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Journal articles on the topic 'Case of the dissenting Protestants of Ireland'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 19 February 2022

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1

Hayes, Bernadette C., and Ian McAllister. "Protestant Disillusionment with the Northern Ireland Peace Agreement." Irish Journal of Sociology 13, no. 1 (2004): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350401300108.

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The period since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement has witnessed a degree of electoral polarisation that dwarfs any previous period during the current Troubles in scale and intensity. This has been attributed to Protestant disillusionment with the Agreement and the political institutions it established. The results presented here using a wide range of public opinion polls support this view. Protestants are much more pessimistic of both current and future relations between the two communities than are Catholics. The increasingly negative view of Protestants, particularly in terms of future communi
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2

Canny, Nicholas. "Protestants, planters and apartheid in early modern Ireland." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 98 (1986): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400026420.

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Two recent books, one on protestantism, the other on plantation, have much in common. Both are by young authors who as undergraduates at Trinity College, Dublin, identified aspects of the history of early modern Ireland that were in urgent need of investigation and who then proceeded with the necessary research in British universities; in one case under the supervision of Dr Brendan Bradshaw and in the other under the tutelage of Dr Toby Barnard. The enthusiasm and combativeness of their undergraduate years still linger on in these pages but there is even clearer evidence of the skills, intere
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3

Weeks, Louis. "The Incorporation of American Religion: The Case of the Presbyterians." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 1, no. 1 (1991): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1991.1.1.03a00060.

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The Christian church, including all its various branches, has been consistently susceptible to the forces that form or change cultures. Scholars claim that this adaptability has been extremely important in the rise and spread of the religion. In the American environment, Protestants formed voluntary associations that attracted people individually and by family groups. This environment actually shaped “denominations” even during the colonial period. One such denomination was the Presbyterians, who pioneered in the formation of a communion that existed as neither a “state church” nor a “dissenti
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4

Pehrson, Samuel, Mirona A. Gheorghiu, and Tomas Ireland. "Cultural Threat and Anti-immigrant Prejudice: The Case of Protestants in Northern Ireland." Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 22, no. 2 (2011): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/casp.1105.

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5

Hill, Jacqueline. "THE LANGUAGE AND SYMBOLISM OF CONQUEST IN IRELAND, c. 1790–1850." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 18 (November 10, 2008): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440108000698.

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ABSTRACTThe question of whether Ireland had been conquered by England has received some attention from historians of eighteenth-century Ireland, mainly because it preoccupied William Molyneux, author of the influential The Case of Ireland . . . Stated (1698). Molyneux defended Irish parliamentary rights by denying the reality of a medieval conquest of Ireland by English monarchs, but he did allow for what could be called ‘aristocratic conquest’. The seventeenth century, too, had left a legacy of conquest, and this paper examines evidence of consciousness among Irish Protestants of descent from
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6

Smyth, Jim. "‘Like amphibious animals’: Irish protestants, ancient Britons, 1691–1707." Historical Journal 36, no. 4 (1993): 785–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014503.

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ABSTRACTIreland in the 1690s was a protestant state with a majority catholic population. These protestants sometimes described themselves as ‘the king's Irish subjects’ or ‘the people of Ireland’, but rarely as ‘the Irish’, a label which they usually reserved for the catholics. In constitutional and political terms their still evolving sense of identity expressed itself in the assertion of Irish parliamentary sovereignty, most notably in William Molyneux's 1698 pamphlet, The case of Ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in England, stated. In practice, however, the Irish parliament did n
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7

Finlay, Andrew. "Sectarianism in the Workplace: The Case of the Derry Shirt Industry 1868–1968." Irish Journal of Sociology 3, no. 1 (1993): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160359300300104.

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Sectarianism in the workplace and its effect on differentials in employment between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland has recently become a focus of debate amongst those concerned with promoting equality of opportunity. This article draws attention to an existing literature relevant to, but rarely acknowledged in, the debate. It identifies four main theories of workplace sectarianism implicit in the existing literature and tests them in relation to the pattern of sectarian conflict in the Derry shirt industry. The article concludes by discussing the implications of the foregoing an
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8

Gailey, Andrew. "King Carson: an essay on the invention of leadership." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 117 (1996): 66–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001258x.

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For Ulster Protestants, riven by division since the fall of Terence O’Neill as prime minister of Northern Ireland in 1969, the recent troubles have seen their future steadily being conceded by default. Where there was certainty, there is now confusion; where there was once leadership, there are now only leaders. Not surprisingly, there have been wistful glances back to the mythical heroes of the past, in particular to Sir Edward Carson, who had steered them through the home rule crisis of 1912–14 to the promised land of Northern Ireland. Carson not only mobilised all Ulster Protestants, but al
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9

Dunagin, Amy. "A Nova Scotia Scheme and the Imperial Politics of Ulster Emigration." Journal of British Studies 58, no. 3 (2019): 519–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.5.

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AbstractEarly in 1761, a land promoter of Ulster origin named Alexander McNutt brought before the British Board of Trade a proposal to settle several thousand Ulster Scots in Nova Scotia. The board enthusiastically approved, but when McNutt returned the following year with promising news, the board forbade him from continuing the scheme, citing fears of losing Protestants in Ireland. This episode has generally been explained as evidence of the British government's ambivalence about Ulster emigration. However, rather than expressing merely a tension between two equally desirable but conflicting
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10

Bateman, Fiona. "Defining the Heathen in Ireland and Africa: Two Similar Discourses a Century Apart." Social Sciences and Missions 21, no. 1 (2008): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489408x308046.

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AbstractThis article looks at two different missionary projects separated by space and time: British Protestant missions to Ireland in the mid-nineteenth century; and Irish Roman Catholic missions to Africa in the 1920 and 1930s. It argues that in both cases missionary discourses were strongly influenced by prevailing public attitudes towards the 'other', in the earlier case the Irish, in the later case, the Africans. Using evidence from a range of contemporary mission publications, the article highlights the similarity between British Protestant efforts to 'colonise' Ireland in religious term
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11

Coleman, Marie. "Protestant Depopulation in County Longford during the Irish Revolution, 1911–1926*." English Historical Review 135, no. 575 (2020): 931–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa135.

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Abstract The experience of the Protestant minority in Ireland during the years of the Irish revolution has been the subject of much academic and popular debate in recent years. At issue is the extent to which the decline by one-third of the Protestant population of the Irish Free State between 1911 and 1926 was a result either of intimidation, sectarianism or ethnic cleansing during the revolution itself, or of more mundane factors such as long-term patterns of migration and low marriage and birth rates. Drawing upon digitised census returns and the rich detail contained in the records of the
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12

Böhm, Marcin. "Kildare rebellion (1534-1535) in the Annals of the Four Masters." Open Military Studies 1, no. 1 (2020): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openms-2020-0103.

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AbstractOne of the most important Irish historical sources, which are the Annals of the Four Masters, written in the modern period, provide us with unusually valuable information about the history of the Emerald Island. In addition to data from the ancient or medieval periods, it also contains material from the difficult 16th and 17th centuries for Ireland, when it came under the yoke of English Protestants, who were initially represented by the Tudors and then by the Stuart dynasty. The Annals of the Four Masters also witnesses the resistance of the Irish, both those from Hiberno Normans and
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13

Greenspan, Nicole. "Public Scandal, Political Controversy, and Familial Conflict in the Stuart Courts in Exile: The Struggle to Convert the Duke of Gloucester in 1654." Albion 35, no. 3 (2003): 398–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054061.

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In late 1654, the fate of the Stuart restoration to the British and Irish thrones appeared to rest upon the professed religion of the fourteen-year old Henry, Duke of Gloucester, son of Charles I and Henrietta Maria and brother of Charles II. At Henrietta Maria's instigation, and with the aid of the court of France, serious efforts were undertaken to convert the Protestant duke to the Catholic faith. This attempt, which ultimately failed, preoccupied the English exiled courts in Paris and Cologne for its duration between October and December 1654 and caused scandal and division in royalist cir
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14

Aly, Anne, and Lelia Green. "‘Moderate Islam’: Defining the Good Citizen." M/C Journal 11, no. 1 (2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.28.

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On 23 August 2005, John Howard, then Prime Minister, called together Muslim ‘representatives’ from around the nation for a Muslim Summit in response to the London bombings in July of that year. One of the outcomes of the two hour summit was a Statement of Principles committing Muslim communities in Australia to resist radicalisation and pursue a ‘moderate’ Islam. Since then the ill-defined term ‘moderate Muslim’ has been used in both the political and media discourse to refer to a preferred form of Islamic practice that does not challenge the hegemony of the nation state and that is coherent w
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15

Aly, Anne, and Lelia Green. "‘Moderate Islam’." M/C Journal 10, no. 6 (2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.2721.

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 On 23 August 2005, John Howard, then Prime Minister, called together Muslim ‘representatives’ from around the nation for a Muslim Summit in response to the London bombings in July of that year. One of the outcomes of the two hour summit was a Statement of Principles committing Muslim communities in Australia to resist radicalisation and pursue a ‘moderate’ Islam. Since then the ill-defined term ‘moderate Muslim’ has been used in both the political and media discourse to refer to a preferred form of Islamic practice that does not challenge the hegemony of the nation state a
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