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Journal articles on the topic 'Carthage'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2025

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1

Ansel, Christelle. "Le relief de Carthage, un remploi iconographique partiellement modifié." Cahiers d'histoire 31, no. 2 (2013): 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1019287ar.

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Le relief de Carthage1 fait partie, avec celui d’Alger, d’un monument de Carthage (Colonia Julia Karthago antique) réalisé durant l’époque augustéenne, entre 13 av. J.-C. et 14 apr. J.-C. L’iconographie représentée laisse penser que nous avons affaire à une réplique du relief de Florence2 issu de l’Ara Pacis Augusta. La ressemblance entre les deux panneaux est frappante et leur interprétation iconographique est encore sujette à discussion. Néanmoins, une particularité du panneau de Carthage pourrait permettre d’élucider une partie du problème. Certains éléments pourraient indiquer qu’il ait pu

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2

Lancel, S., G. Ch Picard, N. Duval, and E.B. "Carthage." Encyclopédie berbère, no. 12 (February 1, 1993): 1780–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/encyclopedieberbere.2070.

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3

Zwirn, Sagy. "CARTHAGE." Yale Review 104, no. 2 (2016): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tyr.2016.0045.

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4

Zwirn, Sagy. "CARTHAGE." Yale Review 104, no. 2 (2016): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/yrev.13085.

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5

Bailey, Colin. "Rome, Carthage, and Numidia: Diplomatic Favouritism before the Third Punic War." Antichthon 52 (2018): 43–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2018.4.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines Rome’s diplomatic relations with Carthage and Numidia in the period between the Second and Third Punic Wars. Polybius’ suggestion that Rome consistently decided against Carthage in territorial disputes with Numidia in the aftermath of the Second Punic War (Polyb. 31.21.5-6) has often been taken up in explanations of the origins of the Third Punic War. Many ancient and modern accounts accept the implication of a policy of hostility against Carthage, assuming that Rome permitted and even encouraged Masinissa to infringe upon and seize Carthaginian territory. This pa

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6

Brisson, Jean-Paul. "Une image romaine de Carthage. La Carthage de l'Énéide." Vita Latina 160, no. 1 (2000): 2–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.2000.1094.

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7

Seddik, Wassim. "L’impact de l’archéologie et de l’idéologie sur les stéréotypes dans quelques fictions ayant pour sujet la Carthage punique." Romanica Silesiana 16, no. 2 (2021): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rs.2019.16.06.

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Fiction that had Punic Carthage as subject was, until the beginning of the 19th century, exclusively based on the historic sources written by Greeks and Romans. Nevertheless, the first – rivals of Carthage, and second – their enemies, have necessarily proposed to their posterity a biased story, full of subjectivity, rivalry or even hate. The development of archeology as a field of research as well as an auxiliary science of history has allowed to confront the ancients texts with the material coming from the Punic civilization, and consequently questioned centuries old ingrained stereotypes abo

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8

DOCTER, Roald F., Fethi CHELBI, and Boutheina M. TELMINI. "Carthage Bir Massouda." BABESCH - Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 78 (January 1, 2003): 43–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bab.78.0.503921.

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9

Wells, Colin M., Serge Lancel, and Antonia Nevill. "Carthage: A History." Classical World 91, no. 1 (1997): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352050.

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10

Ben Abdallah, Zeineb doublon, and Liliane Ennabli. "Caelestis et Carthage." Antiquités africaines 34, no. 1 (1998): 175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antaf.1998.1294.

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11

ZARINI, V. "Rome et Carthage." Vita Latina 164 (December 1, 2001): 2–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/vl.164.0.616473.

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12

Lancel, Serge, and John W. Betlyon. "Carthage: A History." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 1 (1995): 43–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9949218.

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13

Fantar, Mhamed Hassine. "Carthage en Méditerranée." Ikosim 8, no. 1 (2019): 57–64. https://doi.org/10.3917/ikos.008.0057.

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14

Clamagirand, E., S. Rais, J. Chahed, R. Guefrej, and L. Smaoui. "L'aqueduc de Carthage." La Houille Blanche, no. 6 (October 1990): 423–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/lhb/1990034.

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15

Burns, J. Patout. "Cyprian of Carthage." Expository Times 120, no. 10 (2009): 469–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524609106579.

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16

Wolny, Miron. "Fondation de Qarthadasht en Afrique du Nord – comme problème dans les recherches sur la chronologie de la plus ancienne histoire de Carthage." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 16, no. 1 (2021): 88–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2022-16-1-88-99.

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The author of the article tries to connect the observation of economic and trade relations developed by the Phoenicians in the western part of the Mediterranean with a reflection on the situation in which the Levant countries found themselves. It is known that in the period in which the founding of Carthage can be hypothetically located, the Phoenician centers were under political, economic and military pressure – mainly from Assyria – although other powers, such as Damascus, cannot be ruled out. On the other hand, however, it is known that, for example, in German science the lack of a foundin

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17

Wells, Colin M. "The Maghrib and the Mediterranean in the Early Middle Ages." Florilegium 16, no. 1 (1999): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.16.004.

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For some three thousand years the political, social, and economic relationships of the Maghrib have depended largely on the Mediterranean, on whether the sea was friendly or hostile, whether it might at any given moment bring friends or enemies, traders or raiders. Phoenicians sailing via Cyprus founded Carthage at the end of the ninth century B.C., and the earliest treaties between Carthage and Rome, conventionally dated to 509 and 348 B.C., envisage Carthaginian raids by sea on central Italy as a normal event. Raiding and trading reinforced each other. Archeological evidence shows Carthage i

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18

Ruszkiewicz, Dominika. "Joyce Carol Oates’s Carthage as a Modern Troilus and Cressida Story." Romanica Silesiana 20, no. 2 (2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rs.2021.20.05.

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Both Geoffrey Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde and Joyce Carol Oates’s Carthage are set in times of war, the Trojan War and the Iraq War, respectively, and both are associated with love on the one hand, and loss on the other. In fact, Carthage contains many echoes of the past, with the main characters of the novel, Juliet and Cressida Mayfield, bringing connotations with Chaucer’s and Shakespeare’s works, their father compared to an old Roman general, and Corporal Brett Kincaid likened to the hero of chivalric romances. The aim of this article is to argue that Oates’s Carthage may be seen as a m

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19

Rossiter, Jeremy J. "DOMUS AND VILLA: LATE ANTIQUE HOUSING IN CARTHAGE AND ITS TERRITORY." Late Antique Archaeology 3, no. 2 (2006): 367–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000070.

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This paper looks at the evidence for housing in Carthage in the period from Diocletian to the Arab conquest (4th7th centuries A.D.). A wide range of evidence is examined including excavation reports, representations of houses in art, and a variety of relevant literary texts. The paper offers a new synthesis of this evidence, with the aim of bringing discussion of Roman and late antique housing in Carthage up to date. It incorporates much new information from recent house excavations in and around the ancient city. Although the emphasis is mainly on 諩te housing, the smaller quantity of evidenc

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20

Frend, W. H. C. "Donatus ‘paene totam Africam decepit’. How?" Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, no. 4 (1997): 611–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900013439.

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Jerome was writing De viris illustribus in c. 393, and his verdict on Donatus of Carthage conceded that he had indeed ‘deceived nearly the whole of Africa’, an aim echoed by Augustine in his satirical anti-Donatist poem composed the same year. In fact, the year 393 had not been a good one for the Donatists. The high-handed acts of the new bishop of Carthage, Primian (391–412+), had provoked a schism among moderate and traditional members of the Church in proconsular Africa and Zeugitana (modern Tunisia). About one hundred bishops from these provinces had rallied to the cause of Maximian, a dea

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21

Carlsen, Jesper. "Familie og følelser i det romerske Kartago." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 80 (February 20, 2020): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/slagmark.vi80.136320.

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This article discusses the epitaphs with epithets from two burial grounds at Carthage excavated by Alfred-Louis Delattre in the last decades of the 19th century. He found more than 900 Latin inscriptions that can be dated between the late first century and the early third century CE. Most of those buried at the so-called ‘cimetières des officiales’ were imperial slaves and freedmen together with their relatives and include almost 1300 individuals. Epithets occur just in about sixty epitaphs or about 6 % of the inscriptions from the imperial burial grounds at Carthage. The inscriptions are most

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22

Balmelle, Catherine, Henri Broise, Jean-Pierre Darmon, and Mongi Ennaïfe. "Carthage, colline de l’Odéon." Les nouvelles de l'archéologie, no. 123 (March 30, 2011): 49–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/nda.1478.

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23

Mourguiart, Charline, and Sébastien Linares. "BD Carthage® Guyane." Netcom, no. 27-1/2 (September 1, 2013): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/netcom.1395.

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24

Ennabli, Liliane. "Inscriptions chrétiennes de Carthage." Antiquités africaines 33, no. 1 (1997): 191–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antaf.1997.1277.

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25

Feeney, Denis. "Carthage and Rome: Introduction." Classical Philology 112, no. 3 (2017): 301–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/692440.

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26

Miles, Richard. "Carthage: A Mediterranean Superpower." Historically Speaking 12, no. 4 (2011): 35–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.2011.0059.

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27

Mediouni, Moez. "Les philosophes de Carthage." Rue Descartes 61, no. 3 (2008): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rdes.061.0010.

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28

Sotinel, Claire. "Augustin, l’ambitieux de Carthage." L'Histoire - Les Collections N° 70, no. 1 (2016): 43–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lhc.070.0043.

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29

Kozinski, Alex. "Carthage Must Be Destroyed." Federal Sentencing Reporter 12, no. 2 (1999): 67–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20640227.

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30

Cole, Thomas B. "Dido, Queen of Carthage." JAMA 311, no. 24 (2014): 2464. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.2013.279572.

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31

Le Bohec, Yann. "Fallait-il détruire Carthage ?" Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France 2016, no. 1 (2021): 54–65. https://doi.org/10.3406/bsnaf.2021.12797.

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32

Phillipson, David W. "TRANS-SAHARAN GOLD TRADE AND BYZANTINE COINAGE." Antiquaries Journal 97 (September 2017): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581517000336.

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It is often argued that northward trade in gold from sub-Saharan West Africa began after the establishment of Islamic control late in the seventh centuryad. This paper questions that conclusion, and suggests that minting at Carthage of the Byzantine gold coins known as globular solidi was related to the acquisition of metal through developing trans-Saharan contacts. Political developments in the late sixth century may have interrupted the supply of gold to Byzantine Carthage; this problem intensified during the following decades when production of globular solidi began. It is suggested that tr

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33

Visonà, Paolo. "Rethinking early Carthaginian coinage." Journal of Roman Archaeology 31 (2018): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759418001228.

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The coins minted by the Carthaginians in silver, gold, electrum, billon and bronze comprise one of the largest coinages that circulated in the W Mediterranean before the Roman conquest. They provide essential information on both the history and economy of Carthage and on Carthaginian interactions with their neighbors, allies and adversaries. Carthaginian bronze coins, in particular, are frequently found throughout the Punic world, in each of its core regions (N Africa from Tripolitania to Algeria, Sicily, Sardinia, Ibiza and the southernmost Iberian peninsula), as well as in Italy. Yet few acc

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34

Colom Mendoza, Enric. "Análisis de las importaciones oleícolas hispanas en la Carthago romana a partir del estudio de las marcas epigráficas sobre ánforas del tipo Dressel 20." Zephyrvs 92 (March 14, 2024): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/zephyrus202492175194.

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El hallazgo de ánforas béticas del tipo Dressel 20 no es muy común en las excavaciones arqueológicas realizadas en Carthago romana. De un total de más de 500 individuos anfóricos romanos catalogados en el Musée National de Carthage, sólo 13 fragmentos de asa pertenecen al tipo Dressel 20, de los cuales sólo cuatro pueden ser atribuidos a un contexto arqueológico claro, que son los niveles de destrucción provocados sobre la necrópolis púnica de Bordj-Djedid, situada en la ladera norte de la ciudad. Pese a esta acuciante falta de datos para esta importante ciudad africana, el análisis porm

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35

Livanos, Christopher. "Elissa as a New Dido: Greece, the East, and the Westward Movement of Culture in the Decameron." Colloquium, no. 9788879166539 (September 2013): 143–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7359/653-2013-liva.

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The geographic settings of the stories told by Elissa follow the trajectory first of her namesake Dido’s journey from Phoenicia to Carthage and then of Aeneas’ journey from Carthage to Rome. The westward movement of culture in Elissa’s stories has many symbolic meanings and can be read as a metaphor for the migration of Greek intellectuals to the West and the subsequent spread of Greek learning throughout the Latin West.

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36

Akinboye, Goke. "Why Was Carthage Destroyed? A Re-Examination from an Economic Perspective." Journal of Philosophy and Culture 5, no. 1 (2014): 115–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jpc.v5i1.5.

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The story of Rome’s destruction of the once buoyant maritime city of Carthage in 146 B.C. has been explained by many scholars, generally, in terms of the fear and security threats posed by Carthaginian naval authority and great trade across the Mediterranean. This kind of generalization leaves little room for other intrinsic causes of the destruction and plays down the core policies that characterized Roman imperialism in North Africa during the Republican times.Adopting the political economy approach, this paper, therefore, re-examines from the economic perspective, the principles and dynamic

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37

Rahkema, Kristiina, Dietmar Pfahl, and Rudolf Ramler. "The impact of new package managers on the library dependency ecosystem." PeerJ Computer Science 10 (December 20, 2024): e2617. https://doi.org/10.7717/peerj-cs.2617.

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Adding dependencies to third-party libraries through package managers is a common practice in software development. The evolution of library dependency networks has been analyzed for many package managers. There are, however, no studies on how the library dependency networks of multiple package managers behave in the same ecosystem. The library dependency network in the Swift ecosystem encompasses libraries from CocoaPods, Carthage, and Swift Package Manager (Swift PM). These three package managers are used when developing, for example, iOS or macOS applications in Swift or Objective-C. In thi

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38

Vale, JA, and JW Scadding. "In Carthage ruins: the illness of Sir Winston Churchill at Carthage, December 1943." Journal of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh 47, no. 3 (2018): 288–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.4997/jrcpe.2017.316.

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39

Christol, Michel. "Notables et chrétiens : les enseignements des Lettres de Cyprien de Carthage." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 27, no. 1 (2016): 361–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2016.1876.

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The letter 1 of Cyprian of Carthage, sent to the community of Furni, can be related to an inscription from Furnos Maius, which makes known — among the civic elite — the Geminii family. It confirms the identification of the bishopric seat suggested by Y. Duval : Furni doesn’t correspond to Furnos Minus. Other inscriptions show how the disciplinary issue mentioned by the bishop of Carthage could arise in the milieu of local notables, in which the clergymen were also chosen.

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40

Bonnet, Corinne. "Le destin féminin de Carthage." Pallas, no. 85 (March 1, 2011): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/pallas.3197.

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41

Morel, Jean-Paul. "Mission archéologique de Carthage-Byrsa." Les nouvelles de l'archéologie, no. 123 (March 30, 2011): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/nda.1472.

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42

Ros, Karen E. "The Roman Theater at Carthage." American Journal of Archaeology 100, no. 3 (1996): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/507025.

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43

Laporte, Jean-Pierre. "Carthage : les stèles Sainte-Marie." Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France 1999, no. 1 (2002): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bsnaf.2002.10363.

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44

Charles, Michael B. "Carthage and the Indian Elephant." L'antiquité classique 83, no. 1 (2014): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.2014.3850.

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45

Bomgardner, David L. "The Carthage Amphitheater: A Reappraisal." American Journal of Archaeology 93, no. 1 (1989): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505400.

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46

Gascou, Jacques. "Les sacerdotes Cererum de Carthage." Antiquités africaines 23, no. 1 (1987): 95–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antaf.1987.1137.

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47

FERRON, J. "La déesse TNT de Carthage." Le Muséon 99, no. 1 (1986): 15–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.99.1.2011477.

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48

Hicham, Jirari, Abdelouahed Aïcha, El Omari Driss, and Elharbaoui Elassaad. "Revue du Réseau Interuniversitaire pour la Recherche et la Science." La Revue Interuniversitaire pour la Recherche et la Science 6, Février 2023 (2023): 47. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7667953.

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La revue du RIRS est une revue à comité de lecture. C'est une tribune académique indépendante. Elle s'adresse à un large public, toutes catégories confondues. De par la diversité académique de ses contributrices et de ses contributeurs, principalement des universitaires et des enseignants-chercheurs, elle se propose de partager non seulement des réflexions, mais également le désir philanthropique de cultiver les expériences et les connaissances à l'échelle nationale et internationale.

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49

Tabone, Danilo Andrade. "Commentaires sur quelques évidences du culte à Déméter et Coré dans la Carthage Punique." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, no. 31 (October 30, 2018): 110–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.2018.165655.

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Le culte a Déméter et Coré à Carthage a été déjà l’objet de l’attention de plusieurs chercheurs. Le culte des Deux Déesses grecques était présent dans le Nord de l’Afrique, notablement à Carthage, ainsi comme à d’autres points du monde punique, comme l’Espagne et le île de Sardaigne, par exemple, a Tharros; cela est attesté par sources grecques, par un montant considérable d’inscriptions épigraphiques puniques et néo-puniques, datés de la période postérieur aux guerres romano-carthaginois, à la fin du IIIe et IIe siècles av. J.-C (et latines aussi), et par l’Archéologie, qui par la période pré

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50

Rankin, David. "Class Distinction as a Way of Doing Church: The Early Fathers and the Christian Plebs." Vigiliae Christianae 58, no. 3 (2004): 298–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570072041718737.

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AbstractRoman notions of social and legal distinction helped to shape the approach of certain pre-Nicene Fathers to the ordering of the church. The social distinction between ordo and plebs and the legal one between honestior and humilior helped these Fathers to differentiate the particular rights and responsibilities of clergy and laity, while the concept of patronage and that of the paterfamilias helped them to define the particular role and authority of the bishop. We see this first articulated in Clement and Hermas of Rome, developed further in Tertullian of Carthage, and then find particu

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