Academic literature on the topic 'Caste – Political aspects'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Caste – Political aspects.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Caste – Political aspects"
1
R. S, Medhe, and Archana Kujur. "A REVIEW ON DIVERSE ASPECTS OF SCHEDULE CASTES OF INDIA." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 10, no. 1 (March 30, 2016): 2000–2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v10i1.4670.
Full textAbstract:
This paper giving review of diverse aspects of scheduled castes in India. A brief overview of the caste system and discusses the types of groups and their social, economic, political, educational and cultural aspects too. This paper try to show the variation between developments of various group of scheduled castes. Through this paper we can say that there is region wise and caste wise variation in the process of development. Religion conversion from Hindu to other is also important factor in the process of development of scheduled castes
2
Mitra, Subrata K. "Caste, Democracy and the Politics of Community Formation in India." Sociological Review 41, no. 1_suppl (May 1993): 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1993.tb03400.x.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines debates about the survival of caste in India today. It argues that caste is an institution which has both ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ aspects, both ‘primordial’ and instrumental dimensions as, indeed, it probably always had. Mitra rejects the view of modernisation theorists, and of secular Indian intellectuals, who consider that caste is just a hangover from a discredited past. Arguing in favour of an instrumentalist, rather than essentialist, view of caste, he suggests that castes may have a useful role in the formation of identity and, as such, may help in the formation of the nation and state. Castes are resources that actors use to promote their own interests. Caste consciousness destroys those very aspects of the caste system which the essentialist view presented as immutable. The continuation of an essentialist perception of caste serves only to drive a wedge between the state and society. It gives rise to the stigma which prevents the law, bureaucracy and media from doing those things that would help transform castes into social organisations available for the creation of a plural and multi-cultural nation. Mitra develops his argument by focusing on three empirical areas: competitive politics, positive discrimination and the market economy.
3
M, Bhimraj. "The ‘Caste’ as ‘Discrimination Based on Work and Descent’ in International Law: Convincing or Compromising?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 27, no. 4 (September 25, 2020): 796–825. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02704005.
Full textAbstract:
The difficulty in categorising caste discrimination into standard categories of human rights violations has forced Dalit activists into comparing caste discrimination with racial discrimination – a highly condemned practice in international law. This strategy materialised through the word ‘descent’ in Article 1 of the icerd. Currently, caste discrimination has become important on the human rights agenda under the guise of ‘discrimination based on work and descent’ (dwd), and by extension, ‘racial discrimination’. The main theme of this article is to address the capability of the dwd mechanism to comprehensively capture the intricacies of caste discrimination. Upon analysis, it was found that dwd dilutes the religious aspect of the caste system. Hence, this article advocates a caste-specific Convention, which focuses on both religious and secular aspects of the caste system. This won’t happen soon; therefore, caste should be maintained as a unique form of dwd in the meantime.
4
CHOWDHRY, PREM. "‘First Our Jobs Then Our Girls’: The Dominant Caste Perceptions on the ‘Rising’ Dalits." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 2 (March 2009): 437–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003010.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the post-colonial shifting of material, legal and ideological bases, some of the given patterns of relationships between individuals and caste groups have changed and weakened because of the introduction of new, parallel and alternative structures of relationships. This change has left the dominant caste groups feeling palpably insecure in relation to the dalits. While delineating this relationship, this article seeks to argue that the cases of dalit and dominant/upper caste members' elopement and marriage represent a high point in the ongoing conflictual relationship between them, as these are viewed as forms of dalit assertion. Although many caste groups and communities are involved in inter-caste marriages and associations that defy customary norms and caste practices and have no social acceptance, it is in relation to a dalit and non-dalit association or marriage that certain aspects, which impinge on wider issues, come to the surface more pronouncedly. For the dominant caste groups such associations remain the most viable and potent issues to garner a wider collective support, cutting across class/caste/community and age divides. These cases are selectively made a public spectacle by the dominant caste groups to settle wider issues at stake verging on contemporary political and economic interests.
5
Ramaswamy, Mahesh, and S. Asha. "Caste Politics and State Integration: a Case Study of Mysore State." International Journal of Area Studies 10, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 195–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijas-2015-0009.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The subject of unification is as vibrant as national movement even after 58 years of a fractured verdict. More than to achieve a physical conjugation it was an attempt for cultural fusion. The aspiration for linguistic unification was a part of the national discourse. The movement, which began with mystic originations, later on turned out to become communal. Political changes during 1799 A.D. and 1857 A.D. changed the fortunes of Mysore state and ultimately led to its disintegration and became the reason for this movement. The concept of unification is akin to the spirit of nationalism, against the background of colonial regime assigning parts of land to different administrative units without taking into consideration the historical or cultural aspects of that place. Kannadigas marooned in multi lingual states experient an orphaned situation got aroused with the turn of nineteenth century. The problem precipitated by the company was diluted by British when they introduced English education. Though the positive aspect like emergence of middle class is pragmatic, rise of communalism on the other hand is not idealistic. This research paper is designed to examine the polarization of castes during unification movement of Mysore State (Presently called as State of Karnataka, since 1973, which was termed Mysore when integrated) which came into being in 1956 A.D. Most of the previous studies concentrate on two aspects viz ideological discourse and organizational strategies adopted to gain Unification. The course of the unifi cation movement and role of Congress party dominates such studies while some of them concentrate on the leaders of the movement. Other studies are ethnographical in nature. ‘Community Dominance and Political Modernisation: The Lingayats’ written by Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda Patil is a classic example. Mention may be made here of an recent attempt by Harish Ramaswamy in his ‘Karnataka Government and Politics’ which has covered almost all aspects of emergence of Karnataka as a state but communal politics during unification movement has found no place. ‘Rethinking State Politics in India: Regions within Regions’ is an edited book by Ashutosh Kumar which has articles on ‘Castes and Politics of Marginality’ where a reference is made to caste associations and identity politics of Lingayats, but the area of study is neighboring Maharashtra and not Karnataka. Though it contains two articles on Karnataka its subject matter doesn’t pertain to this topic. One more important effort is by ‘Imagining Unimaginable Communities: Political and Social Discourse in Modern Karnataka’ where the author Raghavendra Rao thinks Karnataka and India as two unimaginable communities and discuss primarily the founding moments of negotiation between the discourses of Indian nationalism and Kannada linguistic nationalism. It is more an intellectual history and throws light on nationalism in a colonial context. Mostly studies concentrate on either the course or the leaders of the movement. Invariably congress as an organization finds place in all studies. But the blemish of such studies is a lesser concentration on activities of major socio cultural groups. The role of socio cultural groups assumes importance because of the milieu at the beginning of 20th century which annunciated a wave of social changes in the state. It is a known fact that the movement for linguistic state was successful in bringing a political integration of five separate sub regions but failed to unite people culturally. This concept of unification which is akin to the spirit of nationalism got expressed at the regional level in the sense of respect for once own culture, language and people. In case of Karnataka this expression had political overtones too which is expressed by some who fought for it (Srinivas & Narayan, 1946 ). Most of the early leaders of unification movement (and for that matter even movement for independence too can be cited here) belonged to one particular caste, and with passing of time has led to the notion of domination of that caste over the movement. This paper tries to give justice in a limited way by giving legitimate and adequate recognition for those castes which deserves it and do away with misconceptions. Two concepts political modernization and social mobility are used. The later derives its existence from the former in this case. The data used here is primarily gained from news papers and secondary sources like books and interviews given by participants. No hypothesis is tested nor any theory is developed in this attempt but historical materials are examined in the light of modernity. The key problem discussed here is emergence of communal politics and the role of social groups in unification. Biases of regionalism, caste and class have been overcome by rational thinking.
6
Haque, Ismail, Dipendra Nath Das, and Priyank Pravin Patel. "Spatial Segregation in Indian Cities." Environment and Urbanization ASIA 9, no. 1 (March 2018): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975425317749657.
Full textAbstract:
As India transforms into an increasingly urban society, ward-level data from the 2011 Indian Census is analysed to decipher how inequality patterns vary across different scales of urban settlements, highlighting the spatial segregation by gender, caste, socio-economic status (SES) and access to goods, by examining a specific state (Uttar Pradesh) as a microcosm to account for the nation’s enormous socio-political diversity. Caste-based spatial segregation is greater in small and medium cities compared to metropolises, possibly from greater intermingling of socio-cultural identities in larger urban locales that lower caste barriers. This also applies to segregation by SES. Contrastingly, segregation by gender or by access to essential goods is higher in larger and medium cities. Within cities, caste-based segregation is greater than that by SES. A stark spatial segregation in terms of households’ (HHs) access to essential public and private goods exists, often higher than even caste-based segregation. Summary explanations for these differentials in spatial segregation across settlements scales are offered, highlighting probable further research aspects.
7
Mayer, Peter. "The Better Angels of Their Natures? The Declining Rate of Homicides against India’s Dalits." Studies in Indian Politics 5, no. 2 (October 11, 2017): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023017727956.
Full textAbstract:
There is a common perception—made the more acute by the growing focus on rapes since the horrific gang rape incident in Delhi in 2012—that India is an increasingly violent society. One can even see aspects of this perspective in official documents. Crime in India, 2009 for example observed that ‘The quantum of total violent crimes [increased] continuously … from 2005 to 2009’. This article focuses on serious, violent crimes against India’s Dalits (Scheduled Castes), especially homicides, as they appear in official statistics. It suggests that contrary to popular understanding, murder, rape and arson directed against Dalits have declined significantly since a peak in the early 1990s. The article argues that, in part, the declines are due to the social mobilization of Dalits, the emergence of lower caste and Dalit political parties in north India and specific aspects of political competition. But another, broader and important influence, perhaps related to what Steven Pinker has called ‘the better angels of our nature’, is an unnoticed but significant decline in overall rates of interpersonal violence in India.
8
Raheja, Gloria Goodwin. "Centrality, Mutuality and Hierarchy: Shifting Aspects of Inter-Caste Relationships in North India." Contributions to Indian Sociology 23, no. 1 (January 1989): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/006996689023001006.
Full text
9
Shahi, Sagar. "Understanding Vikas: How Dalits Make Sense of Development in Rural Nepal." Nepalese Journal of Development and Rural Studies 14, no. 1-2 (December 10, 2017): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/njdrs.v14i1-2.19653.
Full textAbstract:
The experiences, views and opinions of the marginalized people have generally not been included in the development discourse, even though they supposedly are the beneficiaries of development. Dalits are not only marginalized but also untouchable in the Hindu caste hierarchy. Notion of 'untouchability' labeled the Dalits unique characters in their identity from which other castes do not suffer. This study explores the Dalits’ understanding on development. It shows that the meaning of development is contextual and Dalits understand it differently according to their age and educational background. Their understanding on development mostly refers to infrastructural, social, economic, human, cultural and political aspects of development. This study suggests a more culturally sensitive development practices that address/incorporate Dalits issues in a holistic way. Nepalese Journal of Development and Rural StudiesVol. 14 (Joint issue) (1&2), 2017, Page: 98-111
10
Ghimire, Dipesh. "Debates on Social Exclusion and Inclusion in Nepal." KMC Research Journal 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/kmcrj.v2i2.29949.
Full textAbstract:
The term “Social Exclusion” is used to describe a wide range of phenomena and processes related not only to poverty and deprivation, but also to social, cultural and political disadvantages, and in relation to a wide range of categories of excluded people. However, there is no single way of understanding the concepts of social exclusion and inclusion. In the context of Nepal, power was consolidated by interlinking it with the Hindu caste system. The social order was exclusionary because it classified all groups as distinct castes within the broad framework of the Hindu system of the four varnas based on concepts of ritual purity and pollution. This paper has attempted to present a quick and preliminary discussion on theoretical perspectives on social exclusion and inclusion. The paper has also emphasized on the major debates on social exclusion and inclusion in Nepal and thematic aspects of social exclusion and inclusion.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Caste – Political aspects"
1
Lahiri, Indrani. "Unlikely bedfellows? : the media and government relations in West Bengal (1977-2011)." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/20410.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.
2
Dunn, Elizabeth Margaret. "Women's issues and politics : getting the childcare issue onto a municipal political agenda." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30544.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines women's issues and the political agenda. Several factors affect the likelihood of a women's issue getting onto the formal political agenda of government (municipal, provincial, and federal). The nature of the issue (the degree to which it challenges the status quo) affects the political outcome: those issues which have fit into current and historical legislative patterns (such as welfare state guidelines) have been more successful. A patriarchal family ideology places limitations on the proper role of women: women have held primary responsibility for the care of children and family. Women's labour force participation creates parameters for government involvement in issues such as childcare. The lobbying and organizational skills of the political actors involved are prerequisites for gaining access to government decision-makers. While the entry of women into the political arena has not insured the entry of women's issues onto the political agenda, female politicians have been especially important in bringing women's issues forward for debate and action. However, government bureaucracy has often been a barrier in the implementation of legislation concerning women's issues.
I present a case study of a particular women's issue (childcare) at the municipal level of government. Five locations are examined in the Greater Vancouver area, using a combination of qualitative methods (personal interviews) and quantitative research
techniques (government statistics, official documents, and reports from a variety of community organizations). In spite of the steadily increasing labour force participation of women in all locations, the response of local governments to the childcare issue has varied greatly — childcare is on Vancouver's political agenda but not that of the four district municipalities examined. Vancouver's involvement has been more comprehensive and longterm (more childcare spaces, an involved Social Planning Department, two task forces, a Children's Advocate, and buildings and sites for childcare purposes). The response of municipal councils continues to reflect patriarchal notions of the family (where childcare is a private, family responsibility). Alternatively, Vancouver council has recognized a permanent restructuring of the family and the ongoing involvement of the larger community in childcare. At the same time, the lobbying approach of Vancouver childcare advocates has followed long established patterns concerning childcare and governments -- the argument has been based on child welfare, not the rights or welfare of women.Arts, Faculty of
Sociology, Department of
Graduate
3
Noury, Abdul Ghafar. "Essays on Economics of political Behavior." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211488.
Full text
4
McKee, Erin Leigh. "Conflict-Conditioned Communication: A Case Study of Communicative Relations between the United States and Iran from 2005-2008." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/264.
Full textAbstract:
In protracted international conflicts, truth is often sacrificed in the name of victory. Political realists see international politics as a competition to win power, retain power, and demonstrate power; misleading the enemy in the name of strategy and misleading the public in the name of security are necessary elements of the game. A less obvious condition is that those caught in the cycle of intergroup conflict also withhold truths from themselves. This denial of truth and reality--to the Other, to the public, and to the self--is especially prevalent in the communicative relationship between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study explores the communicative relationship between the United States and Iran via mass media with a particular focus on propaganda as "natural." The literature review explains how conflict-conditioned communication grows and operates within the context of intergroup conflict, including the significance of globalization and information technology. The communicative relationship between the United States and Iran is used as a case study to explore conflict-conditioned communication. A snapshot of the U.S.-Iran communicative relationship was taken from May 1, 2005 - May 1, 2008. Articles from three print and online media sources were combed and analyzed for examples and patterns of conflict-conditioned communication. The method is based on an approach to understanding conflict-conditioned communication that was developed by Dr. Harry Anastasiou, a conflict resolution professional and educator. The method additionally utilizes the work of Dr. William O. Beeman, an expert on misperceptions between the United States and Iran. The conflict-conditioned communicative relationship between the United States and Iran shows how legitimate concerns and human needs are filtered through collective psychology, history, and national identity and absorbed into misperceptions. These misperceptions are perpetuated through propaganda and lead to unyielding political positions. The dual phenomena of globalization and advanced information technology amplify these unyielding political positions by spreading propagandized misperceptions faster and farther than ever before. As the United States and Iran become more entrenched in unyielding political positions, communication reduces to competing systems of propaganda, thus making peaceful conflict resolution less likely.
5
Ramakhula, Abeloang Ramakhula. "The role of the private radio stations in promoting participatory democracry in Lesotho : the case of Moafrika FM, Catholic FM, Peoples's choice FM and Harvest FM." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/859.
Full textAbstract:
This study is an exploratory assessment of the role of private radio stations in promoting participatory democracy in Lesotho. It seeks to describe the current situation of the role of radio in the country, including levels of rural development programming and community participation. There are eight private radio stations operating in the country. The emergence of the liberalised airwaves created an opportunity for people to have access to information, hence promotion of participatory democracy, though problem of freedom of expression and speech and absence of media policy hinders positive effective participation in issues affecting both journalists and society. The study will use a survey within the purposely selected media professionals to assess how citizens obtain and use information to make informed political choices as well as to measure the influence of private radio stations on political knowledge, attitudes and behavior. The field research will take place in the capital Maseru, where all the private radio stations are based. This will enable the researcher to draw inferences about the role of private radio stations and participatory democracy in Lesotho. The study explores changes that have occurred following the emergence of liberalisation of the radio airwaves in Lesotho from 1994, from almost a century of state owned and dominated national radio station. The central argument in this study is to establish if liberalisation of the airwaves in particular has a significant impact on the democratisation process in the country. Given the country’s limited literacy rate and historic role of broadcast media in Lesotho as a source of all major official information, private radio stations occupies a central role of mobilising and debating issues of national concern. The study, therefore, concludes that the emergence of the private radio stations in Lesotho has increased community participation in political and current affairs. The coverage of radio in the country and its pluralistic character suggest that the private radio stations will remain a crucial broadcast medium of communication in Lesotho, especially for the rural people whose access to television and print are inaccessible.
6
施達理 and Colin Storey. "The politics of information flow in academic libraries in the People'sRepublic of China 1949-1989: a case study ofmajor institutions in Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31240999.
Full text
7
Chatur, Noorin. "Political outcomes of digital conversations : case study of the Facebook group "Canadians against proroguing parliament"." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, 2011, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3100.
Full textAbstract:
Since the emergence of the Internet, scholars have had mixed opinions regarding its role in influencing levels of political participation. Two frameworks, the mobilization and the reinforcement theses, were created from these opposing views. The introduction of social networking websites (such as Facebook) offers new platforms with which to test these opposing theories on.
This study investigates the Facebook group ―Canadian‘s against Proroguing Parliament,‖ to determine: 1) what the members' motivations were for participating in the group, 2) whether the group attracted formerly marginalized voices to participate on the group, or simply reinforced those who were already active in the political process, and 3) whether the participation of members on the group translated into offline or real world political participation. The findings suggest that the group‘s members had a variety of reasons for joining the group. As well, the findings suggest that the group both mobilized reinforced its participants. Finally, the data indicates that in some instances, the group‘s members translated their online participation into real world political activity.171 leaves ; 29 cm
8
Li, Luxia. "The social roles of Chinese political blogosphere in the age of "we media" : a case study of Lianghui Blogs." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/933.
Full text
9
Lago, Rita Mafalda Torrao. "Political communication and news coverage : the case of Sinn Fein." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/913.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the development of Sinn Féin's communication strategies and considers how news coverage of the party has evolved in recent years, and in particular with the advent of the Irish peace process from the mid-1990s onwards. The aim of the research presented here is to establish the relationship between the development of the party's professional communication apparatus and the evolution of its news coverage and to determine the extent to which the emergence of a sophisticated approach to communication has impacted upon media coverage. The thesis argues that the development and implementation of the party's professional communication apparatus has been the result of a much wider process of republican reappraisal that took place during the 1980s. This culminated in the 1990s with the transformation of the republican movement into a more constitutional and negotiation-oriented party, while progressively moving away from the armed struggle as a means to achieve Irish re-unification. Moreover, in emphasising that there has been a considerable improvement in the reporting of Sinn Féin; namely that the news media have become progressively more interested in republican predicaments, less biased and more critical of unionism, it also suggests that the improved media coverage must be seen as a result of the political re-alignment of the movement itself. Ultimately, the main argument of this thesis is that we are now witnessing a new phase of the republican movement and, by proxy, of Northern Irish politics and its coverage in the media. This has meant that Sinn Féin has become more wiling to reach a political compromise and to find a peaceful solution to the conflct, and has attempted to affirm itself as a party with political and social interests, other than Irish re-unification. This has also forced the British government to reappraise its own view of the conflict and of Sinn Féin, recognising above all that the party and Northern Irish politics have evolved from a situation of war to one where it is dominated by careful and sensitive diplomacy. The result is that most of the common assumptions held about Sinn Féin including those of some academics, its political communication and its news coverage, must now be reconsidered in light of the radical transformations that have taken place.
10
Saari, Trent Adam. "Democratizing the City Through the Colonization of Public Space: A Case Study of Portland Food Not Bombs." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2393.
Full textAbstract:
The implementation of neoliberal economic and political policies is often touted as a way to increase overall individual well-being and freedom. While these policies may benefit those already wielding economic security and political power, marginalized populations often bear the negative cost associated with such policies. As deregulation and privatization increases, social safety nets and social spending are dramatically reduced. At the local level, liberalization has resulted in increased surveillance and regulation of public space. Organized resistance to global corporatization and increased economic and political marginalization has occurred across the globe. Resisting neoliberalism is complex as the adaptability of the state and capital requires an adaptive form of resistance. Portland Food Not Bombs provides an empirical example of an oppositional social movement organization that resists neoliberal logic and reclaims public space for collective use by serving free meals. This case study includes participant observation of both Portland FNB chapters conducted at chapter specific meal preparation and serving sites. It also includes ten interviews with individuals who are heavily involved with the SMO. Publicly available documents such as Facebook pages, chapter specific websites, and the FNB website provided important contextual information as well. This study finds that the organizational structure of Portland FNB lends itself to more democratic practices and ideals, coinciding with the values of the respondents. Through transparent, consensus decision-making and a resistance to formal leadership, Portland FNB facilitates a different form of political engagement. By using public space, Portland FNB temporarily alters the physical urban environment by socially constructing a more inclusive space, emphasizing that collectively using public space, is indeed a human right. Portland FNB seeks to create a more just society within the existing institutional framework, while rejecting practices associated with 501(c)(3) organizations and other mainstream SMOs.
Books on the topic "Caste – Political aspects"
1
Reddy, P. Ranjani. The role of dominent [sic] caste in Indian politics. New Delhi: Uppal Pub. House, 1987.
Find full text
2
Lal, Shiv. 1991 electoral politics, sectarian or dynastic. New Delhi: Election Archives, 1991.
Find full text
4
Community warriors: State, peasants, and caste armies in Bihar. New Delhi: Anthem Press, 2008.
Find full text
5
Shastree, Uttara. Religious converts in India: Socio-political study of neo-Buddhists. New Delhi, India: Mittal Publications, 1996.
Find full text
6
Jain, Meenakshi. The Congress Party, 1967-1977: Role of caste in Indian politics. New Delhi: Vikas Pub. House, 1991.
Find full text
7
Caste, occupation, and politics on the Ganges: Passages of resistance. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2009.
Find full text
8
Blended boundaries: Caste, class, and shifting faces of 'Hinduness' in a North Indian city. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005.
Find full text
9
Sagoo, Harbans Kaur. Guru Nanak and the Indian society: Political institutions, economic conditions, caste system, socio-religious ceremonies and customs, position of women. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1992.
Find full text
10
Electoral allegiance in Sri Lanka. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Caste – Political aspects"
1
Subritzky, John. "Macmillan and East of Suez: The Case of Malaysia." In Harold Macmillan Aspects of a Political Life, 177–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376892_12.
Full text
2
Schoemann, Thea. "Socio-political Aspects of Establishing Ecotourism in the Qwa-Qwa National Park, South Africa." In Global Ecotourism Policies and Case Studies, edited by Michael Lück and Torsten Kirstges, 115–36. Bristol, Blue Ridge Summit: Multilingual Matters, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21832/9781873150757-011.
Full text
3
Gjuzelov, Borjan, and Milka Ivanovska Hadjievska. "Institutional and symbolic aspects of illiberal politics: the case of North Macedonia (2006–2017)." In Illiberal Politics in Southeast Europe, 39–58. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003208327-3.
Full text
4
Zullo, Francesco, Lorena Fiorini, Alessandro Marucci, and Bernardino Romano. "Analysis of the theoretical settlement scenario implemented by the municipal plans. the case study of the Romagna coast municipalities." In Proceedings e report, 363–74. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-147-1.36.
Full textAbstract:
In Italy, the transformative predictions of the municipal urban planning instruments are very often far away from the socio-economic dynamics. In fact, the political component considers the oversizing of urban transformative projections as a solution to improve the situation of the territories in crisis for several aspects. This work analyses the projections of the urban planning instruments in force in the coastal municipalities of Emilia-Romagna. The work aims to highlight how the planned urban areas can change the future settlement structure in the case study area.
5
Vuignier, Renaud. "Cross-Border Place Branding: The Case of Geneva Highlighting Multidimensionality of Places and the Potential Role of Politico-Institutional Aspects." In Inter-Regional Place Branding, 63–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15329-2_6.
Full text
6
Katsikas, Dimitris, and Pery Bazoti. "Managing the Crisis in Greece: The Missing Link between External Conditionality and Domestic Political Economy." In Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 145–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_8.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe handling of the Greek crisis was not successful. Despite the sacrifices that the Greek people had to endure, the country’s structural problems both in the public sector and the economy have not been resolutely resolved. This chapter offers an explanation for this failure. The main idea is to connect the externally imposed policy conditionality, with the particular characteristics of Greece’s domestic political economy, seeking to integrate an analysis of impediments and opportunities for structural reform. While the literature on external institutional constraints emphasizes the possibility for achieving convergence, the institutionalist literature points towards divergence among national political economies, as institutional change and policy performance are conditioned by crucial intervening variables, namely, aspects of the domestic institutional infrastructure. In this context, Greece is a paradigmatic case of long-delayed or stalled reforms despite external pressures that promoted them. While most attention has been paid to the weaknesses of the EMU, this analysis’ emphasis is on the role of crucial domestic factors. The analysis takes place in three steps: (a) the outline of Greece’s institutional profile and growth trajectory based on an analysis of formal and informal domestic institutions; (b) the description and analysis of the design, implementation and impact of the adjustment programs; and (c) in view of (a) and (b) an assessment of whether the adjustment programs implemented in Greece took into consideration the characteristics of the country’s political economy, and how and to what degree the failure to do so accounts for their results.
7
Singh, Sabita. "Socio-Political and Economic Aspects of Marriage." In The Politics of Marriage in Medieval India, 48–84. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199491452.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
The motive behind marriage which changed from one historical period to another has been examined. This chapter largely pertains to the elite and ruling class for whom the motive behind marriage was mainly political. Throughout the period, we get examples of marriage being entered into for enlarging one’s territory, ending enmity, increasing power and status; familial relations were subordinated to political considerations. It led to the institutionalisation of the practice of polygamy. What motivated the rulers to give their daughters to Muslim kings despite their otherwise strict adherence to caste endogamy is sought to be answered. Finally, it is shown how political marriages came to play a significant role in the consolidation of Mughal rule.
8
Forceville, Charles. "Case Studies–Political and Non-Political Cartoons." In Visual and Multimodal Communication, 167–84. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845230.003.0009.
Full textAbstract:
The genre of political cartoons purports to present a wittily critical visual or visual-plus-written-verbal commentary on politicians and states of affairs in the world. The genre is thereby of high interest for critical discourse analysts, as it lays bare a community’s ideological assumptions and does so in a pithy, easily accessible form. Moreover, the genre can get away with proposing ideas that, when presented in the verbal mode, would be unacceptably offensive or crude. From an RT perspective, it is clear that since cartoons typically appear in specific newspapers and magazine, cartoonists have a fairly precise idea of the target audience to whom they want to be optimally relevant. The chapter outlines the conventions of the cartoon genre in some detail, then examines four political and two non-political cartoons in the light of their communicative and informative intentions, aspects of reference assignment, implicated premises, and explicatures and implicatures. Other aspects that are briefly addressed are cartoons’ artist-dependent style, need for stereotypical depiction and caricaturization, deployment of metaphors, and loose use of visuals.
9
Alahmed, Anas. "Political Information, Political Power, and People Power." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 1–25. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6066-3.ch001.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter explores the concept of new media in the Arab world and how politics in the information age has changed Arab politics and moved citizens to the streets. However, the evolution of new media social networks and the cause of political information in particular during the revolution is not studied alone. In fact, the evolution of the Arab Spring and the effects of new media social networks are taken into account by exploring how politics in the information age has influenced Arab citizens and allowed them to use information for the greater good and established such a new social movement. This chapter takes the Arab Spring as a case study and an empirical example to understand the transnational protests and global movements, the concept of global media and global politics in the case of the Arab Spring, new media and new politics regarding the Arab Spring, and city and street and public sphere as people power in the information age. Finally, the chapter distinguishes between the new social movements through social networks and the roles of ICTs to aim revolution and whether such a revolution will erupt without new media social networks.
10
Szmolka, Inmaculada, and Irene Fernández-Molina. "Political liberalisation processes." In Political Change in the Middle East and North Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0017.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines the political liberalisation processes undertaken in MENA countries such as Morocco, Jordan, Oman and Algeria. As on previous occasions, the post-2011 political liberalisation processes were planned and led by the authoritarian rulers in a top-down fashion, acting as an escape valve for authoritarian regimes to defuse social discontent. These reforms were largely cosmetic and therefore have not led to a change in the authoritarian nature of the political regimes. The reforms focused mainly on two aspects: reforms of the constitution and party and electoral laws and changes in each regime’s degree of representation and/or political participation. Although there are positive aspects, the reforms have not brought about substantial changes in power relations. Only in the case of Morocco did these changes produce alternation in government although even there, the repercussions were limited by the need for the election winning party to form a coalition government and because of royal interference in the executive.
Conference papers on the topic "Caste – Political aspects"
1
Hassan, Osman. "The constitutional and legal framework for the institutionalization of the Kurdistan Regional Parliament." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp251-276.
Full textAbstract:
This research is discussing on the institutionalizing case of Kurdistan Region entity and Kurdistan Parliament as the primary power in its parliamentary political system in the state institutionalizing framework. This insight gives us the opportunity that institutionalization case through state forming module, development and dissolving based on the institutionalization theory should be considered. In this situation, we need to fcus on the most powerful political body in the Region which is the. parliament and its institutionalization framework. The research discusses power and its role with duties to achieve the obligations through the constitutional law and its norms with the tools to facilitate and run its duties. Thus, the main obstacles facing the institutionalization of the Parliament will be known, while the parliament is highly considered by civilians and people of Iraqi Kurdistan.
2
Shalak, Alexander. "Kolchak and «The Allies» in Siberia: the Evaluation by Anti-Bolshevik Politicians." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.07.
Full textAbstract:
In his article, the author considers the works by the famous political opponents of Bolsheviks: N.D. Avksentiev, V.P. Zenzinov, K. Goppers, A. Budberg, K.V. Sakharov, G.K. Guins and D.F. Rakov, in which the activities of A. Kolchak and his government are evaluated. Their evaluation concerns such aspects as the interrelations between Kolchak and the representatives of the «Allies» army, the reaction to the coup and proclaiming him Supreme Governor of Russia, evaluation of his real possibilities and abilities and also of the internal political situation in Siberia and Far East. According to the author, this evaluation does not contradict the conclusions of Soviet historiography. Taking into account the attempts made to re-examine the image of A. Kolchak consolidated in historiography, the author suggests one should evaluate his activities from the perspective of the historicalgeopolitical approach rather than from the perspective of the class theory. Taking into consideration the role of foreign states in his political biography, his choice during the years of the Civil War was not between the Red and the White but between Russia and foreign intervention. The proposed approach allows us to consider the political activities of A. Kolchak in a broader context and to make judgment about him from the geopolitical perspective rather than from the perspective of the class theory. In this case, the criterion for evaluation of the activities of the politician are his actions aimed at the defense of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the state.
3
Sharif, Amin, and Hewa Ahmed. "The future of the Saudi Political System in Light of Internal Variables." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp195-231.
Full textAbstract:
Saudi Arabia enjoys a privileged position in the Middle East by virtue of its strategic position, and because of its political, economic and religious factors, as the Saudi political system was established in 1744 in accordance with a political-religious agreement between the Al Saud and the religious institution represented by the Wahhabi da'wa (Salafism), and continued to receive its legitimacy and support from it, tribalism also took an important aspect in maturity, and the expansion of the influence of this country until the oil wealth contributed to its development, and strengthened its relations with the outside world, which in turn casts an important aspect of maturity, and the expansion of the influence of this country until the oil wealth contributed to its development, and strengthened its relations with the outside world, which in turn casts an important aspect of maturity. In the importance of future studies that address topics related to Saudi domestic and external affairs, notably the issue of reform. The reform trends in Saudi Arabia coincided with its opening to the world specifically western countries in the early 1990s, and increased elitist and popular calls for reform, as well as a number of structural causes that reinforced the alliance between the political and religious institution that clearly controlled the social, political and civil life of the Kingdom. This study is concerned with the reform process in the Saudi political system by showing the future scenes of that process, and then relying on internal variables, and the study tries in the framework of its problem to answer a key question: where is the Saudi political system going in light of internal variables. The hypothesis of the study in the context of future studies is based on an optimistic scene that supports the success of the reform process in Saudi Arabia, and another pessimistic scene that believes that the political system in the Kingdom will remain the same, if not turn into a worse state than it is now.
4
Malikova, Olga. "FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT - ACCOUNTING AND TAX ASPECTS OF DEBT CAPITAL DECISION MAKING � CASE STUDY IN CZECH ENVIRONMENT." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b22/s6.003.
Full text
5
Machyniak, Jan. "POLITICAL ASPECTS AS A DETERMINANT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION FUNCTIONING- THE CASE OF SLOVAKIA AFTER 1989." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.030.
Full text
6
Jedani, Tony. "Case Study on the Role of Socio-Technical Influences on the Implementation and Success of Nuclear Power in France." In 12th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone12-49016.
Full textAbstract:
To fully understand a technological development one must appreciate social, political and economic factors in addition to the technological components (Hughes, 1991). The systems perspective, asserted by Hughes, implies that technologies cannot be understood in isolation, but only in their contexts, especially in their systemic contexts. This theory is illustrated through an examination of France’s implementation of its nuclear power program in the early 1970’s. Nuclear power provided France with the opportunity to achieve energy independence and, as a result, political control over its energy supply. The scope of this case study is limited to consideration of the socio-technical influences on the rise of nuclear power in France and includes an examination of the technical aspects of the innovation. In considering the socio-technical system encompassing France’s adoption of nuclear power, this case study will contemplate: how France was able to persuade its people to accept nuclear power; what it is about French culture and politics that allowed them to succeed where most other countries have failed; the break throughs that led to the broad commercialisation of nuclear power in France in the 1970’s; and how France achieved its status as one of the world’s top producers of nuclear energy. The time period during which this study is based is limited to the early 1970’s, when France was reliant upon external energy supplies, up until the present day, where nuclear power has become France’s main source of energy, thus contributing to France’s autonomy in terms of its energy supply. This study will not address the issue of nuclear waste or the nuclear power safety debate which is also beyond the scope of this study.
7
Ebeling, Régis, Carlos Córdova Sáenz, Jeferson Campos Nobre, and Karin Becker. "Quarenteners vs. Cloroquiners: a framework to analyze the effect of political polarization on social distance stances." In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2020.11963.
Full textAbstract:
The worldwide COVID-19 pandemic has struck people’s lives overnight. With an alarming contagious rate and no effective treatments or vaccines, it has evoked all sorts of reactions. In this paper, we propose a framework to analyze how political polarization affects groups’ behavior with opposed stances, using the Brazilian COVID polarized scenario as a case study. Two Twitter groups represent the pro/against social isolation stances referred to as Chloroquiners and Quarenteners. The framework encompasses: a) techniques to automatically infer from users political orientation, b) topic modeling to discover the homogeneity of concerns expressed by each group; c) network analysis and community detection to characterize their behavior as a social network group and d) analysis of linguistic characteristics to identify psychological aspects. Our main findings confirm that Cloroquiners are right-wing partisans, whereas Quarenteners are more related to the left-wing. The political polarization of Chloroquiners and Quarenteners influence the arguments of economy and life, and support/opposition to the president. As a group, the network of Chloroquiners is more closed and connected, and Quarenteners have a more diverse political engagement. In terms of psychological aspects, polarized groups come together on cognitive issues and negative emotions.
8
Travica, Bob. "Information Politics and Information Culture: Case of a Festival Organization." In InSITE 2005: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2928.
Full textAbstract:
This article introduces the concepts of information politics and information culture and presents a case study that explores these concepts. The literature from the areas of IS theory and organization theory that provides a backdrop to these concepts is discussed. A case of an organization that has characteristics of both small business and voluntary organization is presented as initial validation of the concepts of information politics and information culture. The case draws on a longitudinal interpretivist study and tracks a trajectory of organizational design, information politics, information culture, management and organizational performance over 25 months. The primary finding is that the organization studied exhibited two distinct information politics and information cultures, each related to different development phases—the era of clan and the era of teams. The article also discusses particular aspects of information politics and information culture and how these relate to organizational performance. Derived are implications for further research on information politics and information culture as well as for a broader parent framework called Information View of Organization.
9
Gerni, Cevat, Selahattin Sarı, Mustafa Kemal Değer, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Liberalism and Economic Growth in Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00290.
Full textAbstract:
In the world economy, since 1960s, countries, which are open and apply liberal policies succeeded higher economic growth and welfare. Therefore, liberal policies became more attractive. In that case, the transition, which has political, economic, and socio-cultural aspects, means moving from socialist-authoritarian structure to market based-liberal structures. In the literature, there are many studies which point out labor force and capital are not significant on the economic growth. In addition, the literature focuses on the importance of institutions on the economic growth. In this study, we compare the countries which were quickly away from the socialist structures with the countries which were slow on the reforms. Our analysis depends on their economic growth with cross section. However, we know the importance of institutional aspects on the growth research; therefore, we applied 2SLS regression analysis and to determine the economic liberalism indicators we used political rights, civil liberties, years that were under the socialism, openness, secondary school ratio, and public spending/GDP ratio. In the late phase, GDP per capita, as an indicator of economic growth, is explained with an independent variable which is predicted in the first phase via liberalism variable, and labor-population ratio and constant capital stock GDP ratio variables used in Neo-classical Solow-type growth model.
10
Fernandes, João, Monica Santamaria, José C. Matos, Daniel V. Oliveira, Lino Costa, António, and Abel Henriques. "An infrastructure management system for railway bridges: overview and application to a case study." In IABSE Symposium, Guimarães 2019: Towards a Resilient Built Environment Risk and Asset Management. Zurich, Switzerland: International Association for Bridge and Structural Engineering (IABSE), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2749/guimaraes.2019.0168.
Full textAbstract:
<p>A management system is a decision-making tool that uses mathematical models to predict the future condition of the infrastructures as well as to make recommendations to the project managers. Generally, an infrastructure management system shall include a system for processing and analysing data, predicting deterioration, proposing maintenance actions, forecasting costs, obtaining optimal solutions and defining strategies that considers the political and economic constraints. The focus on this paper will be the module regarding the definition of cost-models.</p><p>During its life cycle, bridges are exposed to several issues that can compromise their functionality. In this way, performing maintenance and rehabilitation actions and establishing cost models are very important tasks to keep the bridge functions according to the demands of the society. In the field of bridge engineering, the cost models can be used for different purposes such as the definition of optimum maintenance policies and project investment alternatives. Also, they are very important for the decision-making process once they cover several aspects related to the decisions about the system’s performance and decisions that are influenced by social-economic aspects. Hence, the idea of this paper is to discuss different approaches of how the cost-models are evaluated over a life cycle of a bridge due different scenarios of maintenance and rehabilitation with an application to a case study.</p>
Reports on the topic "Caste – Political aspects"
1
Thompson, Stephen, Brigitte Rohwerder, and Clement Arockiasamy. Freedom of Religious Belief and People with Disabilities: A Case Study of People with Disabilities from Religious Minorities in Chennai, India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.003.
Full textAbstract:
India has a unique and complex religious history, with faith and spirituality playing an important role in everyday life. Hinduism is the majority religion, and there are many minority religions. India also has a complicated class system and entrenched gender structures. Disability is another important identity. Many of these factors determine people’s experiences of social inclusion or exclusion. This paper explores how these intersecting identities influence the experience of inequality and marginalisation, with a particular focus on people with disabilities from minority religious backgrounds. A participatory qualitative methodology was employed in Chennai, to gather case studies that describe in-depth experiences of participants. Our findings show that many factors that make up a person’s identity intersect in India and impact how someone is included or excluded by society, with religious minority affiliation, caste, disability status, and gender all having the potential to add layers of marginalisation. These various identity factors, and how individuals and society react to them, impact on how people experience their social existence. Identity factors that form the basis for discrimination can be either visible or invisible, and discrimination may be explicit or implicit. Despite various legal and human rights frameworks at the national and international level that aim to prevent marginalisation, discrimination based on these factors is still prevalent in India. While some tokenistic interventions and schemes are in place to overcome marginalisation, such initiatives often only focus on one factor of identity, rather than considering intersecting factors. People with disabilities continue to experience exclusion in all aspects of their lives. Discrimination can exist both between, as well as within, religious communities, and is particularly prevalent in formal environments. Caste-based exclusion continues to be a major problem in India. The current socioeconomic environment and political climate can be seen to perpetuate marginalisation based on these factors. However, when people are included in society, regardless of belonging to a religious minority, having a disability, or being a certain caste, the impact on their life can be very positive.
2
Javed, Umair, Aiza Hussain, and Hassan Aziz. Demanding Power: Contentious Politics and Electricity in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.047.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores Pakistan’s electricity supply crisis that lasted from 2007 to 2015, and the ensuing contention that shaped public discourse and political events in the country. During this period, which witnessed electricity outages of up to 14 hours per day, 456 incidents of contention took place, with just under 20 per cent escalating into some form of violence. Electricity became the number one political issue in the country and was integral in shaping the outcomes of the 2013 General Election. Following the election, public authorities undertook extensive investment to expand capacity and ensure consistency in supply while evading questions about affordability and sustainability. On the surface, this appears to be a case of extensive protest working towards shaping state responsiveness. And it is true that the state now sees supply as a non-negotiable aspect in the social contract with citizens. However, a range of factors contributed to the chronology and the selective, generation-focused nature of this response. On the other hand, citizen inclusion and participation in decision-making, and issues of affordability and sustainability, which impact vulnerable and disempowered groups the most, remain absent from the political and policy conversation around energy. This suggests that while protests were useful in generating a short-term response, their long-term legacy in empowerment related outcomes is less visible.