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Lahiri, Indrani. "Unlikely bedfellows? : the media and government relations in West Bengal (1977-2011)." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/20410.
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This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.
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Dunn, Elizabeth Margaret. "Women's issues and politics : getting the childcare issue onto a municipal political agenda." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30544.
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This thesis examines women's issues and the political agenda. Several factors affect the likelihood of a women's issue getting onto the formal political agenda of government (municipal, provincial, and federal). The nature of the issue (the degree to which it challenges the status quo) affects the political outcome: those issues which have fit into current and historical legislative patterns (such as welfare state guidelines) have been more successful. A patriarchal family ideology places limitations on the proper role of women: women have held primary responsibility for the care of children and family. Women's labour force participation creates parameters for government involvement in issues such as childcare. The lobbying and organizational skills of the political actors involved are prerequisites for gaining access to government decision-makers. While the entry of women into the political arena has not insured the entry of women's issues onto the political agenda, female politicians have been especially important in bringing women's issues forward for debate and action. However, government bureaucracy has often been a barrier in the implementation of legislation concerning women's issues.
I present a case study of a particular women's issue (childcare) at the municipal level of government. Five locations are examined in the Greater Vancouver area, using a combination of qualitative methods (personal interviews) and quantitative research
techniques (government statistics, official documents, and reports from a variety of community organizations). In spite of the steadily increasing labour force participation of women in all locations, the response of local governments to the childcare issue has varied greatly — childcare is on Vancouver's political agenda but not that of the four district municipalities examined. Vancouver's involvement has been more comprehensive and longterm (more childcare spaces, an involved Social Planning Department, two task forces, a Children's Advocate, and buildings and sites for childcare purposes). The response of municipal councils continues to reflect patriarchal notions of the family (where childcare is a private, family responsibility). Alternatively, Vancouver council has recognized a permanent restructuring of the family and the ongoing involvement of the larger community in childcare. At the same time, the lobbying approach of Vancouver childcare advocates has followed long established patterns concerning childcare and governments -- the argument has been based on child welfare, not the rights or welfare of women.Arts, Faculty of
Sociology, Department of
Graduate
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Noury, Abdul Ghafar. "Essays on Economics of political Behavior." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211488.
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McKee, Erin Leigh. "Conflict-Conditioned Communication: A Case Study of Communicative Relations between the United States and Iran from 2005-2008." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/264.
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In protracted international conflicts, truth is often sacrificed in the name of victory. Political realists see international politics as a competition to win power, retain power, and demonstrate power; misleading the enemy in the name of strategy and misleading the public in the name of security are necessary elements of the game. A less obvious condition is that those caught in the cycle of intergroup conflict also withhold truths from themselves. This denial of truth and reality--to the Other, to the public, and to the self--is especially prevalent in the communicative relationship between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study explores the communicative relationship between the United States and Iran via mass media with a particular focus on propaganda as "natural." The literature review explains how conflict-conditioned communication grows and operates within the context of intergroup conflict, including the significance of globalization and information technology. The communicative relationship between the United States and Iran is used as a case study to explore conflict-conditioned communication. A snapshot of the U.S.-Iran communicative relationship was taken from May 1, 2005 - May 1, 2008. Articles from three print and online media sources were combed and analyzed for examples and patterns of conflict-conditioned communication. The method is based on an approach to understanding conflict-conditioned communication that was developed by Dr. Harry Anastasiou, a conflict resolution professional and educator. The method additionally utilizes the work of Dr. William O. Beeman, an expert on misperceptions between the United States and Iran. The conflict-conditioned communicative relationship between the United States and Iran shows how legitimate concerns and human needs are filtered through collective psychology, history, and national identity and absorbed into misperceptions. These misperceptions are perpetuated through propaganda and lead to unyielding political positions. The dual phenomena of globalization and advanced information technology amplify these unyielding political positions by spreading propagandized misperceptions faster and farther than ever before. As the United States and Iran become more entrenched in unyielding political positions, communication reduces to competing systems of propaganda, thus making peaceful conflict resolution less likely.
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Ramakhula, Abeloang Ramakhula. "The role of the private radio stations in promoting participatory democracry in Lesotho : the case of Moafrika FM, Catholic FM, Peoples's choice FM and Harvest FM." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/859.
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This study is an exploratory assessment of the role of private radio stations in promoting participatory democracy in Lesotho. It seeks to describe the current situation of the role of radio in the country, including levels of rural development programming and community participation. There are eight private radio stations operating in the country. The emergence of the liberalised airwaves created an opportunity for people to have access to information, hence promotion of participatory democracy, though problem of freedom of expression and speech and absence of media policy hinders positive effective participation in issues affecting both journalists and society. The study will use a survey within the purposely selected media professionals to assess how citizens obtain and use information to make informed political choices as well as to measure the influence of private radio stations on political knowledge, attitudes and behavior. The field research will take place in the capital Maseru, where all the private radio stations are based. This will enable the researcher to draw inferences about the role of private radio stations and participatory democracy in Lesotho. The study explores changes that have occurred following the emergence of liberalisation of the radio airwaves in Lesotho from 1994, from almost a century of state owned and dominated national radio station. The central argument in this study is to establish if liberalisation of the airwaves in particular has a significant impact on the democratisation process in the country. Given the country’s limited literacy rate and historic role of broadcast media in Lesotho as a source of all major official information, private radio stations occupies a central role of mobilising and debating issues of national concern. The study, therefore, concludes that the emergence of the private radio stations in Lesotho has increased community participation in political and current affairs. The coverage of radio in the country and its pluralistic character suggest that the private radio stations will remain a crucial broadcast medium of communication in Lesotho, especially for the rural people whose access to television and print are inaccessible.
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施達理 and Colin Storey. "The politics of information flow in academic libraries in the People'sRepublic of China 1949-1989: a case study ofmajor institutions in Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31240999.
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Chatur, Noorin. "Political outcomes of digital conversations : case study of the Facebook group "Canadians against proroguing parliament"." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, 2011, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3100.
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Since the emergence of the Internet, scholars have had mixed opinions regarding its role in influencing levels of political participation. Two frameworks, the mobilization and the reinforcement theses, were created from these opposing views. The introduction of social networking websites (such as Facebook) offers new platforms with which to test these opposing theories on.
This study investigates the Facebook group ―Canadian‘s against Proroguing Parliament,‖ to determine: 1) what the members' motivations were for participating in the group, 2) whether the group attracted formerly marginalized voices to participate on the group, or simply reinforced those who were already active in the political process, and 3) whether the participation of members on the group translated into offline or real world political participation. The findings suggest that the group‘s members had a variety of reasons for joining the group. As well, the findings suggest that the group both mobilized reinforced its participants. Finally, the data indicates that in some instances, the group‘s members translated their online participation into real world political activity.171 leaves ; 29 cm
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Li, Luxia. "The social roles of Chinese political blogosphere in the age of "we media" : a case study of Lianghui Blogs." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/933.
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Lago, Rita Mafalda Torrao. "Political communication and news coverage : the case of Sinn Fein." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/913.
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This thesis examines the development of Sinn Féin's communication strategies and considers how news coverage of the party has evolved in recent years, and in particular with the advent of the Irish peace process from the mid-1990s onwards. The aim of the research presented here is to establish the relationship between the development of the party's professional communication apparatus and the evolution of its news coverage and to determine the extent to which the emergence of a sophisticated approach to communication has impacted upon media coverage. The thesis argues that the development and implementation of the party's professional communication apparatus has been the result of a much wider process of republican reappraisal that took place during the 1980s. This culminated in the 1990s with the transformation of the republican movement into a more constitutional and negotiation-oriented party, while progressively moving away from the armed struggle as a means to achieve Irish re-unification. Moreover, in emphasising that there has been a considerable improvement in the reporting of Sinn Féin; namely that the news media have become progressively more interested in republican predicaments, less biased and more critical of unionism, it also suggests that the improved media coverage must be seen as a result of the political re-alignment of the movement itself. Ultimately, the main argument of this thesis is that we are now witnessing a new phase of the republican movement and, by proxy, of Northern Irish politics and its coverage in the media. This has meant that Sinn Féin has become more wiling to reach a political compromise and to find a peaceful solution to the conflct, and has attempted to affirm itself as a party with political and social interests, other than Irish re-unification. This has also forced the British government to reappraise its own view of the conflict and of Sinn Féin, recognising above all that the party and Northern Irish politics have evolved from a situation of war to one where it is dominated by careful and sensitive diplomacy. The result is that most of the common assumptions held about Sinn Féin including those of some academics, its political communication and its news coverage, must now be reconsidered in light of the radical transformations that have taken place.
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Saari, Trent Adam. "Democratizing the City Through the Colonization of Public Space: A Case Study of Portland Food Not Bombs." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2393.
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The implementation of neoliberal economic and political policies is often touted as a way to increase overall individual well-being and freedom. While these policies may benefit those already wielding economic security and political power, marginalized populations often bear the negative cost associated with such policies. As deregulation and privatization increases, social safety nets and social spending are dramatically reduced. At the local level, liberalization has resulted in increased surveillance and regulation of public space. Organized resistance to global corporatization and increased economic and political marginalization has occurred across the globe. Resisting neoliberalism is complex as the adaptability of the state and capital requires an adaptive form of resistance. Portland Food Not Bombs provides an empirical example of an oppositional social movement organization that resists neoliberal logic and reclaims public space for collective use by serving free meals. This case study includes participant observation of both Portland FNB chapters conducted at chapter specific meal preparation and serving sites. It also includes ten interviews with individuals who are heavily involved with the SMO. Publicly available documents such as Facebook pages, chapter specific websites, and the FNB website provided important contextual information as well. This study finds that the organizational structure of Portland FNB lends itself to more democratic practices and ideals, coinciding with the values of the respondents. Through transparent, consensus decision-making and a resistance to formal leadership, Portland FNB facilitates a different form of political engagement. By using public space, Portland FNB temporarily alters the physical urban environment by socially constructing a more inclusive space, emphasizing that collectively using public space, is indeed a human right. Portland FNB seeks to create a more just society within the existing institutional framework, while rejecting practices associated with 501(c)(3) organizations and other mainstream SMOs.
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Maheshwari, Swati. "Indian journalism and the ruling elite : a case of contingent heteronomy." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/675.
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The central question in this thesis is what are the interrelationships between the news media and those at the center of power and how do these shape the role the media play in democratic processes, particularly since neoliberal reforms in 1991. More specifically, this research attempts to illuminate journalistic practice and the factors that influence it, at the intersection of political and economic interests in what is often described as a crony capitalist polity (Kohli, 2007; Varshney, 2000). This has been done by examining three case studies that represented the interests of those at the center of power and the growing collusion between the state and private capital that has been a mark of the polity's neoliberal turn (Chandrashekhar, 2014). Each of these - the Nira Radia conversations that exposed the nexus between private capital and the state, the news media's coverage of the political elite, mainly the Gandhi family and the leader of the Hindu majoritarian political party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Narendra Modi, and lastly, the media's coverage of India's richest business house Reliance Industries Limited (RIL) and its owner Mukesh Ambani - was marked by extensive self-censorship by the national mainstream news media. The theoretical architecture underpinning this project draws on three major approaches - political economy, field theory and new institutional theory provides a framework sufficiently sensitive to the range of pressures and influences journalism is subject to. This research draws on forty semi-structured, in-depth interviews with forty journalists and editors who were directly involved in the editorial processes of each of these news stories. The salient finding of this project is that the field of journalism has been subject to regular incursions from the field of power, particularly when political and economic interests are aligned, such that the field of journalism collapses in the field of power resulting in the need to reassess Bourdieu's claim that fields, however heteronomous, possess a degree of autonomy. This research finds that journalism is not merely embedded in the field of power, it plays a more pernicious role after economic liberalization. It becomes an active participant in negotiating and consolidating the dominant coalition of economic and political interests on which the polity rests. In other words, it is recruited by the field of power in institutionalizing crony capitalism. However, the self-censorship could not be sustained and unraveled, albeit briefly, in each of these cases. Contradictions between the macro forces induced by the consolidation of democracy, dissensus within the elite and constitutional limits circumscribing power are some of the variables that allow for interstices of journalistic autonomy. Thus, new institutionalism's insistence on retaining the political elided by both political economy and field theory, is valuable. Lastly, this research foregrounds the role played by journalistic agency in upholding the democratic mission of journalism.
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Mathekga, Mmanoko Jerry. "The political economy of labour market flexibility in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1532.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The impact of globalisation can be found in every aspect of human life. Globalisation has also brought about changes in the world of work, such as the call for labour market flexibility, which has restructured the workplace. This study focuses on the implications of labour market flexibility for workers in South Africa and for trade unions, within the context of the introduction of a macroeconomic neoliberal policy in South Africa in 1996. The study examines the changing nature of employment and work in a company in the South African retail sector, namely Pick n Pay. Labour market flexibility comes about as companies try to compete and cut costs at the expense of workers. This implies a reduction of protection and benefits and has resulted in the creation of a ‘working poor’ labour segment. Trade unions have been ineffective in providing a voice and representation for the new working poor. This study argues that under conditions of economic globalisation, trade unions are disempowered and flexible labour market practices are introduced to cut costs in order to maintain market share and increase competitiveness. Economic globalisation has pressurised the South African government, and the African National Congress (ANC), to shift gradually to the right and to adopt a neoliberal macroeconomic policy. This has led to an increase in inequality, unemployment, new forms of insecure jobs and the creation of an informal economy. This study found that instead of creating jobs and alleviating poverty, the government’s Growth, Employment and Redistribution Strategy (GEAR) has resulted in retrenchments, downsizing and restructuring. The unemployed, retrenched and working poor find themselves in the ‘second economy’. The retail sector in particular makes use of labour market flexibility in order to compete for market share. Pick n Pay is an example of a retail company that increasingly makes use of flexible labour market practices. This study found that labour market flexibility has created a situation that trade unions find difficult to deal with, and that labour market flexibility has been accompanied by increasing inequality, which overlaps with race and gender identities. Furthermore, Pick n Pay maintains flexible employment under conditions of increased productivity and contrary to labour legislation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Impak van globalisering kan in elke aspek van mense se lewens waargeneem word. Globalisering het verandering in die wêreld van werk teweeggebring, soos die aandrang op arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid wat tot die herstrukturering van die werkersmag gelei het. Hierdie studie fokus op die implikasie van arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid vir werkers in Suid‐ Afrika, en die implikasie vir vakbonde in die konteks van die inwerkingstelling van ’n makroekonomiese neo‐liberale beleid in Suid‐Afrika in 1996. Verder ondersoek die studie die verandering in die aard van indiensneming en werk in ’n Suid‐Afrikaanse maatskappy in die kleinhandelsektor, naamlik Pick n Pay. Buigsaamheid in die arbeidsmag ontstaan wanneer besighede in ’n poging om kompeterend te wees, uitgawes ten koste van werkers besnoei. Dit bring die vermindering van beskerming en voordele mee, wat tot ’n arbeidsegment van ‘arm werkers’ lei. Vakbonde kon nie ’n stem en verteenwoordiging aan hierdie nuwe segment van arm werkers gee nie. Hierdie studie voer aan dat ekonomiese globalisering werkersunies magteloos laat terwyl buigsame arbeidsmarkpraktyke aangewend word om kostes te sny ten einde markaandeel en verhoogde kompetisie te verseker. Ekonomiese globalisasie plaas meer druk op die Suid‐Afrikaanse regering, die African National Congress (ANC), om ‘n verskuiwing na regs te maak en ’n neo‐liberale makroekonomiese beleid te volg. Dit het gelei tot verhoging in ongelykheid, werkloosheid, nuwe vorme van onsekere werksgeleenthede, en die skepping van ’n informele ekonomie. Die studie bevind dat die regering se Groei, Indiensnemings‐ en Herdistribusiebeleid (GEAR), wat veronderstel was om werk te skep en werkloosheid te verminder, eerder tot meer afdankings, afskaling en herstrukturering gelei het. Die werklose, afgedankte en armwerkerskorps bevind hulself nou in ’n ‘tweede ekonomie’. In die besonder maak die kleinhandelsektor gebruik van arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid om vir ’n deel van die mark te kompeteer. Pick n Pay is ’n voorbeeld van ’n kleinhandelmaatskappy wat toenemend gebruik maak van arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid. Die studie kom tot die slotsom dat arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid ’n situasie geskep het wat vakbonde verlam het, en wat met ’n verhoging in ongelykheid wat verder met ras en geslagsidentiteite oorvleuel, gepaardgaan. daarby maak Pick n Pay gebruik van buigsaame indiensnemingspraktyke onder omstandighede van verhoogde produktiwiteit, in weerwil van arbeidswetgewing
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Meng, Si Chen. "Translating conceptual metaphors in political discourse :a case study of Obama's speeches." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954280.
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Munyanyi, Rachael Mationesa. "The political economy of food aid: a case of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_8972_1182748616.
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The food security crisis which gripped the sub Sahara Africa after the drought in 1999/2000 threatened development initiatives in these countries. Zimbabwe&rsquo
s situation has since worsened and the country has failed to recuperate from the food problems, even after an improvement in the climatic conditions. International and local food aid activities then became a priority in the fight to sustain the right to food for the affected regions. It is argued in this research that if food aid is distributed on the basis of need it will enable the vulnerable populations recuperate form food insecurity problems. It is also postulated that if well implemented, food aid programmes are also able to play the dual role of averting starvation and leading to long term development. This thesis departs from the allegations of food aid politicisation in Zimbabwe.
Using the rational choice and neopatrimonial theories of individual behaviour, this research endeavored to ascertain whether political decisions influenced the government food aid distributions which were conducted through the Grain Marketing Board. In line with these theories, it is argued in this study that politicians behave in a manner that maximizes the fulfillment of their individual needs rather than the needs of the people who vote them in positions of power.
A qualitative approach was adopted in this study and data was gathered through household interviews in the Seke and Goromonzi districts of the Mashonaland East province in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, interviews were conducted with food aid experts from the governmental and non governmental organisations dealing with food security issues in Zimbabwe.
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Chen, Cong. "China's influence on media in southeast Asia : a case study of the Philippines, Thailand and Cambodia." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/752.
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This thesis interrogates how China influences one of its neighboring regions, Southeast Asia, in the aspect of media. Issues of how China's growing influence extends to media coverage and framing of news involving China and China's engagement in Southeast Asia have been brought up but has not been examined with empirical evidence. The research questions of this thesis concern how China is presented in local reporting in Southeast Asian media and why it is framed as it is portrayed in news media in the region. This research considers whether China's political and financial interests through media ownership, funding, soft power, and other factors are exerting influence on media coverage in Southeast Asia. Drawing on theoretical contributions from the theory of the political economy of media, comparative media systems theory and the theory of public diplomacy, the thesis assesses the situations based on a case study of the Philippines, Thailand and Cambodia by collecting and analyzing empirical data from these three Southeast Asian countries. The mix-method approach has been adopted in this study, which includes a quantitative content analysis on the news content of the selected Southeast Asian newspapers, and a qualitative analysis depending on semi-structured interviews with local media practitioners who share their understanding of journalistic routines and personal experiences in reporting China-related news in the field study. Some noteworthy findings have been drawn from the analysis. China has observable impacts on the media content in the Philippines, Thailand and Cambodia, limited to certain aspects in relation to China's growing regional power. Philippine newspapers adopt considerably more negative frames than newspapers of Thailand and Cambodia. There are unwritten guidelines in their news outlets and certain principles that media practitioners in Southeast Asia need to follow when covering China-related issues.
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McAuliffe, Sprong Deborah. "A case study of letters to the editor as a measure of the impact of agenda setting." Virtual Press, 2005. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1318938.
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Studies on letters to the editor examine many areas, including function of the letters column. Much agenda-setting research focuses on media influence, though the principles have been applied to many fieldsThis content analysis combined the two areas in an effort to measure how letters to the editor might reflect the agenda set by a newspaper.The study evaluated all letters and news stories that appeared in The Truth during June, July, and August 2004. Items were sorted into content categories, regions of coverage, and page position to see if a relationship existed between stories and subsequent letters.The findings suggest that readers respond strongly to an agenda of local news and are more likely to write about front-page stories. Furthermore, the strong response of letter writers to other letters led the author to conclude that letters themselves can play a role in the agenda-setting process.Department of Journalism
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Lee, Aylan Matthew. "Politics in the San Clemente Dam Removal." PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5032.
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This study examines the role of politics in the removal of the 106-foot tall San Clemente Dam. The removal project and negotiations provide a case study of the contemporary phenomenon of dam removal. My analysis joins a growing body of social science literature on the social, political, and human dimensions of removal. The San Clemente Dam, which impounded the Carmel River near Monterey, California, was removed in 2015, the largest such project completed in California. Drawing on political ecology and science and technology studies, and using a mixed qualitative approach, I assess both the role of politics in shaping the project and the politics affected through or by the removal. I use a broad, historically attentive analysis of the region to contextualize the political elements of the project. My findings demonstrate and focus on several political dimensions of the removal project, including funding, micro-political strategies, and the prioritizing of particular ecosystem functions and services in the post-removal landscape.
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Heinonen, Timo Henrik, and 何天明. "Aeropolitics in East Asia : a comparative case study." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/193477.
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Air transport is a key instrument of the increasingly global flows of goods, services, and people. Despite the fact that commercial aviation can be seen as a vanguard of globalisation, it remains one of the most tightly regulated and nationally controlled industries in the world. While progressive deregulation has taken place in certain regions, most importantly in North America and Europe, much of the world continues to be dominated by restrictive, state-centric bilateral air service agreements. Since the particular institutional and geographical settings of East Asia impede making direct inferences from air transport deregulation in the West, there is a need to develop a better understanding of the air transport environment in the region.
his study aims at analysing the endogenous factors that influence the development of aeropolitics on the global scale, in general, and in East Asia, in specific. A mixed methods approach, combining both qualitative and quantitative tools, is used to uncover the relationships between factors related to institutional organisation and polity size, on the one hand, and aeropolitics, on the other. The first part of the study consists of a predominantly quantitative analysis of the relationships on the global scale. Since the quantitative section can at most point to potential causal linkages, it is followed by an in-depth qualitative case study section, focusing on aeropolitical development in three East Asian polities of China, Hong Kong, and South Korea.
This study argues that aeropolitics cannot be analysed without due attention to the context in which aeropolitical development takes place. While the direct effects of geographical, demographic, and economic factors remain limited, the importance of the polity-level institutional framework to aeropolitics cannot be overstated. More precisely, economic institutions have a direct impact on the development of aeropolitics, while political institutions set the boundaries within which economic institutions operate.published_or_final_version
Geography
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Master of Philosophy
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Chong, Sandra Pow. "Political communication: a case study of the Democratic Alliance and its use of digital media in the 2014 South African General Elections." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/11416.
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Political organisations are now using a two-way path of communication thanks to the development of technological platforms that work in-sync with the internet to allow this to happen. Information can now flow across new networks to allow exchanges from the many to the many. This study sets out to explore the use of social media by political organisations as a means of political communication. A case study was conducted which focussed on online communication used by the Democratic Alliance in the 2014 General Elections in South Africa. The social media strategies adopted by the Democratic Alliance was examined. Reference is made to the 2008 Obama Campaign. The study revealed that the DA primarily made use of two-way asymmetrical communication despite the party posting a lot of consistent information and content; however in response to many questions and comments posted on the social media fora by online users, the DA only selectively responded to a handful of these.
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Duo, Zhiqun Christine. "The political economic analysis of Guangzhou Daily Newspaper Group under power resources model : a case study." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2002. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/448.
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Zhao, Geng Ping Holly. "Rhetorical devices and translation in political discourse :a case study of Xi Jinping : The Governance of China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954472.
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Jones, Esyllt Wynne. "Ethnic nationalism in Quebec and Wales : the case of public broadcasting conflict." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61858.
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Tsui, Heung-ling, and 徐香玲. "Media for cultural praxis: a case-study of Hong Kong In-Media." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42664421.
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Wang, Yue. "Cultural nation versus political state : media construction of national identity : the case of China Daily." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2006. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/785.
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Alfarhoud, Yousef T. "Influence of Social Media on Decision Making of the Kuwait National Assembly Members: Case Study." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1404618/.
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In Kuwait, an increase in the use of social media by the Kuwait National Assembly (KNA) has allowed it members to reach out to the public and so advance their political agenda. This study examines social media influences on the decision making process; addresses the lack of academic research in relation to KNA members; and seeks to understand the extent to which public political engagement using social media might affect the outcome of their decision making. The proposed social media influence model (SMIM) was used to explore the relationships and relative importance of variables influencing legislator decision making in a social media environment.
The second decade of the twenty-first century saw a number of major issues emerging in Kuwait. A core mixed method design known as explanatory sequential was applied to multiple sets of data generated during KNA members' 14th (2013-2016) and 15th (2016-2018) terms. These data included Twitter messages (tweets), the KNA Information Center Parliamentary Information System legislation documents, and the news media articles. The sample was drawn from KNA membership, some of which used Twitter to comment on major events with specific hashtags and the Kuwaiti news media articles related to the same.
Study results confirm and support the proposed SMIM. They also suggest that a single person or a group of individuals (in this case, legislators) can be influenced and motivated to use social media for self-promotion and/or advancing their political agenda. Consequently, they can be used to devise ways for improving the use of social media by KNA members in support of legislative work, which in turn will provide citizens with access to real-time information and enhanced political interaction.
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Wan, Pengfei, and 萬鵬飛. "An institutional analysis of Chinese urban local governance: case studies of Urban ResidentialCommittees." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31241116.
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Roen, Tomas Alfred. "Changes in global governance : the case of the G20." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17947.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The 2008 global economic crisis marks the beginning of considerable systemic changes in global governance. The ‘Group of 20’ (G20), which entered the centre stage of global governance in response to the crisis, may be seen as both a result of and as a vehicle for those changes. Representing some 85 per cent of the global economy the group has the potential to alter the international order almost by stealth. Hence, there is good reason for undertaking a deeper examination of its role in and impact on global governance. This study critically examines some of the changes in global governance embodied – and brought about – by the G20. By using analytical tools from the critical theory of Robert Cox and constructivism, it studies changes in three dimensions of global governance: the material, the institutional and the ideational, so as to achieve a holistic understanding of the nature of the changes taking place within global governance. In so doing, the study sheds light on the role of the G20 in global governance, the impact of the group on global cooperation and the nature of the shift in global governance that it represents.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die 2008 globale ekonomiese krisis kan as die begin van aansienlike sistemiese veranderinge in globale regeerkunde beskou word. Die 'Groep van 20' (G20), wat in reaksie op die krisis ’n sentrale rol in globale regeerkunde ingeneem het, kan as beide 'n resultaat en drywer van hierdie veranderinge gesien word. Die groep verteenwoordig ongeveer 85 persent van die globale ekonomie, en het dus die potensiaal om grootskaalse verandering in die internasionale orde te weeg te bring. Dit is dus belangrik om die groep se rol in globale regeerkunde meer deeglik te ondersoek. Deur gebruik te maak van analitiese metodes wat gebasseer is op die kritiese teorie van Robert Cox asook konstruktivisme, ondersoek hierdie studie veranderinge in drie dimensies van globale regeerkunde. Materiële en institusionele veranderinge, asook veranderinge binne die dimensie van idees, word geïdentifiseer met die oog op 'n meer holistiese begrip van die aard van die veranderinge. Die studie werp daardeur lig op die rol van die G20 in globale regeerkunde, die groep se impak op globale samewerking, en die aard van die magsverskuiwing in globale regeerkunde wat dit verteenwoordig.
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Nyambuga, Charles Ongadi. "The role of the press in political conflicts in Kenya : a case study of the performance of the nation and the East African Standard Newspapers." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1449.
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This study focuses on the role of the press in violent political conflicts in Kenya in the period that preceded the 2005 referendum on the draft constitution. Based on media reports, six major thematic areas of concern emerged during constitution making. These were: land tenure, devolution of power, the executive, the legislature, the Bill of Rights, and the provincial administration. These sections of the draft constitution caused a remarkable divergence of opinion. The citizens either supported or opposed the draft constitution on the basis of how the draft had treated those sections in the draft constitution. Besides the major thematic areas, newspapers regularly focused and reported on ethnicity, violence, political leaders‟ utterances, the process of constitution making, and political conflicts. Three main objectives guided the study. The first objective focused on the relationship between media content and different levels of political conflict. The influence of media content and how these may have led to high political conflict, medium political conflict, low political conflict and no political conflict, are tested in this study. The second objective highlighted the kind of coverage that the draft constitution got during the period that preceded the referendum in November, 2005. This objective facilitated interrogation of media content and whether media content focused on aspects of the draft constitution such as land ownership, the executive, devolution, the legislature and religion, as highlighted in the draft constitution of Kenya 2005. The third objective examined the thematic emphasis that the media undertook in the period that preceded the referendum. The themes that were dominant in the period before the referendum could have impacted on readers' perceptions of the critical issues that could have informed the voters' decisions. Three primary questions were addressed in the study: Firstly, was there a link between media content and different levels of political conflict in weak democracies such as Kenya? Secondly, did media content influence ethnicity and did it encourage ethnic conflict in diverse societies? Finally, what were the key thematic areas of coverage by the press, and how were they used during the referendum? In order to study these research objectives, I used a combination of theories to enhance understanding of the interplay between media content and audience in the society. The theories are: agenda setting, two-step flow, priming, framing, and the public sphere. The study adopts a triangulation convergence design in mixed- methods research that involves both qualitative and quantitative methods. A structured questionnaire and content analysis were used to seek responses to the research questions of the study and to meet the stated objectives. The research revealed that the two newspapers under investigation, namely the East African Standard and the Nation, provided more coverage to issues that were not central to the content of the draft constitution, such as political leaders' utterances, violence, ethnicity, and the process of constitution making. This showed that the newspapers tended to sensationalise issues instead of providing objective coverage of political matters. These newspapers used their opinion pages to educate their readers on how the referendum was turning violent. The theme of political leaders' utterances is closely linked to that of violence. This suggests that the violence was influenced by some of the leaders' statements. These utterances, and more so those that touched on ethnicity, could therefore have been a potential cause of the ensuing political conflicts during the 2005 referendum on the draft constitution. The findings reveal that newspaper editors tended to focus on political conflict at the expense of the actual content of the draft constitution. This would have provided insight and knowledge on the document and avoided sensational reporting, which could have contributed to violent political conflicts during the period that preceded the referendum on the draft constitution of Kenya.
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Qu, Xiao Bing Effy. "Stance and medication in political news translation :a case study of 2014 Hong Kong Protests." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954296.
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Copteros, Athina. "Workshop theatre in post-apartheid South Africa : a case study." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007477.
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This is a qualitative study exploring the use of workshop theatre in post-apartheid South Africa, with the objective of making a contribution to the knowledge-base regarding its use in current times. Workshop theatre is changing in response to a new socio-political reality and emerging trends in theatre practice. The case study, of developing a play on Oystercatchers with a Grahamstown group of artists, revealed the difficulties and challenges of using workshop theatre in this dynamic context. Data collection included a focus group, observation, reflective discussion and in-depth interviews that were analysed in relation to available literature on workshop theatre in apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa. It is proposed that workshop theatre has continued relevance in post -apartheid South Africa. The process of creating workshop theatre with diverse artists has great potential to transform relationships, address issues of personal identity and to provide an underlying purpose to a workshop theatre -making context.
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Wong, Hon-kwan, and 黃漢坤. "An analysis of agenda-setting: the case of Hong Kong's Disneyland project." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31967395.
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Tsang, Ping-fai Harris, and 曾炳輝. "An analysis of policy agenda-setting in Hong Kong: a case study of home ownership policy." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31969495.
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Mughal, Muhammad Shahid. "Good governance for the sustainable public housing development : case study : Karachi, Pakistan /." Thesis, View the Table of Contents & Abstract, 2005. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B35081156.
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Ding, Xiaojiong, and 丁笑炯. "Policy metamorphosis in China: a case study of minban education in Shanghai." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37392323.
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Erdal, Mari. "The role of political institutions in corporate social responsibility : the case of the Norwegian government and the shipping industry." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96057.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the rise of the modern corporation in the late 19th century, the debate on the relationship between business and society has flourished, and the negative impact of businesses became evident as the number and scale of large corporations increased. As a result of the globalization of trade and economic activity, regulating and auditing multinational companies have become both more important and more problematic. Along with the new challenges to be met by companies operating in foreign countries, these factors have resulted in a greater demand for corporate social responsibility (CSR). Originating as an Anglo-American management idea, CSR has spread and become a well-established tool for businesses worldwide. In today’s global capitalist system, characterized by open markets, it is widely acknowledged that it is the role of the state to establish the preconditions for the proper functioning of markets by defining legal rules, establishing enforcement bodies, and providing public goods. However, many corporations choose to go beyond the required regulatory levels and voluntarily engage in CSR. Studies of CSR have long been dominated by business and economic scholars, usually with the aim to confirming or denying CSR as a tool for profit-maximization, and until the last decade, social and political scientists have shown little interest in CSR. From a political science view, the relation between the state, markets and corporations is of interest, but few studies have investigated how political institutions influence corporate behavior. This study has therefore researched the institutional determinants of CSR by analyzing the efforts and the role of the Norwegian government in promoting CSR in the shipping industry. The White Paper on CSR was used as guide to the government’s approach to CSR, and was analyzed in light of the specific CSR challenges faced in the shipping industry. For this purpose, a qualitative methodology and case study research design was adopted to provide in-depth information. New institutional theory and comparative political economy provided the theoretical framework for the study, and helped in answering the main research question: What is the role of the Norwegian government, as a political institution, in promoting CSR in the Norwegian shipping industry? as well as the sub-questions. The study identified both strengths and weaknesses in the government’s role as CSR promoter, and argued that the predominantly international focus of the White Paper is suitable for globally oriented industries, like shipping, while reducing its relevance for nationally oriented firms. The study further found that the government as institution provides the industry with CSR incentives, other than financial ones, as it sets the standards for what is perceived as modern and just corporate behavior. In addition, CSR in the shipping industry was found to take an explicit form, and to reflect the national institutional environment. The findings stand in contrast to the way in which the above-mentioned theories expect CSR to take shape in coordinated market economies. In broader sense, the findings affect the perception of the relationship between CSR as a management tool and strategy, and CSR as a political and regulatory tool that may be used actively by authorities.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die opkoms van die moderne korporasie in die laat 19de eeu, het die debat oor die verhouding tussen besigheid en samelewing floreer terwyl die negatiewe impak van besighede sigbaar geword het soos die aantal en omvang van groot korporasies toegeneem het. As gevolg van die globalisering van handel en ekonomiese aktiwiteit, het die regulerende en multinasionale ouditeringsmaatskappye beide belangrik en meer problematies geword. Tesame met die nuwe uitdagings wat maatskappye in vreemde lande moet ontmoet, het hierdie faktore aanleiding gegee tot ‘n groter vraag na korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid (KSV). KSV het sy oorsprong as ‘n Anglo-Amerikaanse bestuursidee gehad en het ‘n goed gevestigde hulpmiddel vir besighede wêreldwyd geword terwyl dit ook versprei het. In vandag se globale kapitalistiese sisteem wat deur oop markte gekenmerk word, word dit wydverspreid erken dat dit die rol van die staat is om voorwaardes vir die behoorlike funksionering van markte te vestig deur regsreëls te definieer, handhawingsliggame te vestig en publieke goedere te verskaf. Baie korporasies verkies egter om verder as die vereiste regulerende vlakke en vrywillige deelname in KSV te gaan. Studies van die KSV is vir lank oorheers deur besigheid- en ekonomiese geleerdes wat gewoonlik die doel gehad het om die KSV te bevestig of te ontken as ‘n hulpmiddel vir wins-maksimalisering, en tot en met die laaste dekade het sosiale en politieke wetenskaplikes min belangstelling in die KSV getoon. Uit die Politieke Wetenskaplike oogpunt is die verhouding tussen die staat, markte en korporasies van belang terwyl min studies al ondersoek het hoe politieke instellings korporatiewe gedrag beïnvloed. Hierdie studie het dus die bepalende faktore van die KSV nagevors deur die pogings en die rol van die Noorweegse regering in die bevordering van KSV in die skeepsvaart te analiseer. Die Witskrif op KSV is gebruik as ‘n gids vir die regering se benadering tot die KSV, en is ontleed in die lig van die spesifieke KSV uitdagings wat in die seevaart industrie in die gesig gestaar word. Vir hierdie doeleinde is ‘n kwalitatiewe metodologie en gevallestudie navorsingsontwerp aangeneem om in-diepte inligting te verskaf. Nuwe institusionele teorie en vergelykende politieke ekonomie het die teoretiese raamwerk vir die studie verskaf en het gehelp in die beantwoording van die hoof navorsingsvraag: Wat is die rol van die Noorweegse regering, as ‘n politieke instelling, in die bevordering van KSV in die Noorweegse seevaart industrie? Sowel as die sub-vrae. Hierdie studie het beide sterkpunte en swakpunte in die regering se role as KSV promotor identifiseer en het geargumenteer dat die oorwegende internasionale fokus van die Wit Skrif geskik is vir globaal georiënteerde industrieë soos seevaart, terwyl die toepaslikheid van nasionaal oriënteerde firmas verminder is. Die studie het verder bevind dat die regering as instelling KSV insentiewe aan die industrie anders as finansiële verskaf het, deur dat dit die standaarde stel vir wat gesien word as moderne en regverdige korporatiewe gedrag. Daar is verder bevind dat die KSV ‘n eksplesiete vorm aangeneem het in die seevaart industrie om die nasionale institusionele omgewing te vertoon. Die bevindings staan egter in teenstelling tot die manier waarop die bogenoemde teorieë van die KSV verwag om vorm aan te neem in gekoördineerde mark ekonomieë. In die breër sin beïnvloed die bevindings die siening van die verhouding tussen KSV as ‘n bestuur hulpmiddel en strategie en KSV as ‘n politieke en regulerende hulpmiddel wat aktief deur owerhede gebruik kan word.
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Dumiso, Phazamile. "Identity politics of race and gender in the post-apartheid South Africa : the case of Stellenbosch University." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49984.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Identity has been a contentious issue in South Africa for many years. This created many problems including, among others, discrimination against people on the basis of race and gender. When the new government came to power in 1994, it promised to make valuable changes, and hence programmes such as affirmative action and black economic empowerment were introduced. This study investigates perceptions of students at Stellenbosch University (US) towards identity politics of race and gender after 1994. The subject of investigation includes, inter alia, student accommodation, language of tuition, relationship between students, class participation, sexual harassment and politics (affirmative action and black economic empowerment). This research investigates the university's treatment of students and how students themselves treat each other. Information was collected through a survey using a questionnaire in four selected residences, viz. Concordia, Goldfields, Huis DeViIIiers and Lobelia. The findings of this study indicate that there still are some problems as far as identity politics of race and gender at the US are concerned. For example, this study came to the following conclusions: • The majority of students from the three racial groups who participated in this study have a perception that racial divisions still exist at the US in three areas (classroom, residences and the student centre). The perception is these divisions are caused by the fact that students come from different cultural backgrounds. Language differences also play a role in this respect; • The majority of students also have a perception that black students are less likely to speak in class because they feel intimidated; • The majority of black and coloured students support the ANC (African National Congress), while the majority of white students support the DA (Democratic Alliance). Although this is the case, this research also finds that many students at the US do not want to indicate their political support; • Black and coloured students are positive about the role of Affirmative Action (AA) and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), whereas white students have a different view; • Women students at the US have a perception that South Africa is still confronted by a problem of gender inequality; • The majority of students have a perception that white men are the worst affected group by AA and BEE; • Most students, regardless of their race or gender, feel protected at the US. There is a perception that there is no gender discrimination by their lecturers; • Men and women students view sexual harassment differently; for example, women students view sexist jokes and wolf-whistling as constituting sexual harassment while men students have a different view. They all have perception that women students are the one who experience more of these forms of sexual harassment than their male counterparts do.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Identiteit is reeds vir baie jare in Suid-Afrika 'n omstrede kwessie. Dit het baie probleme veroorsaak, waaronder, diskriminasie teen mense gegrond op ras en geslag. Tydens die totstandkoming van die nuwe regering in 1994, is beloftes gemaak om veranderinge teweeg te bring. Gevolglik is programme soos regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging ingestel. Hierdie studie ondersoek die persepsie van studente, verbonde aan die universiteit van Stellenbosch (US), jeens die identiteitspolitiek van ras en geslag na 1994. Die onderwerp van die studie sluit ondermeer die volgende in: studente-akkommodasie, die onderrigstaal, die verhouding tussen studente, klasdeelname, seksuele teistering en politiek (regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging). Dit ondersoek die universiteit se hantering van studente en die behandeling van studente se optrede teenoor mekaar. Die inligting is ingesamel deur 'n meningspeiling verkry deur die verspreiding van vraelyste in vier geselekteerde koshuise, naamlik Concordia, Goldfields, Huis de Villiers en Lobelia. Die bevindinge van die studie toon dat daar steeds baie probleme bestaan wat betref die politieke identiteit van ras en geslag aan die US. Die studie het byvoorbeeld tot die volgende gevolgtrekkings gekom: • Die meerderheid van studente, uit drie rassegroepe, wat aan die studie deelgeneem het, het die persepsie dat rasse-verdeeldheid steeds in drie areas voorkom (die klaskamer, koshuise en die studente sentrum). Die persepsie word voorgehou, onder andere, dat die verdeeldheid versoorsaak word deur die feit dat studente van verskillende kulture afkomstig is, asook dat taalverskille 'n rol speel. • Die meerderheid studente het ook die persepsie dat swart studente neig om minder te praat in die klas omdat hulle geïntimideerd voel. • Die meerderheid swart en bruin studente steun die ANC (African National Congress), terwyl die meerderheid wit studente die DA (Demokratiese Alliansie) steun. Hoewel dit die geval blyk te wees, het die studie ook gevind dat baie studente aan die US nie hulle politieke steun bekend wil maak nie. • Swart en bruin studente is positief oor die rol van regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging, teenoor wit studente wat 'n ander uitkyk hierop het. • Vroue studente aan die US het die persepsie dat Suid-Afrika steeds gekonfronteer word met die probleem van geslagsongelykheid. • Die meerderheid studente het die persepsie dat wit mans die ergste geraak word deur regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging. • Meeste studente, ongeag hul ras of geslag, voel beskermd by die US. Die persepsie bestaan dat geen geslagdiskriminasie deur lektore toegepas word nie. • Mans- en vroue-studente sien seksuele teistering verskillend. Vroue-studente, byvoorbeeld, sien seksistiese grappe en wolwefluite as seksuele teistering, teenoor mansstudente wat dit nie so sien nie. Almal het wel die persepsie dat vrouestudente meer geraak word deur seksuele teistering as hulle manlike eweknieë.
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Melo, Ana Katarina Leimig Saraiva de. "Síndrome de alienação parental : um estudo através do olhar de psicólogos e assistentes sociais peritos." Universidade Católica de Pernambuco, 2013. http://www.unicap.br/tede//tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=916.
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A Alienação Parental é percebida como fenômeno que surge no seio de famílias em conflito de guarda, principalmente no âmbito judicial, e que há pouco tempo tornou-se foco de
estudos científicos no campo de atuação da Psicologia, da Psiquiatria e do Direito. Nesse contexto, são necessárias pesquisas e discussões acerca da temática, de forma a contribuir para um maior aprofundamento na prática da Psicologia Clínica, assim como no âmbito do Judiciário, visando aos meios de prevenção e promoção do bem-estar integral da criança e do adolescente vitimados pela Alienação Parental. A presente pesquisa de natureza qualitativa, teve por objetivo compreender as consequências da Síndrome de Alienação
Parental (SAP) no núcleo familiar, através do olhar de profissionais da Psicologia e do Serviço Social que lidam com o tema. O instrumento para a coleta de dados, foi a entrevista
semiestruturada. Participaram da pesquisa três Psicólogos(as), e três Assistentes Sociais peritos, vinculados ao Poder Judiciário de Pernambuco. Os dados foram analisados através
da análise temática descrita por Minayo, possibilitando compreender os significados das falas dos entrevistados, de acordo com os objetivos propostos. Os principais resultados
apontam para uma ação desenvolvida de forma gradativa, por parte dos profissionais, com a finalidade de emitir um parecer que busque esclarecer o contexto familiar em que a criança
está inserida, e que se preocupe com a forma de atuação dos peritos, visando proteger a criança e/ou adolescente das consequências de uma separação mal elaborada.Parental Alienation is a phenomenon that borns within the family when they have any custody conflict, mainly in the judicial sphere, that in a short period became focus of cientific studies in Psychology, Psychiatry and Law. In this context, some searches and discutions about this subject are needed, to contribute to a further deepening in practice of Clinic Psychology as Judicial scope, aiming ways of prevention and promotion of total welfare of childs and teenagers victims of Parental Alienation. This research is qualitative aimed to understand the consequences of Parental Alienation Syndrome (PAS) in the family, through the eyes of Professional Psychology and Social Work dealing with the subject. The instrument for data collection was a semi-structured interview. Participants were three Psychologists and three Social Service experts, linked to the Judiciary of Pernambuco. The data was analyzed using Minayos thematic, enabling to understand the meaning of speech of interviewees according to the proposed objectives. The main results point to a program developed gradually, by professionals, for the purpose of issuing an opinion that seeks to clarify the family context in which children are inserted, and not worry about the way it operates of experts in order protect the child and / or adolescent from the consequences of a bad breakup elaborate.
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Marx, Andrew Morne. "Increasing soft power - a case study of South Africa's bid to host the FIFA 2010 World Cup." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/16386.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to determine if South Africa was actively attempting to boost its soft power or symbolic power during the country’s bid to host the Fifa 2010 World Cup. Preceding works dealing with mega-events identified a number of potential benefits to the hosting nation. Some of these benefits include opportunities for development (sport and socio-economic), nation building, urban regeneration, and marketing. Previous works have focused a great deal on economic and nation building aspects of mega-events. The marketing possibility for a host to develop as a tourist destination has also enjoyed some focus. There also exists a large amount of literature dealing with power – its nature, resources and types. There is for instance structural and relational power while, in the traditional sense, wealth and military might may be seen as power resources. However, the importance and maintenance of soft power – or symbolic or co-optive power, as defined in this study – has been greatly overshadowed by the traditional ideas of power and as a result, neglected by International Relations scholars. This study links the marketing potential of mega-events with the deployment of soft power. The case study specifically deals with South Africa’s World Cup bid as a marketing forum for enhancing the country’s soft power. For such an analysis it is necessary to investigate South Africa’s diplomatic status, global position, relationship with the North and South, and power resources. The importance of soft power being essential to South Africa’s specific situation, global position and future, is also investigated. Using the bid for the 2010 World Cup, this study concludes that South Africa was indeed projecting specifically chosen images of the country with the intention of enhancing the country’s soft power. It is furthermore argued that these images are both a reflection and in support of South Africa’s foreign policy and emerging middle power position.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vas te stel of Suid Afrika doelgerig probeer het om die land se sagte mag te versterk tydens die Fifa 2010 Wêreldbekerbod. Vorige studies oor grootskaalse gebeurtenisse meen dat dit sekere potensieële voordele inhou vir die gasheer. Dit sluit in geleenthede vir ontwikkeling (sport en sosio-ekonomies), nasiebou, en stedelike herlewing en bemarking. Vorige werke het ook meerendeels gefokus op die ekonomiese en nasie-bou aspekte van grootskaalse gebeurtenisse. Die bemarkingsvoordele wat dit inhou vir die gasheer se toerismebedryf is ook gereeld vehandel. Daar bestaan ook vele geskrewe werke oor mag. Verskillende bronne van mag is ondermeer ‘n gewilde onderwerp. Daar is byvoorbeeld strukturele mag en verhoudings mag. Tradisioneel word militêre en ekonomiese vermoëns gesien as bronne van mag. Die belangrikheid van sagte mag of simboliese mag, soos dit in hierdie studie gedefinieër word, is egter tot ‘n groot mate oorskadu deur traditionele idees van mag. Daardeur het Internasionale Betrekkinge akademici dit ook tot ‘n mate afgeskeep. Hierdie studie illustreer die bemarkingspotentiaal wat grootskaalse gebeurtenisse inhou vir sagte mag. Die gevallestudie handel spesifiek oor Suid Afrika se 2010 bod as ‘n potentieële bemarkingsforum vir die bevordering van die land se sagte mag. Die analise het vereis dat Suid Afrika se diplomatieke status, globale posisie, verhouding met die Noorde en Suide, en bronne van mag behandel word. Die belangrikheid van sagte mag vir Suid Afrika se toekoms word ook aangespreek. Die gevolgtrekking is dat Suid Afrika wel gepoog het om sekere gekose beelde na die buiteland te projekteer. Die spesifieke doel met die beelde was om die land se sagte mag uit te brei. ‘n Verdere bevinding is dat die beelde gelyktydig Suid Afrika se buitelandse beleid en ontluikende middel magsposisie gereflekteer het.
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Guan, Qiu Yao Amber. "Repositioning of political stance in news trans-editing :a case study of E-C news reports on the THADD issue." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954323.
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Raynham, Sarah-Anne. "Institutional accountability : a phenomenon examined through a case study located within University of the Western Cape, 1987-1989." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17183.
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Bibliography: pages 203-211.The dissertation sets out the perspectives and terms of the study as a frame for an empirically-based inquiry into the phenomenon of institutional accountability. The inquiry is conducted through a naturalistic case study located within the University of the Western Cape (UWC) between November 1987 and July 1989. The case study is understood to be an indeterminate product of contextual and historical circumstances. The contexts of the case are presented through chronological description of the environment of educational practice within UWC and through focusing on the viewpoints of seventeen university office holders. The contexts of analysis are presented as five positions on institutional accountability held as valid for 1987-1988, and as a field of discourse located within the Western Cape for the period 1986-1989. The aims of the study are firstly, to resolve in authentic case study practice the problems of scientific justification and of providing access to the social, cognitive and cultural processes of the Inquiry. Secondly, the aims are directed towards generating ideas and hypotheses, through examining the meanings of the phenomena under study, which could be used and examined by educators in relation to their own circumstances and contexts. There is no presentation of findings or recommendations. The study achieves its aims through explicit presentation of assumptions, propositions and arguments contextualized within the body of the dissertation.
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Gunes, Tulay. "Portable houses and context : the case of Israeli settlements in the West Bank." Virtual Press, 2006. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1348349.
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Architectural discourses related to portable buildings are largely positivistic and focused on structure, materials, and modern technology. Scholars profile small, prefabricated constructions as relocatable, adaptable, and reusable according to the user's contradictions. While romanticizing a unique lifestyle, portable house prototypes open the way for industrial mass production and low-cost housing. Intentionally designed as place-independent units, they can, and often do, remain in one place for a long time. This scenario impacts significantly the social and spatial contexts of a particular locality, as it confronts the territorial claims of special interest groups. What is the role of portable buildings in such a setting? Who are the decision-makers and decision-making agencies'? This thesis focuses on the difference between the declared design intention described in current architectural literature regarding portable houses and the political and social practice of placing them in one of the world's most contested territories — the West Bank.Methodologically, a discourse survey, developed with experimental, self-made portable and temporary dwellings in 2002, gives an overview of relevant categories of portable houses: prototypes, parasites, and developers. A fourth category, transformers, interprets portable buildings within the context of the West Bank. This is followed by a material culture study conducted on site in December 2004/January 2005. Finally, several interviews provide subjective perspectives of portable houses in the West Bank. In addition, the works of the scholars Kronenberg, Kozlovsky, Weizman/Segal, Rotbart, and Foucault provide the basis for much of this analysis.In the extreme case of the West Bank, it was determined that designed as site-independent, portable houses in the West Bank carry significant local and regional meaning. As they are industrially fabricated and quickly deployed in large numbers at various, elevated locations, they become instruments of spatial control (observation, psychological demonstration of Israeli power and intimidation, territorial gain, and presence). Furthermore, portable houses here are appointed a political role by various agencies: defining and extending the national boundaries in a state of political indefiniteness and negotiations. The particular construction technology of `portable house' is used by a culture within a well-considered strategy of war.The reality of transportable buildings outside the architectural discourses is based on mass production, clustered distribution at difficult places with the intention for territorial claim, while maintaining strategic flexibility. Ultimately, portable houses need to be redefined as active instruments--rather than neutral products—that create subjective place attachment and identity, actively influence a territorial conflict, and impact spatial order and control. Thus, it can be argued that portable buildings make a territorial claim permanent.Department of Architecture
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Girardeau, Naomi Aass. "UN, AU and SADC approaches to unconstitutional changes of government : the case of Madagascar." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71634.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The resurgence of unconstitutional changes of government in Africa is regarded not only as a threat to democratisation processes but also to peace, security and stability on the continent. The United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU) and various regional economic communities (RECs) have all sought to address this challenge, in what may be described as a trilateral linkage between the international, regional and sub-regional organisations. The unconstitutional change of government in Madagascar in 2009 led to the involvement of the UN, AU and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Although these organisations all responded to the case of Madagascar, it cannot be assumed that they all share a common understanding of and approach to unconstitutional changes of government. This study builds upon a constructivist approach to norm development, with a particular focus upon the norm life cycle. The thesis seeks to assess if a normative approach to dealing with unconstitutional changes of government has developed within the UN, AU and SADC respectively, and if so, how? Furthermore, how have these organisations responded to such a case, with a specific focus on Madagascar? Building upon these findings, the thesis aims to assess if and how a norm condemning unconstitutional changes of government has emerged, spread and become internalised within the UN, AU and SADC. The study illustrates that the norm condemning unconstitutional changes of government is particularly salient within the AU. Furthermore, and unlike many other peace and security norms, the norm condemning unconstitutional changes of government seems to have emerged from the level of the AU and impacts upwards on the UN as well as downwards on SADC. These findings imply that the AU will have a prominent role in informing the approach and response to such cases on the African continent in the future. Furthermore, the normative frameworks of the UN and SADC may be developed largely as a result of and on the basis of the principles and policies of the AU.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die herlewing van ongrondwetlike regeringsverandering in Afrika word nie net as 'n bedreiging vir die demokratiseringsprosesse beskou nie, maar ook vir vrede, veiligheid en stabiliteit op die kontinent. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), die Afrika-Unie (AU) en verskeie streeks-ekonomiese gemeenskappe (REC's) het gepoog om hierdie uitdaging, wat beskryf kan word as ‘n driehoekskakeling tussen die internasionale, streeks- en substreek-organisasies, aan te spreek. Die ongrondwetlike regeringsverandering in Madagaskar in 2009 het gelei tot die betrokkenheid van die VN, AU en die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings gemeenskap (SAOG). Alhoewel hierdie organisasies op die Madagaskar-saak gereageer het, kan daar nie aanvaar word dat hulle ‘n gemeenskaplike begrip van en benadering tot die ongrondwetlike verandering van regering deel nie. Hierdie studie bou op 'n konstruktivisme benadering tot die ontwikkeling van norme, met 'n spesifieke fokus op die lewensiklus van ‘n norm. Die tesis poog om te bepaal of 'n konstruktivisme benadering respektiewelik binne die VN, AU en SAOG ontwikkel het rakende ongrondwetlike regeringsverandering, en indien wel, hoe? Verder, hoe het hierdie organisasies gereageer op so 'n geval, met spesifieke fokus op Madagaskar? Met hierdie bevindinge in gedagte, sal die tesis bepaal of, en hoe, 'n norm wat ongrondwetlik regeringsveranderinge veroordeel, na vore gekom het en hoe dit versprei en binne die VN, AU en SAOG geïnternaliseer is. Hierdie studie illustreer dat die norm wat ongrondwetlik regeringsveranderinge veroordeel, besonder opvallend is binne die AU. In teenstelling met ander vredes- en sekuriteits norme, blyk dit dat die norm wat ongrondwetlik regeringsveranderinge veroordeel, sy oorsprong het op AU-vlak, met opwaartse trefkrag op die VN, sowel as afwaarts op SAOG. Hierdie bevindinge impliseer dat die AU in die toekoms 'n prominente rol in die benadering tot en reaksie op derglike gevalle op die Afrika-kontinent, sal hê. Verder kan die normatiewe raamwerke van die VN en SAOG moontlik hoofsaaklik ontwikkel as gevolg van die basis van beginsels en beleid wat deur die AU neergelê word.
Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI).
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Pillay, Divinia. "Identity in the media in a post-apartheid radio station in South Africa: the case of Lotus FM." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/5709.
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This research study investigates Lotus FM, as one of many South African Media components that are catering for one specific cultural or religious group. The investigation explores the implications of practice of a pecific media component that caters for specific cultural or religious groups operating in a post-apartheid South Africa. After the end of the apartheid era in South Africa, a number of South African media components have proclaimed their commitment to reconciliation and nation building within South Africa by attempting to unite audiences. The South African Broadcasting Corporation, which held the monopoly on South African Broadcasting for decades, has promulgated the notion of the rainbow nation to audiences in South Africa. Since 1994, sub-components of the different South African media segments were developed to cater for specific ethnic or cultural groups by the station managements. This was aimed at reversing the effects of pre-1994 media that catered for the former ruling minority only or ethnic groups that were categorized by the former political dispensation. It is possible, however, that this has resulted in a renewed and continued separation of interest groups present in South Africa today.
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Cordeiro, Neto Jacinto Rangel Lopes. "The international dimensions of poverty relief : a comparative case study of Angola and Zambia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53653.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This report seeks to investigate the extent and success of multilateral foreign aid aimed at poverty alleviation in two countries, Angola and Zambia. Links between aid, economic growth, and poverty alleviation are also investigated. It is found that aid alone cannot create economic growth in order to alleviate poverty, and growth from aid alone is not sustainable - as the case study of Zambia shows. In Zambia, aid did not have enough impact to change the legacy of unsound economic polices, as the institutions that led these processes lacked the capacity to design sound policies to manage the aid projects. In the case of Angola, the whole process of using aid for poverty alleviation was seriously retarded by the civil war. The war is clearly one of the major causes of the poverty that exists in Angola - unlike in the case of Zambia where poverty is a chronic situation. As poverty alleviation is critical to both these countries, they should concentrate on empowering the poor with capacity-building skills, and multilateral aid should promote this. In terms of aid agreements with multilateral institutions, conditions must be in place before aid is granted to promote the interests of the poor. Well-designed aid can be successfully implemented, and can be sustainable. However, this will work only if all stakeholders from the bottom to the top are actively involved in the planning through to the implementing stages. Apart from empowering the poor, government and multilateral agencies also need to encourage the growth of the private sector in these two countries.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verslag stelondersoek in na die omvang en sukses van multilaterale hulpverlening aan Zambië en Angola wat gemik is op die verligting van armoede. Die verband tussen hulpverlening, ekonomiese groei en armoedeverligting word ook ondersoek. Daar word bevind dat hulpverlening nie outomaties aanleiding gee tot groei -plus-armoedeverligting nie, en dat ekonomiese groei wat op hulpverlening gebaseer is, onvolhoubaar is, soos Zambië illustreer. In Zambië kon hulpverlening nie daarin slaag om swak ekonomiese beleid reg te ruk nie, vanweë die gebrek aan institusionele kapasiteit. In die geval van Angola was pogings om hulp te benut vir armoedeverligting ernstig in die wiele gery deur die burgeroorlog, een van die hoofoorsake van armoede in Angola. Aaangesien armoedeverligting "n kritiese uitdaging vir albei state is, moet die armes bemagtig word deur kapasiteitsbou, en multilaterale hulp moet daarvoor geoormerk word. Dit impliseer dat hulpverleningsooreenkomste aan voorwaardes wat die armes bevoordeel, onderworpe moet wees. Goed-ontwerpte hulp kan suksesvol toegepas word, en kan volhoubaar wees. Dit voorveronderstel egter dat alle belangegroepe aktief betrek word. Naas die bevordering van die belange van die armes, moet die privaatsektor in albei state ook verder uitgebou word.
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Mngomezulu, Skhumbuzo Julius. "The role of governments in the fight against HIV/AIDS in Southern Africa: a case study of South Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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HIV/AIDS is a deadly disease that needs to be addressed with immediate effect before serious damage can occur. Because the government has a responsibility over the health of its citizens, everybody expects the government to take a lead in the fight against this epidemic and from the look of things the government's strategies are not making the desired impact on the epidemic. The author attempted to highlight that the South African government has not played a satisfactory role in the fight against this pandemic, which threatens to alter history to a degree not seen in the world.
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Wong, Wilson Heitung. "The cultural politics of foodie criticism in Hong Kong : a case study of foodies on Instagram." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/704.
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This thesis investigates the cultural politics of taste in contemporary food media of Hong Kong through the lens of foodie stylistics on Instagram. By bearing on the semiotic theory and analysis by Roland Barthes, this research seeks to closely examine the mythmaking of taste in foodie criticism--the food and restaurant review written by foodies on social media platform. The theory will be used to spell out the layered meaning of foodie criticism: a linguistic depiction of food, visual stylistic of writing about taste, tactics of gaining voice of authority by foodie critics and their intention of writing. Considering taste as a cultural and social construct, the present research examines the pivotal role of foodie critics as mythmakers that render and stylize taste on Instagram, which mythologizes the intention of writing and complicates how voice of authority can be accumulated and how monopolized power of food media corporate can be further expanded invisibly. Through semiotic analysis, how taste is represented and informed by the mythmaker linguistically, how food trends are set stylistically to attract and affect the audience, as well as how attraction accumulates the voice of authority and engenders problems of self-branding, commercialization and collusion will become apparent. Finally, the findings of this pilot research of Hong Kong foodies will contribute to the understanding of cultural politics of contemporary food criticism media in the social media era.
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Ng, Siu-ling Giselle, and 吳小玲. "Accountability in public administration: the case of Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31214514.
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Marangudakis, Manussos. "Emerging ideologies in the environmental movement : the N. American case of "deep" and "social ecology"." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61148.
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The Green Movement is assumed to introduce a new way to organize society, politics, economics, and technology in such a way that environmental damage will be minimized. This new approach has been called the "New Environmental Paradigm", denoting its holistic character, as much as its antithesis to the dominant "Western Paradigm". My investigation of North American environmental movement led me to conclude that the Green Movement is neither an ideologically nor a socially homogeneous movement. Instead, it consists of two distinct movements. The first one is "politics oriented", influenced by the New Left ideology. The second social movement, previously unnoticed by sociological literature, is "experience oriented", highly activist, influenced by Naturalist philosophies, and the one which really introduces a new societal paradigm.
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Lam, Cheuk-ho Raymond, and 林焯豪. "Labor politics in Hong Kong: a case study on minimum wages legislation." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38283591.
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Kashala, David Mukuna. "Evaluation of the effects of political instability on entrepreneurial activities : the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2440.
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Thesis (MTech (Business administration in entrepreneurship))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2015.Interest in the domain of Entrepreneurship is growing considerably. Nevertheless, the plan of this study is to discover the distinctiveness of entrepreneurship in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The cutting-edge hostile environment for business developments of underdeveloped countries. In the case of the DRC, entrepreneurship is developed under life-threatening conditions, rarely seen elsewhere. These extreme conditions for entrepreneurship are present as the result of transitional particularities and the marginalised context deriving from political circumstances surrounding the DRC. Apart from the barriers and particularities of a business environment derived mainly from a transitional phase, the political situation has heavily influenced entrepreneurial developments in the country.