progestagen metabolite (females) concentrations as the variables best able to explain variability in faecal glucocorticoid metabolite concentrations. However, the models explained only a fraction (26% and 12%, respectively) of the observed variability and graphical analysis suggests a biologically relevant difference in faecal glucocorticoid metabolite concentrations between captive and free-ranging animals during nonreproductive periods. Thus, captivity may have affected glucocorticoid output in our focal animals, potentially weakening the expected relationship between reproductive activity and faecal glucocorticoid metabolite variability. Due to the ease of faecal and observational sample collection, a large number of studies monitoring adrenocortical activity in wildlife are conducted using only captive settings, with inferences unquestioned when applied to free-ranging scenarios. Our study cautions against this practice, as particular housing or management conditions may influence the pattern of adrenocortical activity.

The captivity journal of Charles Le Raye was first published in 1812 as a chapter in A topographical description of the state of Ohio, Indiana Territory, and Louisiana, a volume authored anonymously by “a late officer in the U. S. Army”. Le Raye was purported to be a French Canadian fur trader who, as a captive of the Sioux, had travelled across broad portions of the Missouri and Yellowstone river drainages a few years before the Lewis and Clark expedition (1804–1806), and his account of the land, its people, and its natural resources was relied upon as a primary source by generations of natural historians, geographers, and ethnographers. Based directly on descriptions of animals in the published journal, the naturalist Constantine S. Rafinesque named seven new species of North American mammals, including what are currently recognized as the mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus) and a Great Plains subspecies of white-tailed deer (O. virginianus macrourus). Unfortunately, Le Raye never existed, and historical, geographical, and ethnographical evidence indicates that the journal is fraudulent. Determining the author of this work is relevant to identifying the sources used to construct it, which may help us to understand the real animals upon which Rafinesque's species are based. Traditionally, authorship of the volume was attributed to Jervis Cutler, but his role in composing the fraudulent Le Raye journal has been called into question. In this paper, I present additional evidence supporting the hypothesis that Jervis Cutler bears primary responsibility for the Le Raye journal and that he had the background, opportunity, and potential motive to author it.

Since its publication in 1874-1875 the account by the Basel missionaries Friedrich (‘Fritz’) August Ramseyer (1842-1902) and Johannes Kühne (1840-1915) of their captivity in Asante, Vier Jahre in Asante, has constituted one of the major written sources on the nature of precolonial society in what is now southern Ghana. Stationed at Anum, near the east bank of the lower Volta, Ramseyer and Kühne were captured together with Ramseyer's wife and infant son in June 1869 by an Asante force which had invaded Ewe territory. They were taken to Asante and eventually, after a seven-month stay in a hamlet which they christened Ebenezer, to Kumase, where they were held hostage from December 1870 until the approach of a British military expedition in January 1874. Apart from the independent French trader Joseph-Marie Bonnat, who was captured in the same month and shared many of their experiences, Ramseyer and Kühne spent longer in Asante than any other author before the twentieth century. Moreover, as prisoners they were able to observe African society from an unusual perspective: “these men saw all from below; the white man was the slave, the negro the master.”While the importance of this source is generally recognized, it has escaped the notice of most commentators that what Ramseyer and Kühne left us was not one source but at least five—a manuscript, two German editions, and an English and a French translation, all written within a relatively short period of time as part of what has been called “the scramble for Gold Coast Africana.” In this paper I shall explore some of the relationships among these different sources.

The article analyses the corpus of documents from the fonds of the Russian State Military History Archive, formed in the 1830s during the General Staff officer Feodor Turnau’s expeditions of to the Black Sea coast zone, which lay outside the Imperial control. Although his activities among the Circassian tribes can be termed one of the best Russian secret scouting missions and his memoirs published in 1864 are still considered an important source for studying the military and political history of the region, materials and reports of the survey missions have never been examined in modern Caucasus studies. The author compares the data included by Turnau in his secret reports to the Imperial authorities with what he mentioned in his memoirs. It shows which issues the Imperial authorities and the Caucasus Army command were interested in during the Russo-highlanders confrontation of the second half of the 1830s. The materials collected by F. F. Turnau can be useful not only in terms of clarifying certain aspects of his personal activities, but also in demonstrating the running of secret survey scouting in unexplored and dangerous ethnic territories off the Imperial frontier. They show high erudition and good training of the candidates selected from the ranks of the General Staff officers to run these scouting missions. The correspondence of the Caucasus Army commander with the central authorities in St. Petersburg on the issue of Turnau’s captivity shows differences in their understanding of the Russo-Caucasus relations. The author comes to the conclusion that the corpus of collected materials on topography, ethnography, political and cultural description of the Transkubanian region peoples could have formed a basis for a revision of the Imperial stand on the subjugation of tribal groups. Although this political alternative was missed, the materials collected by Turnau became a precious addition to the Caucasus studies source base.

Examination of host-microbe interactions in early diverging metazoans, such as cnidarians, is of great interest from an evolutionary perspective to understand how host-microbial consortia have evolved. To address this problem, we analyzed whether the bacterial community associated with the cosmopolitan and model sea anemoneExaiptasia pallidashows specific patterns across worldwide populations ranging from the Caribbean Sea, and the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. By comparing sequences of the V1–V3 hypervariable regions of the bacterial 16S rRNA gene, we revealed that anemones host a complex and diverse microbial community. When examined at the phylum level, bacterial diversity and abundance associated withE. pallidaare broadly conserved across geographic space with samples, containing largelyProteobacteriaandBacteroides.However, the species-level makeup within these phyla differs drastically across space suggesting a high-level core microbiome with local adaptation of the constituents. Indeed, no bacterial OTU was ubiquitously found in all anemones samples. We also revealed changes in the microbial community structure after rearing anemone specimens in captivity within a period of four months. Furthermore, the variation in bacterial community assemblages across geographical locations did not correlate with the composition of microalgalSymbiodiniumsymbionts. Our findings contrast with the postulation that cnidarian hosts might actively select and maintain species-specific microbial communities that could have resulted from an intimate co-evolution process. The fact thatE. pallidais likely an introduced species in most sampled localities suggests that this microbial turnover is a relatively rapid process. Our findings suggest that environmental settings, not host specificity, seem to dictate bacterial community structure associated with this sea anemone. More than maintaining a specific composition of bacterial species some cnidarians associate with a wide range of bacterial species as long as they provide the same physiological benefits towards the maintenance of a healthy host. The examination of the previously uncharacterized bacterial community associated with the cnidarian sea anemone modelE. pallidais the first global-scale study of its kind.

The article covers the long-term participation of the legendary Naib Baisungur from Benoy in the people’s liberation struggle under the command of Imams Gazimuhammad, Shamil and Sheikh Tashav-Haji from Endirei. Basing on archival documents, published sources and field data collected by the author and Chechen researchers in the mountains of Dagestan and Chechnya for the last 30 years, the author analyzes military talent, unfailing courage, bravery, organizational skills, kind and noble human qualities of the leader of the mountaineers Naib Baisungur from Benoy. The author emphasizes that Baisungur participated in the people’s liberation struggle under the leadership of the first Imam Gazimuhammad until September 1832, the second Imam Gamzatbek until September 1834, Sheikh Tashav-Haji until 1843 and under the leadership of Imam Shamil until August 1859. After Shamil’s captivity, from the end of 1859 till February 1861 he continued to lead the liberation struggle of the mountaineers. Among all Imam Shamil’s companions (naibs, murids, muftis, kadis, teachers) Baisungur from Benoy held a specific place, he supported and helped Shamil for more than 30 years. He took an active part in the formation and development of the Imamate state at all stages of its construction. For thirty years Baisungur headed the Benoy society, he was the chief of the Benoy society, the naib of Imam Shamil, he participated in many battles against the tsarist troops. In these battles he lost an eye, an arm and a leg. Baisungur overcame all imaginable hardships of the cruel war, and he always remained a living example of unfailing courage and bravery for all Dagestan and Chechen people. He was a particularly bright person, he enjoyed great respect and authority from Imams Gazimuhammad, Shamil, Gamzatbek, many companions of the Imams, and the peoples of Dagestan and Chechnya. The tsarist officers and generals admired him. This is evidenced by many field data, folk songs, legends, stories of old residents, folk sayings in the Chechen, Avar, Kumyk and other languages collected by the author in the villages of Dagestan and Chechnya.

<p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>Haci Adil (Arda) Bey, born in Lovech in 1869, was an important politician and jurist who held important positions in government offices both in the Ottoman Empire and in the Republic of Turkey. Throughout his career as a government official, which he started as a customs official in Yemen in 1890, he took several government offices in Yemen, Istanbul, and Thessaloniki for about 20 years and was inducted as the Governor of Edirne a short while after the proclamation of the Second Constitutionalist Period. Taking office as a senior manager within the party of Union and Progress following assume of governor of Edirne office, lasted for about a year, Haci Adil was appointed as Interior minister in 1912. He continued to hold critical offices during the Turco-Italian War, Balkan War and the First World War while the government was having hard times. He became interior minister once again in the government formed after the Sublime Porte Raid in 1913. HE was appointed as the governor of Edirne once again after the city was taken back during the Balkan War II, and held the office of chairperson of the Ottoman Parliament between the years 1915 and 1918. Arrested and exiled to Malta after end of First World War, Haci Adil lived the life of an exile abroad between the years 1919 and 1922. Returning home after his captivity in Malta, Haci Adil held the offices of the Governor of Adana and Bursa, lectured at the Ottoman University Darülfünun, and represented country on international courts. Haci Adil, who also held offices in Istanbul Municipality, died in 1935.</p><p>This study gives information on the political and administrative activities of Haci Adil, who was one of the members of the headquarter of party of Union and Progress, during the Second Constitutional Period based on archive documents. </p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>1869 yılında Lofça’da dünyaya gelen Hacı Âdil (Arda) Bey, hem Osmanlı Devleti hem de Türkiye Cumhuriyeti zamanında mühim devlet görevlerinde bulunmuş önemli bir siyasetçi ve hukuk adamıdır. 1890 yılında Yemen’de gümrük memuru olarak başladığı devlet hizmetinde yaklaşık 20 yıl süre ile Yemen, İstanbul ve Selanik’te çeşitli memuriyetler üstlenmiş, II. Meşrutiyet’in ilanından kısa bir süre sonra Edirne Valisi olarak atanmıştır. Yaklaşık bir yıl süren Edirne Valiliği görevinden sonra İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası içerisinde üst düzey yöneticilik görevi alan Hacı Âdil Bey, 1912 yılında Dâhiliye Nâzırlığı’na getirilmiştir. Trablusgarp Savaşı, Balkan Savaşı ve I. Dünya Savaşı yıllarında devletin zor günlerinde kritik görevler almaya devam eden Hacı Âdil Bey 1913 yılında Bâb-ı Âlî Baskını sonrasında kurulan hükûmette bir kez daha Dâhiliye Nâzırı olmuş, II. Balkan Savaşı sırasında Edirne’nin geri alınmasının ardından bir kez daha bu şehre vali olarak atanmış, 1915-1918 yılları arasında da Meclis-i Mebusan Reisliği görevini yürütmüştür. I. Dünya Savaşı’nın sona ermesinin ardından tutuklanan ve Malta’ya sürgüne gönderilen Hacı Âdil Bey, 1919-1922 yılları arasında yurtdışında sürgün hayatı yaşamıştır. Malta esareti sonrasında yurda dönen Hacı Âdil Bey, Adana ve Bursa valilikleri görevlerinde bulunmuş, Dârülfünûn’da dersler vermiş ve uluslararası mahkemelerde ülkemizi temsil etmiştir. İstanbul Belediyesi’nde de görevler üstlenen Hacı Âdil Bey 1935 yılında vefat etmiştir.</p><p>Söz konusu çalışmada İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası’nın merkez-i umumi azalarından olan Hacı Âdil Bey’in II. Meşrutiyet dönemindeki siyasî-idarî faaliyetleri hakkında arşiv belgeleri ekseninde bilgiler verilmektedir. </p>

Wildlife recovery centres are widespread worldwide and their goal is the rehabilitation of wildlife and the subsequent release of healthy animals to appropriate habitats in the wild. The activity of the Genoese Wildlife Recovery Centre (CRAS) from 2015 to 2020 was analysed to assess its contribution to the conservation of biodiversity and to determine the main factors affecting the survival rate of the most abundant species. In particular, the analyses focused upon the cause, provenance and species of hospitalised animals, the seasonal distribution of recoveries and the outcomes of hospitalisation in the different species. In addition, an in-depth analysis of the anthropogenic causes was conducted, with a particular focus on attempts of predation by domestic animals, especially cats. Significantly, 96.8% of animals hospitalised came from Liguria, the region in north-western Italy where CRAS is located, with 44.8% coming from the most populated and urbanised areas of Genoa, indicating a positive correlation between population density and the number of recoveries. A total of 5881 wild animals belonging to 162 species were transferred to CRAS during the six years study period. The presence of summer migratory bird species and the high reproductive rates of most animals in summer resulted in a corresponding seasonal peak of treated animals. Birds represented 80.9% of entries; mammals accounted for 18.6% of hospitalisations; and about 0.5% of the entries were represented by reptiles and amphibians. Species protected by CITES and/or in IUCN Red List amounted to 8% of the total number of individuals. Consistent with results recorded elsewhere from Italy and other European countries, 53.9% of the specimens treated were released in nature; 4.7% were euthanised and 41.4% died. There was a significant difference between taxa in the frequency of individuals that were released, died or euthanised due to the intrinsic characteristics of species (more resistant or more adaptable to captivity than others) and/or to the types of debilitative occurrences common to each species (e.g. infections, wounds, traumas, fractures). A total of 14.2% of wildlife recovery was from injuries caused with certainty by people or domestic animals (human impact), with 54.3% of these hospitalised animals having been victims of predation attempts by domestic animals, mainly cats. The percentage of release in nature of animals hospitalised following human impact was significantly lower than overall cases (31.2% vs. 53.9%) due to the greater severity of the injuries. The percentage of animals released showed a further reduction to 27.1% amongst victims of predation attempts by pets. The work of Rehabilitation/Recovery Centres contributes to wildlife conservation. In particular, the CRAS in Genoa is a Centre with an increasing level of activity concerning the rehabilitation of species under CITES protection and/or included on the IUCN Red List. The contribution and experience of CRAS operators is critical for the success of ‘information campaigns’ aimed at limiting the number of stray dogs and cats because of their impact on wildlife. Therefore, the activity of a properly-managed CRAS can significantly contribute both directly and indirectly to wildlife conservation, resulting in important territorial safeguards for the protection of biodiversity.

Development of the regal demoiselle Neopomacentrus cyanomos (Bleeker, 1856) from egg to maturation and spawning stage is described using hatchery reared specimens. Larval rearing of N. cyanomos was carried out using zooplankton as the starting feed up to the 10th day post-hatch (dph). Larval and post-larval growth was studied for a period of 340 dph. Caudal fin rays began to develop from 8th dph and the larval body depth increased considerably from 9th dph onwards. Towards the 10th dph, at about 5.7 mm total length (TL) half of the specimens underwent notochord flexion. Larvae exhibited decreased transparency with increased pigmentation of the pre-anal body, characterised by presence of stellate melanophores. Towards 15th dph, the pectoral, pelvic, dorsal, anal and caudal fins were visible with fin rays. The soft dorsal fin started showing pigmentation from 20th dph onwards and the spinous dorsal from 30th dph onwards. Towards 30th day, black pigments were found distributed all over the body. Pigmentation steadily increased from 30th day onwards and the juveniles fully attained the adult pattern of body colouration by about 90-100 days. First spawning occurred on the 340th dph at a size of 64-73 mm TL.

The fat snook (Centropomus parallelus), a catadromous species highly valued for human consumption, is widely distributed along the Atlantic coast of the American continent, from the United States to Brazil. In Mexico, it is common in the waters off the coastal states of the Gulf of Mexico, particularly Tamaulipas, Veracruz, Tabasco and Campeche. As it is important to ensure maturation and reproduction during cultivation under controlled conditions, given that this is inhibited in captivity, the spawning of the Centropomus parallelus was induced in the present study using a dose of gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH). Advanced gonad maturity was observed, while two females in a vitellogenic state reached final maturation with the application of a 50 μg/kg dose of the hormone and the male subjects failed to present spermiation under the application of the same dose.

Abstract Background Species adaptation to laboratory conditions is a special case of domestication that has modified model organisms phenotypically and genetically. The characterisation of these changes is crucial to understand how this variation can affect the outcome of biological experiments. Yet despite the wide use of laboratory animals in biological research, knowledge of the genetic diversity within and between different strains and populations of some animal models is still scarce. This is particularly the case of the Mexican axolotl, which has been bred in captivity since 1864. Results Using gene expression data from nine different projects, nucleotide sequence variants were characterised, and distinctive genetic background of the experimental specimens was uncovered. This study provides a catalogue of thousands of nucleotide variants along predicted protein-coding genes, while identifying genome-wide differences between pigment phenotypes in laboratory populations. Conclusions Awareness of the genetic variation could guide a better experimental design while helping to develop molecular tools for monitoring genetic diversity and studying gene functions in laboratory axolotls. Overall, this study highlights the cross-taxa utility that transcriptomic data might have to assess the genetic variation of the experimental specimens, which might help to shorten the journey towards reproducible research.

IntroductionFilmed during a 1955 family trip from Perth to the Gulf of Carpentaria, Keith Adams’s Northern Safari showed to packed houses across Australia, and in some overseas locations, across three decades. Essentially a home movie, initially accompanied by live commentary and subsequently by a homemade sound track, it tapped into audiences’ sense of Australia’s north as a place of adventure. In the film Adams interacts with the animals of northern Australia (often by killing them), and while by 1971 the violence apparent in the film was attracting criticism in letters to newspapers, the film remained popular through to the mid-1980s, and was later shown on television in Australia and the United States (Cowan 2; Adams, Crocodile Safari Man 261). A DVD is at present available for purchase from the website of the same name (Northern Safari). Adams and his supporters credited the film’s success to the rugged and adventurous landscape of northern Australia (Northeast vii), characterised by dangerous animals, including venomous spiders, sharks and crocodiles (see Adams, “Aussie”; “Crocodile”). The notion of Australia’s north as a place of rugged adventure was not born with Adams’s film, and that film was certainly not the last production to exploit the region and its wildlife as a source of excitement. Rather, Northern Safari belongs to a long list of adventure narratives whose hunting exploits have helped define the north of Australian as a distinct region and contrast it with the temperate south where most Australians make their lives.This article explores the connection between adventure in Australia’s north and the large animals of the region. Adams’s film capitalised on popular interest in natural history, but his film is only one link in a chain of representations of the Australian north as a place of dangerous and charismatic megafauna. While over time interest shifted from being largely concentrated on the presence of buffalo in the Northern Territory to a fascination with the saltwater crocodiles found more widely in northern Australia that interest in dangerous prey animals is significant to Australia’s northern imaginary.The Northern Safari before AdamsNorthern Australia gained a reputation for rugged, masculine adventure long before the arrival there of Adams and his cameras. That reputation was closely associated with the animals of the north, and it is generally the dangerous species that have inspired popular accounts of the region. Linda Thompson has recognised that before the release of the film Crocodile Dundee in 1986 crocodiles “received significant and sensational (although sporadic) media attention across Australia—attention that created associations of danger, mystery, and abnormality” (118). While Thompson went on to argue that in the wake of Crocodile Dundee the saltwater crocodile became a widely recognised symbol of Australia (for both Australians and non-Australians) it is perhaps more pertinent to consider the place of animals in creating a notion of the Australian north.Adams’s extended and international success (he showed his film profitably in the United States, Canada, England, Germany, South Africa, Rhodesia, and New Zealand as well as throughout Australia) suggests that the landscape and wildlife of northern Australia holds a fascination for a wide audience (Adams, Crocodile Safari Man 169-261). Certainly northern Australia, and its wild beasts, had established a reputation for adventure earlier, particularly in the periods following the world wars. Perhaps crocodiles were not the most significant of the north’s charismatic megafauna in the first half of the twentieth century, but their presence was a source of excitement well before the 1980s, and they were not the only animals in the north to attract attention: the Northern Territory’s buffalo had long acted as a drawcard for adventure seekers.Carl Warburton’s popular book Buffaloes was typical in linking Australians’ experiences of war with the Australian north and the pursuit of adventure, generally in the form of dangerous big game. War and hunting have long been linked as both are expressions of masculine valour in physically dangerous circumstances (Brennan “Imperial” 44-46). That link is made very clear in Warbuton’s account when he begins it on the beach at Gallipoli as he and his comrades discuss their plans for the future. After Warburton announces his determination not to return from war to work in a bank, he and a friend determine that they will go to either Brazil or the Northern Territory to seek adventure (2). Back in Sydney, a coin flip determines their “compass was set for the unknown north” (5).As the title of his book suggests, the game pursued by Warburton and his mate were buffaloes, as buffalo hides were fetching high prices when he set out for the north. In his writing Warburton was keen to establish his reputation as an adventurer and his descriptions of the dangers of buffalo hunting used the animals to establish the adventurous credentials of northern Australia. Warburton noted of the buffalo that: “Alone of all wild animals he will attack unprovoked, and in single combat is more than a match for a tiger. It is the pleasant pastime of some Indian princes to stage such combats for the entertainment of their guests” (62-63). Thereby, he linked Arnhem Land to India, a place that had long held a reputation as a site of adventurous hunting for the rulers of the British Empire (Brennan “Africa” 399). Later Warburton reinforced those credentials by noting: “there is no more dangerous animal in the world than a wounded buffalo bull” (126). While buffalo might have provided the headline act, crocodiles also featured in the interwar northern imaginary. Warburton recorded: “I had always determined to have a crack at the crocodiles for the sport of it.” He duly set about sating this desire (222-3).Buffalo had been hunted commercially in the Northern Territory since 1886 and Warburton was not the first to publicise the adventurous hunting available in northern Australia (Clinch 21-23). He had been drawn north after reading “of the exploits of two crack buffalo shooters, Fred Smith and Paddy Cahill” (Warburton 6). Such accounts of buffalo, and also of crocodiles, were common newspaper fodder in the first half of the twentieth century. Even earlier, explorers’ accounts had drawn attention to the animal excitement of northern Australia. For example, John Lort Stokes had noted ‘alligators’ as one of the many interesting animals inhabiting the region (418). Thus, from the nineteenth century Australia’s north had popularly linked together remoteness, adventure, and large animals; it was unsurprising that Warburton in turn acted as inspiration to later adventure-hunters in northern Australia. In 1954 he was mentioned in a newspaper story about two English migrants who had come to Australia to shoot crocodiles on Cape York with “their ambitions fed by the books of men such as Ion Idriess, Carl Warburton, Frank Clune and others” (Gay 15).The Development of Northern ‘Adventure’ TourismNot all who sought adventure in northern Australia were as independent as Adams. Cynthia Nolan’s account of travel through outback Australia in the late 1940s noted the increasing tourist infrastructure available, particularly in her account of Alice Springs (27-28, 45). She also recorded the significance of big game in the lure of the north. At the start of her journey she met a man seeking his fortune crocodile shooting (16), later encountered buffalo shooters (82), and recorded the locals’ hilarity while recounting a visit by a city-based big game hunter who arrived with an elephant gun. According to her informants: “No, he didn’t shoot any buffaloes, but he had his picture taken posing behind every animal that dropped. He’d arrange himself in a crouch, gun at the ready, and take self-exposure shots of himself and trophy” (85-86). Earlier, organised tours of the Northern Territory included buffalo shooter camps in their itineraries (when access was available), making clear the continuing significance of dangerous game to the northern imaginary (Cole, Hell 207). Even as Adams was pursuing his independent path north, tourist infrastructure was bringing the northern Australian safari experience within reach for those with little experience but sufficient funds to secure the provision of equipment, vehicles and expert advice. The Australian Crocodile Shooters’ Club, founded in 1950, predated Northern Safari, but it tapped into the same interest in the potential of northern Australia to offer adventure. It clearly associated that adventure with big game hunting and the club’s success depended on its marketing of the adventurous north to Australia’s urban population (Brennan “Africa” 403-06). Similarly, the safari camps which developed in the Northern Territory, starting with Nourlangie in 1959, promoted the adventure available in Australia’s north to those who sought to visit without necessarily roughing it. The degree of luxury that was on offer initially is questionable, but the notion of Australia’s north as a big game hunting destination supported the development of an Australian safari industry (Berzins 177-80, Brennan “Africa” 407-09). Safari entrepreneur Allan Stewart has eagerly testified to the broad appeal of the safari experience in 1960s Australia, claiming his clientele included accountants, barristers, barmaids, brokers, bankers, salesmen, journalists, actors, students, nursing sisters, doctors, clergymen, soldiers, pilots, yachtsmen, racing drivers, company directors, housewives, precocious children, air hostesses, policemen and jockeys (18).Later Additions to the Imaginary of the Northern SafariAdams’s film was made in 1955, and its subject of adventurous travel and hunting in northern Australia was taken up by a number of books during the 1960s as publishers kept the link between large game and the adventurous north alive. New Zealand author Barry Crump contributed a fictionalised account of his time hunting crocodiles in northern Australia in Gulf, first published in 1964. Crump displayed his trademark humour throughout his book, and made a running joke of the ‘best professional crocodile-shooters’ that he encountered in pubs throughout northern Australia (28-29). Certainly, the possibility of adventure and the chance to make a living as a professional hunter lured men to the north. Among those who came was Australian journalist Keith Willey who in 1966 published an account of his time crocodile hunting. Willey promoted the north as a site of adventure and rugged masculinity. On the very first page of his book he established his credentials by advising that “Hunting crocodiles is a hard trade; hard, dirty and dangerous; but mostly hard” (1). Although Willey’s book reveals that he did not make his fortune crocodile hunting he evidently revelled in its adventurous mystique and his book was sufficiently successful to be republished by Rigby in 1977. The association between the Australian north, the hunting of large animals, and adventure continued to thrive.These 1960s crocodile publications represent a period when crocodile hunting replaced buffalo hunting as a commercial enterprise in northern Australia. In the immediate post-war period crocodile skins increased in value as traditional sources became unreliable, and interest in professional hunting increased. As had been the case with Warburton, the north promised adventure to men unwilling to return to domesticity after their experiences of war (Brennan, “Crocodile” 1). This part of the northern imaginary was directly discussed by another crocodile hunting author. Gunther Bahnemann spent some time crocodile hunting in Australia before moving his operation north to poach crocodiles in Dutch New Guinea. Bahnemann had participated in the Second World War and in his book he was clear about his unwillingness to settle for a humdrum life, instead choosing crocodile hunting for his profession. As he described it: “We risked our lives to make quick money, but not easy money; yet I believe that the allure of adventure was the main motive of our expedition. It seems so now, when I think back to it” (8).In the tradition of Adams, Malcolm Douglas released his documentary film Across the Top in 1968, which was subsequently serialised for television. From around this time, television was becoming an increasingly popular medium and means of reinforcing the connection between the Australian outback and adventure. The animals of northern Australia played a role in setting the region apart from the rest of the continent. The 1970s and 1980s saw a boom in programs that presented the outback, including the north, as a source of interest and national pride. In this period Harry Butler presented In the Wild, while the Leyland brothers (Mike and Mal) created their iconic and highly popular Ask the Leyland Brothers (and similar productions) which ran to over 150 episodes between 1976 and 1980. In the cinema, Alby Mangels’s series of World Safari movies included Australia in his wide-ranging adventures. While these documentaries of outback Australia traded on the same sense of adventure and fascination with Australia’s wildlife that had promoted Northern Safari, the element of big game hunting was muted.That link was reforged in the 1980s and 1990s. Crocodile Dundee was an extremely successful movie and it again placed interactions with charismatic megafauna at the heart of the northern Australian experience (Thompson 124). The success of the film reinvigorated depictions of northern Australia as a place to encounter dangerous beasts. Capitalising on the film’s success Crump’s book was republished as Crocodile Country in 1990, and Tom Cole’s memoirs of his time in northern Australia, including his work buffalo shooting and crocodile hunting, were first published in 1986, 1988, and 1992 (and reprinted multiple times). However, Steve Irwin is probably the best known of northern Australia’s ‘crocodile hunters’, despite his Australia Zoo lying outside the crocodile’s natural range, and despite being a conservationist opposed to killing crocodiles. Irwin’s chosen moniker is ironic, given his often-stated love for the species and his commitment to preserving crocodile lives through relocating (when necessary, to captivity) rather than killing problem animals. He first appeared on Australian television in 1996, and continued to appear regularly until his death in 2006.Tourism Australia used both Hogan and Irwin for promotional purposes. While Thompson argues that at this time the significance of the crocodile was broadened to encompass Australia more generally, the examples of crocodile marketing that she lists relate to the Northern Territory, with a brief mention of Far North Queensland and the crocodile remained a signifier of northern adventure (Thompson 125-27). The depiction of Irwin as a ‘crocodile hunter’ despite his commitment to saving crocodile lives marked a larger shift that had already begun within the safari. While the title ‘safari’ retained its popularity in the late twentieth century it had come to be applied generally to organised adventurous travel with a view to seeing and capturing images of animals, rather than exclusively identifying hunting expeditions.ConclusionThe extraordinary success of Adams’s film was based on a widespread understanding of northern Australia as a type of adventure playground, populated by fascinating dangerous beasts. That imaginary was exploited but not created by Adams. It had been in existence since the nineteenth century, was particularly evident during the buffalo and crocodile hunting bubbles after the world wars, and boomed again with the popularity of the fictional Mick Dundee and the real Steve Irwin, for both of whom interacting with the charismatic megafauna of the north was central to their characters. The excitement surrounding large game still influences visions of northern Australia. At present there is no particularly striking northern bushman media personage, but the large animals of the north still regularly provoke discussion. The north’s safari camps continue to do business, trading on the availability of large game (particularly buffalo, banteng, pigs, and samba) and northern Australia’s crocodiles have established themselves as a significant source of interest among international big game hunters. Australia’s politicians regularly debate the possibility of legalising a limited crocodile safari in Australia, based on the culling of problem animals, and that debate highlights a continuing sense of Australia’s north as a place apart from the more settled, civilised south of the continent.ReferencesAdams, Keith. ’Aussie Bites.’ Australian Screen 2017. <https://aso.gov.au/titles/documentaries/northern-safari/clip2/>.———. ‘Crocodile Hunting.’ Australian Screen 2017. <https://aso.gov.au/titles/documentaries/northern-safari/clip3/>.———. Crocodile Safari Man: My Tasmanian Childhood in the Great Depression & 50 Years of Desert Safari to the Gulf of Carpentaria 1949-1999. Rockhampton: Central Queensland University Press, 2000.Bahnemann, Gunther. New Guinea Crocodile Poacher. 2nd ed. London: The Adventurers Club, 1965.Berzins, Baiba. Australia’s Northern Secret: Tourism in the Northern Territory, 1920s to 1980s. Sydney: Baiba Berzins, 2007.Brennan, Claire. "’An Africa on Your Own Front Door Step’: The Development of an Australian Safari.” Journal of Australian Studies 39.3 (2015): 396-410.———. “Crocodile Hunting.” Queensland Historical Atlas (2013): 1-3.———. "Imperial Game: A History of Hunting, Society, Exotic Species and the Environment in New Zealand and Victoria 1840-1901." Dissertation. Melbourne: University of Melbourne, 2005.Clinch, M.A. “Home on the Range: The Role of the Buffalo in the Northern Territory, 1824–1920.” Northern Perspective 11.2 (1988): 16-27.Cole, Tom. Crocodiles and Other Characters. Chippendale, NSW: Sun Australia, 1992.———. Hell West and Crooked. Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1990.———. Riding the Wildman Plains: The Letters and Diaries of Tom Cole 1923-1943. Sydney: Pan Macmillan, 1992.———. Spears & Smoke Signals: Exciting True Tales by a Buffalo & Croc Shooter. Casuarina, NT: Adventure Pub., 1986.Cowan, Adam. Letter. “A Feeling of Disgust.” Canberra Times 12 Mar. 1971: 2.Crocodile Dundee. Dir. Peter Faiman. Paramount Pictures, 1986.Crump, Barry. Gulf. Wellington: A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1964.Gay, Edward. “Adventure. Tally-ho after Cape York Crocodiles.” The World’s News (Sydney), 27 Feb. 1954: 15.Nolan, Cynthia. Outback. London: Methuen & Co, 1962.Northeast, Brian. Preface. Crocodile Safari Man: My Tasmanian Childhood in the Great Depression & 50 Years of Desert Safari to the Gulf of Carpentaria 1949-1999. By Keith Adams. Rockhampton: Central Queensland University Press, 2000. vi-viii.Northern Safari. Dir. Keith Adams. Keith Adams, 1956.Northern Safari. n.d. <http://northernsafari.com/>.Stewart, Allan. The Green Eyes Are Buffaloes. Melbourne: Lansdown, 1969.Stokes, John Lort. Discoveries in Australia: With an Account of the Coasts and Rivers Explored and Surveyed during the Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle in the Years 1837-38-39-40-41-42-43. By Command of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, Also a Narrative of Captain Owen Stanley's Visits to the Islands in the Arafura Sea. London: T. and W. Boone, 1846.Thompson, Linda. “’You Call That a Knife?’ The Crocodile as a Symbol of Australia”. New Voices, New Visions: Challenging Australian Identities and Legacies. Eds. Catriona Elder and Keith Moore. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars, 2012: 118-134.Warburton, Carl. Buffaloes: Adventure and Discovery in Arnhem Land. Sydney: Angus & Robertson Ltd, 1934.Willey, Keith. Crocodile Hunt. Brisbane: Jacaranda Press, 1966.