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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Catalonian nationalism'
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Congdon, Venetia. "Nourishing the nation : manifestations of Catalan national identity through food." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1c07c9a3-3351-46ef-aa02-833dddde375f.
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In this thesis I ask whether food can be used to express Catalan national identity, and if so, in what ways this occurs. In doing so, I consider the lived realities of nationalist movements, rather than simply the ideas and political claims that inform such movements. The Catalan Autonomous Community in northeast Spain is an ideal place to research this issue, due to the strengthening of nationalist sentiments there in light of the rise in support for independence from Spain. I wished to see whether this had any effect on the connections between food and national identity (or gastronationalism). National identity and food are connected in many diverse and varied ways. Food culture allows us to reflect on national identity as a whole. Themes which commonly appear in nationalist discourse, such as cultural specificity, historicism, or landscape (to name but a few), also inform discussions of national food identity. In the present case, while other markers of identity (e.g. language) are also important, ideals of Catalan nationalism may take the guise of Catalan gastronationalism as well. The current pro-independence movement has had the effect of making Catalans more aware of their cultural symbols, including cuisine, which is now one of many such symbols that can be mobilized for the expression of national identity.
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Guibernau-Berdun, Montserrat. "Nationalism in stateless nations : the case of Catalonia." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261500.
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Etherington, John R. "Nationalism, National Identity and Territory. The Case of Catalonia." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/5076.
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El objetivo central de la tesis doctoral es investigar la importancia de las bases territoriales del nacionalismo catalán, y sobre todo el proceso a través del cual la nación viene a ser definida en términos territoriales. Se puede referir a este proceso como la producción y reproducción territorial de la nación, o la socialización nacional territorial. Así, la tesis propone un estudio cronológico de este proceso en el caso del nacionalismo catalán, desde su inicios en el siglo XIX hasta la actualidad, caracterizada por lo que podemos llamar la globalización. Dentro de este objetivo general, la tesis define el nacionalismo como movimiento e ideología que promueve reivindicaciones en nombre de la nación. Una de las reivindicaciones más importantes es que la nación debe tener o su propio estado o al menos un alto grado de autonomía política. Ya que el ejercicio de tal poder político es necesariamente territorial, el nacionalismo está obligado a controlar o reivindicar un territorio.
Sin embargo, la hipótesis principal postula que el nacionalismo no solamente controla o reivindica un territorio concreto, sino que invierte en él un significado especial para convertirlo en territorio nacional. A partir de aquí, para el nacionalismo, la nación viene a ser definida en términos del propio territorio nacional, de modo que la identidad nacional se deriva del territorio. Cómo consecuencia de ello, el control por parte de los nacionalistas sobre territorio y los recursos y personas que contiene queda perfectamente justificado: sus reivindicaciones político-territoriales en nombre de la nación son justificados por el hecho de que la propia nación nace del territorio.
En un segundo término, de la hipótesis general, se deriva una segunda hipótesis, construida sobre dos premisas básicas. En primer lugar, la construcción del territorio nacional inevitablemente implica la unificación de lugares distintos dentro de una jerarquía especial, en cuyo punto más alto normalmente se encuentra la capital. Al mismo tiempo, y en segundo lugar, la identidad nacional es una mezcla de identidades procedentes de lugares y zonas concretos que son ampliados para convertirse en componentes de una identidad nacional del territorio entero. La hipótesis es que la identidad nacional resultante de este proceso reflejarán las relaciones existentes en la sociedad.
Para avanzar los argumentos con el fin de justificar las hipótesis planteadas, la tesis se divide en dos partes, cada una de cuatro capítulos, además de la introducción y las conclusiones. La primera trata cuestiones generales, sobre el nacionalismo, las bases territoriales de su relación con la nación a través de la identidad nacional, y los posibles cambios que la globalización pueda suponer para esta relación. La segunda parte, desarrolla estos debates en el contexto del nacionalismo catalán y analiza cómo éste ha producido y reproducido la nación catalana territorialmente a lo largo de los últimos dos siglos.
En términos generales, se puede concluir que las hipótesis planteadas en la primera parte se confirman en el caso del nacionalismo catalán. Efectivamente, éste reivindica el control sobre un territorio en nombre de la nación. Al mismo tiempo, la nación es producida y reproducida en términos del mismo territorio. Este proceso es una constante en el nacionalismo catalán, desde sus inicios hasta el presente. Además, en el caso del nacionalismo conservador, se realiza un esfuerzo muy claro para situar geográficamente la esencia de la nación catalana en ciertos lugares y zonas rurales del país. En el contexto actual, caracterizado por la compresión del espacio y del tiempo, las bases territoriales del nacionalismo catalán no se han visto alteradas considerablemente, aunque ciertas tendencias podrían minar la primacía de la identidad nacional a largo plazo.
The main objective of the thesis is to investigate the importance of the territorial bases of Catalan nationalism, and, above all, the process by which the nation comes to be defined in territorial terms. We might refer to this process as the territorial production and reproduction of the nation, or national territorial socialisation. Thus, the thesis offers a chronological study of this process in the case of Catalan nationalism, from its beginnings in the 19th century until present times, characterised by what we might call globalization.
Within this overall objective, the thesis defines nationalism as a movement and ideology that makes claims in the name of the nation. One of the most important claims is that the nation must either have its own state or a high degree of political autonomy. Given that the exercise of such political power is necessarily territorial, nationalism is obliged to control o claim a territory.
The main hypothesis makes the case that rather than merely controlling or seeking to control a given territory, nationalism attaches special meaning to it so that it becomes the national territory. From here, for nationalism, the nation itself comes to be defined in terms of the national territory, so that national identity is derived from that territory. Consequently, nationalist control over territory and the resources and persons contained therein is perfectly justified: the politico-territorial claims in the name of the nation are justified because the nation itself stems from the territory.
On a second plain, from this overall hypothesis, we might derive a second that is based on two premises. Firstly, the construction of the national territory inevitably involves the unification of different places within the overall national spatial hierarchy, which is generally dominated by the capital. At the same time, the resulting national identity is a mixture of identities from different places and areas, that are subsequently amplified to become elements of the national identity of the whole territory. The hypothesis here is that the resulting national identity will reflect existing relations of power within the society in question.
With the aim of putting forward arguments to validate the hypotheses, the thesis is divided into two parts, each one with four chapters, along with an introduction and conclusions. The first part is concerned with general-level questions regarding nationalism, the territorial bases of its relationship with the nation through national identity, and the possible changes that globalization might imply for this relationship. The second part develops theses questions in the context of Catalan nationalism and analyses how the latter has produced and reproduced the Catalan nation territorially throughout the last two centuries.
By way of conclusions, the hypotheses developed in the first part are confirmed in the case of Catalan nationalism. In effect, it claims control over a territory in the name of the nation, while at the same time the nation is produced and reproduced in terms of the territory itself. This process is a constant in Catalan nationalism, from its beginnings until the present day. In addition, in the case of conservative nationalism, there is a clear attempt to situate geographically the essence of the Catalan nation in certain rural places and areas of the country. In the present context, characterised by time-space compression, the territorial bases of Catalan nationalism have not be substantially altered, although certain tendencies associated with globalization might undermine the primacy of national identity in the long run.
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Landers, Matthew Worth 1984. "Catalonia Is a Country: World Heritage and Regional Nationalism." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10474.
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xi, 114 p. : ill., maps (some col.) A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.Since 1975, the Spanish autonomous region of Catalonia has been renegotiating its political and cultural place within Spain. The designation and promotion of places within Catalonia as World Heritage Sites-a matter over which regional authorities have competency-provides insights into the national and territorial ideas that have emerged in recent decades. This study of the selection and portrayal of World Heritage sites by Turisme de Cata1unya shows that the sites reflect a view of the region as 1) home to a distinct cultural group, 2) a place with an ancient past, and 3) a place with a history of territorial autonomy. These characteristics suggest that even though many Catalan regionalists seek a novel territorial status that is neither independent of nor subservient to the Spanish state, the dominant territorial norms of the modem state system continue to be at the heart of the Catalan nation-building project.
Committee in Charge: Dr. Alexander B. Murphy, Chair; Dr. Xiaobo Su
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Cetrà, Daniel. "Debating within liberal nationalism : the linguistic disputes in Catalonia and Flanders." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20465.
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This thesis addresses the following question: do proponents and opponents in the linguistic disputes in Catalonia and Flanders prioritise individual or group-oriented rights? The dispute in Catalonia is about the use of languages in the Catalan education system, while the dispute in Flanders is about the linguistic regime in certain municipalities around Brussels. Crucially, both are made of competing normative-laden political arguments. Drawing on interviews and document analysis, the thesis situates the conflicting political arguments within the scholarship on the compatibility between liberalism and nationalism. The central argument of the thesis is that the Catalan and Flemish linguistic disputes occur within liberal nationalism. Proponents in Catalonia and Flanders argue in a form of liberal nationalism that is more nationalist than liberal, although the nationalist dimension is more explicit in Catalonia; opponents in Flanders combine liberal nationalism with classical liberalism; and opponents in Catalonia argue in a form of classical liberalism that relies on liberal nationalist elements. In short, the four positions in the two debates participate in different forms and to different degrees in liberal nationalism. The findings suggest that nationalism is an important factor in making sense of the paradox that the normative consensus on political liberalism does not translate into political consensus in these specific cases. It is hoped that the findings of this thesis will make two main contributions. The first is an explanatory contribution to improve the understanding of the Catalan and Flemish linguistic disputes: the disputes are not between liberals and nationalists, but between liberal nationalists. The second is a theory-building contribution to refine the theoretical debate about individual and group-specific rights: liberal nationalist scholars run the risk of being unable to account for the national attachments many people experience in ‘the real world’ if, in their efforts to build acceptable liberal theories, they circumscribe their defence of national membership to its instrumental role for individual autonomy. In addition, their conceptualisation of nations as bounded and homogeneous seems to be built upon flimsy empirical grounds.
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Roller, Ruth Elisa. "Catalonia and European integration : a regionalist strategy for nationalist objectives." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1580/.
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This thesis examines the strategy employed by the Catalan nationalist movement in the late 1980s and 1990s to secure a greater role for sub-national authorities in the process of European integration. It includes an analysis of the relationship of the Generalitat, the government of the Spanish autonomous community of Catalonia, and particularly, Convergencia i Unio, the centre-right Catalan party in power since 1980, with the various actors and institutions central to the process of European integration. Thus, the Catalan nationalist movement has pursued a dual strategy to consolidate its participation in the process of European integration based on the one hand on a co-operative regionalist strategy and on the other, a bilateral nationalist strategy. A close examination of this dual strategy would suggest that there is a clear disenchantment among Catalan nationalists with the concept of "Europe of the Regions" and with the EU-wide efforts in the 1990s to secure a greater role for sub-national authorities.
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Schech, Susanne Barbara Maria. "A cross and four stripes the revival of nationalism in contemporary Scotland and Catalonia." Thesis, Durham University, 1990. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/6232/.
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The thesis aimes to demonstrate that the contemporary nationalist movements in advanced capitalist countries are not an accidental occurrence or a coincidence. It looks for ways to explain this nationalist revival by identifying common causal processes, and concentrates on the cases of Scottish and Catalan nationalism. However, it is not possible to identify a single theory which could explain the recent growth of sub-state nationalism in all advanced industrial countries. Therefore, a framework of analysis is suggested which aims to replace the classical Marxist model of base - superstructure relations with a triangular model of civil society, state and economy, which does not assume deterministic relationship between the three constructs. Rather than seeing political action as determined by economic structures, the framework concentrates on the changing relationships between state, civil society and economy, and examines political action in the light of these processes. Within this framework, the revival of Scottish and Catalan nationalism is analysed in a historical perspective. It is argued that in each case, the constellation of relationships and processes which characterise advanced capitalist society lead to a politicisation of. national identity. How the people become politicised, and what the result of nationalist mobilisation is, depends on specific historical circumstances.
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Terribas, i. Sala Monica. "Television, national identity and the public sphere : a comparative study of Scottish and Catalan discussion programmes." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1932.
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This project examines questions of national identity and democracy in television through the analysis of the production processes of audience discussion programmes. The study of television debates, as public spaces through which members of particular communities discuss topics of common concern, shed some light on two different questions. On the one hand, this project explores whether the (re)construction of national and cultural identity intervenes in the process of programme-making within stateless nations. On the other hand, audience discussion programmes are examined to assess whether they can function as democratic spheres of social representation in the media. These two strands of research are developed through ethnographic insights into two television debates: Scottish Women - produced by the commercial company Scottish Television (STV), and La Vida en un Xip - transmitted through the. Catalan public television channel TV3 and produced by the production company DCo.S.A. A comparative study of these two programmes and their respective broadcasting contexts is provided. Also, the distinctive political status of Scotland and Catalonia within their respective states - Britain and Spain - and the European and international contexts, is examined in relation to the media. The current debates concerning nationalism, the nation and national identity are discussed on the basis of culture as the essential element of the nation-building process. This study explores the process of cultural identity fonnation in Scotland and Catalonia and the role of their respective media structures as potential actors in the (re)construction of collective identities. Thus, the analysis of television production is regarded as a key instrument with which to assessh ow this medium intervenesi n such processes. Audience discussion programmes are examined as television formats with the potential for providing a democratic public sphere in the media. An expansion of the concept of the public sphere, its transformation and its role in contemporary societies is, therefore, essential to develop this argument. Also, the relation between television debates and the community is explored through a survey carried out amongst participants of Scottish Women and La Vida en un Xip. This work provides media studies with some keys to evaluate the role of television debates in the delicate political make-up of two nations without a state, Scotland and Catalonia. Questions of national and cultural identity are crucial to the policy-making of their respective broadcasting, industries. Yet, such questions are difficult to distinguish and define in their programming. The comparative analysis of the two case studies reveals that every person involved in television making reflects to a certain extent his/her own perceptions of the country, and therefore, television debates mirror the ambiguities that may lie behind them. This study provides some clues to reformulate the concept of the 'public sphere' on the basis of a 'dissection' of television production procedures. The findings also reveal the economic, political and social criteria that develop audience discussion programmes into spheres of entertainment rather than rational communicative environments in which a public sphere could function. The concepts of national identity and the public sphere are framed in the context of contemporary societies, in which post-modem values are eroding the role and interest of the individual in the political process.
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Harty, Siobhán. "Disputed state, contested nation : republic and nation in interwar Catalonia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0027/NQ50182.pdf.
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Beauregard, Dionne Maxim. "Les répertoires d'actions politiques, économiques, et culturels de l'intégration européenne pour les régions: le cas de la Catalogne." Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2014. http://savoirs.usherbrooke.ca/handle/11143/391.
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Résumé : L’intégration européenne a changé profondément les dynamiques politiques en Europe. Parallèlement, on a vu un essor du nombre de mouvements régionaux tant politiques qu’économiques. En suivant la logique du principe de subsidiarité, ils ont réclamé plus d’autonomie face à leur État central. Au même moment, les États centraux voyaient leur souveraineté s’éroder par le haut et par le bas. À l’aide du cas de la Catalogne, nous expliquons comment l’Union Européenne offre sans cesse de nouvelles opportunités aux régions qui veulent plus d’autonomie tout en permettant d’éviter les conflits entre ces régions et leur État central en créant une dynamique triangulaire qui permet de voir d’une manière nouvelle la relation État-région. // Abstract : European integration has profoundly changed political dynamics in Europe. Simultaneously, there’s been an increase in the number of regional movement, be they political or economic. Following the subsidiarity principle logic, they asked more autonomy from their central state. At the same time, central states were seeing their sovereignty eroding from the top and the bottom. With the Catalan case study, we explain how European Union offers more and more new opportunities to the regions that want more autonomy while permitting to avoid conflict between these regions and their central states in creating a triangular dynamics that helps to see the state - region relation in a new way.
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Mueller, Stephanie Ann. "Conflicting identities in Spain's peripheries: centralist Spanish nationalism in contemporary cultural production of Catalonia and the Basque country." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2588.
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This dissertation analyzes symbolic and political discourse in the works of three controversial intellectuals who participate in the contemporary debate on nationalisms in Spain. Basque poet and essayist Jon Juaristi (b. 1951), after brief involvement in ETA during the late 1960s and early 1970s, evolved into one of Spain's most outspoken critics of Basque nationalism, a position that led to death threats from ETA and eventually his permanent abandonment of the region. After founding his theater company Els Joglars in 1962, Catalan playwright Albert Boadella (b. 1943) used it as a vehicle to fight the Francoist dictatorship and promote a Catalan nationalist agenda. However, he eventually reversed his position on the issue of Catalan and Spanish nationalisms and became a political enemy to many in his home region. Finally, Basque filmmaker Julio Medem (b. 1958) caused outrage throughout much of Spain in 2003 with a documentary film exploring the clash between Spanish and Basque identities. In my examination of Boadella's and Juaristi's autobiographies and Medem's documentary I explore the ways each author portrays himself as subverting, transgressing, or transcending the sub-state nationalisms that are virtually hegemonic in their regions, and I reveal how each author's treatment of gender, especially his representations of masculinity, either undermines or substantiates the purportedly "non-nationalist" position he stakes. I argue that Juaristi's and Boadella's restrictive, traditionalist gender constructions reveal conservative Spanish nationalist discourses which prevent them from surpassing the rigid power structures that nourish the opposition between Spain's center and periphery, while Medem's cinematic work does present the possibility of breaking free from the boundaries of the conflict of national identities through the transcendence of patriarchal nationalist symbolism - both Basque and Spanish.
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Iveson, Mandie. "What the women have to say : women's perspectives on language, identity and nation in Catalonia." Thesis, University of Roehampton, 2017. https://pure.roehampton.ac.uk/portal/en/studentthesis/What-the-women-have-to-say(f3f31854-9737-427a-aab9-d058024163fe).html.
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The social and political history of Catalonia has long been dominated by debates about language, nation and identity and forty years of linguistic and cultural repression have impacted the sociocultural landscape of the region. The new millennium and new nationalist/gendered identities in the context of changing patterns of migration, growing multiculturalism and economic crisis have led to a resurgence of nationalism and renewed demands for Catalan independence since 2010. Adopting oral history as a central method, this thesis examines language, nation and identity from a gendered perspective and investigates to what extent women use Catalan in their everyday social practices to construct gendered and national identities. The focus of the study is three female 'generations' from one Catalan village. It covers 50 years of historical change from the 1960s to the present. The thesis explores women’s contribution to the preservation of Catalan language during Franco's regime (1939-75); how the emergence of a feminist movement and discourse, and changing patterns of migration, have transformed the relationship between gender and national identity in Catalonia; and the role that Catalan plays today in defining women's (individual) identities and as a nation-building tool. Previous research has not considered an intergenerational approach and this study addresses this gap. Drawing on theories of nationalism, gender and nation and language ideologies, I adopt a new analytical approach incorporating discourse analysis and small story research to examine the narratives of 40 oral history interviews and a corpus of social media data. In order to organise the diverse themes in my data I develop a spatial framework in which I identify three principal spaces: physical, ideological and temporal. Mainstream and political discourse exemplify the Catalan nation as civic, intercultural and tolerant. This study challenges these canonical beliefs. The findings reveal ethnolinguistic ideologies and a complex divergence/convergence of issues surrounding migration that are difficult to reconcile with official discourse. Specifically the findings provide insights into some of the issues of inclusion and exclusion that are absent in political and nationalist discourse and suggests that an increased understanding of cultural pluralism at a local level can be abstracted to the Catalan community as a whole.
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Sjögren, Johan. "¿Viva España? : ¿Cantemos todos juntos con distinta voz y un sólo corazón?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-60014.
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Martí, Tomàs David. "Explaining territorial demands : party competition as a driver of self-government claims in decentralised stateless nations." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31567.
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The first wave of stateless nationalist mobilisation triggered decentralisation processes in several Western European states. Political autonomy provided European stateless nations with sub-state institutions with significant competences to manage their own affairs. Multinational federalism scholars have long debated whether political decentralisation to accommodate stateless nations appeases demands for secession or rather exacerbates them. Autonomous institutions created a new sub-state political system which political entrepreneurs, most significantly Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties, are able to exploit to put forward demands for further empowerment of sub-state institutions. In the last decade territorial demands have been progressively raised by political parties in some Western European stateless nations, thus casting doubt on the effectiveness of political decentralisation as a valid mechanism to prevent secession. Scotland voted on independence on September 2014 whereas Catalan nationalist parties have been attempting to hold their own referendum since 2013. By looking specifically at the effects of political party competition at the sub-state level, this research aims at providing an explanation for the dynamics of territorial demands that have led to a high saliency of the territorial question in many Western European multinational states. An in-depth qualitative analysis of party competition in Catalonia aims to provide a successful explanation for the escalation of territorial demands in that country, also taking into account the role played by central institutions and the increasing support that secession shown amongst the population. The Catalan case is compared to Flanders and Scotland to test whether the dynamics of party competition can tell us a bit more about the ongoing territorial demands put forward by political parties in these three countries. The territorial accommodation of multinational states have tended to be analysed from an institutionalist perspective whereas multi-level party competition has kept a blind eye on constitutional change. This research aims at contributing to the growing literature of sub-state party politics and its capacities to explain constitutional change processes.
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Rabaza, Jiménez Ramir. "The Unilateral Declaration of Independence in Catalonia, 2017: strategies of legitimation in political discourses." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21589.
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The relation between the Catalan nationalist forces as well as the other sub-nationalisms and the Spanish Government has been a matter discussed throughout all the Spanish democracy. In recent years the challenge to the Spanish state set by the Catalan government when taking a unilateral approach on Independence has resulted in the imprisonment and exile of political leaders. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the events that occurred in Catalonia after the Catalan elections of 2015 and the unilateral approach on self-determination taken by the Catalan Autonomous Government with the promise of a binding referendum. The laws passed by the Catalan government which were rejected by the Constitutional Court, as the law itself denied the authority of the Constitutional Court and declared independence. This resulted in the application of the 155th article of the Spanish Constitution, suspending autonomous government, to enforce the Constitutional Court’s resolutions by the Spanish government. The essay will focus on the discourses given by politicians to criticize or justify these actions, analysed through theoretical and political normative perspectives.
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Bordier, Ofelia. "Katalonien : En fallstudie om Katalansk nationalism under och efter Francoregimen." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-70566.
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This qualitative theory consuming case study will explore why nationalism has developed in Catalonia and how it has expressed itself during and after the regime of Francisco Franco. Nationalism is an old and well-established theory that has resurrected again in Catalonia. Nationalism can be divided in two forms, either it is ethnically based, or based on citizenship. The ethnic form includes shared language, culture, territory and history whilst the one based in citizenship includes social, political and economic interests. The areas that will be studied within Catalan nationalism are: language, geography, culture and economy. The essay will also explore actors and structures within Catalonia. The essay concludes that nationalism in Catalonia is more ethnic and has developed thanks to specific characteristics such as language, culture and history. The Catalan nationalism has expressed itself through autonomy and economic integrity and the main force behind nationalism is actors.
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Chagas, Rodolfo Pereira das. "Movimentos nacionalistas na Europa pós-guerra fria: os casos de Flandres, Escócia e Catalunha." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-06082018-171057/.
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O presente trabalho objetiva analisar a ascensão de movimentos nacionalistas periféricos na Europa, no período pós-Guerra Fria, em um contexto de intensificação do processo de integração observado na União Europeia nas últimas três décadas, além de estabelecer comparações entre as três nações sem Estado que mais avançaram na luta independentista no século XXI: Flandres, Escócia e Catalunha. Também serão analisadas as circunstâncias que levaram à realização de ações de descentralização política nos três Estados que contêm as nações aqui estudadas: Bélgica, Reino Unido e Espanha e por que estas medidas de acomodação de minorias nacionais não surtiram o efeito esperado, já que, em vez mitigar a luta por autonomia e/ou soberania por parte destes movimentos subestatais, a fortaleceram. A pertinência do tema se revela à medida que recrudescem estes movimentos, não só na Europa, mas em todo o mundo, denotando a crise que vive o Estado democrático liberal no que concerne ao binômio: reconhecimento das minorias nacionais e manutenção da integridade territorial dos Estados que as contêm. Além disso, a força dos nacionalismos revela o quanto os processos de globalização e integração regional vêm sofrendo reveses neste século. Dentro da perspectiva da Geografia Política, é fundamental que o tema do nacionalismo seja fortemente analisado, já que se vislumbra um cenário de reorganização do espaço mundial, em função das fragmentações territoriais que podem ocorrer a partir do recrudescimento dos movimentos nacionalistas periféricos. Este quadro já foi visto em outros momentos da História, como nos períodos pós-Primeira Guerra Mundial e pós-Guerra Fria, com as desintegrações de Impérios no primeiro caso, e com o desmantelamento da União Soviética e Iugoslávia, no segundo caso.This current paper aims to analyze the rise of peripheral nationalist movements in Europe in the post-Cold War period, in a context of intensification of the integration process observed in the European Union in the last three decades, as well as comparisons between the three stateless nations more advanced in the struggle for independence in the 21st century: Flanders, Scotland and Catalonia. It will also analyze the circumstances that led to political decentralization actions in the three States that contain the nations studied here: Belgium, the United Kingdom and Spain and why these measures of accommodation of national minorities did not have the expected effect, since instead of mitigating the struggle for autonomy and/or sovereignty on part of these sub-state movements, they have strengthened it. The relevance of the theme is evident as these movements intensify, not only in Europe, but throughout the world, denoting the crisis that the liberal democratic State is experiencing in terms of the binomial: recognition of national minorities and the maintenance of the territorial integrity of States which contain them. Moreover, the strength of nationalism reveals how the processes of globalization and regional integration have suffered setbacks in this century. Within the perspective of Political Geography, it is fundamental that the theme of nationalism be strongly analyzed, since a scenario of reorganization of the world space can be seen, due to the territorial fragmentations that can occur from the resurgence of peripheral nationalist movements. This picture has been seen at other times in history, such as post-World War I and post-Cold War periods, with the disintegrations of empires in the first case, and with the dismantling of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in the second case.
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Dahlqvist, Martin. "Spanjorer är vi allihopa? : En kvalitativ studie av hur spanska och katalanska tidningar identifierar Kataloniens självständighetsprocess." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-39282.
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The Catalan movement of Independence is a well debated subject in Spanish news for the last decade. This thesis aims to examine what kind of identityarguments that spanish versus catalan newspapers make about the independence movement, in relation to nationalism and national identity. This is to deeper the understanding about the current complex situation in the Iberian Peninsula. The research shows that identityarguments about the independence movement presented by catalonian newspapers clearly put focus on identifying the ethnic and cultural reasons for the growing nationalism in the region, as well as discussing the political possibilities and obstacles of a sovereign Catalonia. In comparison, the identityarguments presented by spanish newspapers has another view of the situation, where the political aspect of the nationalistic catalan movement, identify the process as defying the Spanish Constitution and challenging the traditional historic unity of Spain. Within the debate there is a red line pointing out the importance of achieving and maintaining ones own right to express the meaning of the ’nation’ and the ’national identity’. Spain conquer the political and juridical battles of national values, whereas Catalonia has power in its collective cultural values, which through the politic arena enhances its symbolic power for Catalonia.
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Lönner, Kristian. "Katalonien – region, nation eller suverän stat? : En fallstudie över katalansk secession från Spanien." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-37665.
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In the Spanish region of Catalonia, the overriding political issue during more than adecade has been the conflict concerning the region’s aspirations for independence. Inpolitical science research, the withdrawal of a region from a state is called secession.This phenomenon highlights the conflict between peoples’ and nations right to selfdeterminationand the right of states to protect their borders and defend the nationalunity. This case study focuses on the supporters of Catalan independence and the aimof the study is to better understand the Catalan independence movement’s view on theconflict between self-determination and state sovereignty. The study investigates whyCatalonia has the right to become an independent state according to the independentmovement, what alternative ways Catalonia has toward independence and whatstrategies the independence movement makes use of. The study uses both textanalysis and qualitative interviews to respond the questions. The study shows thatthere are two main alternatives for the independence movement. One is a referendumaccepted by the Spanish state as a result of dialogue and negotiation, the other wayis to reach independence through a unilateral declaration of independence and the useof civil disobedience.
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Albers, Andrew D. "Ethno-nationalism and the Spanish state : a comparison of three regions in Spain /." Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-12042009-020026/.
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Hatira, Hichem, and Kevin Johansson. "KATALANSK SEPARATISM -Med fokus på politiska organisationers förhållningsätt och argument." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-90150.
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Separatism movements are widespread across the world; however, the European continentcontains several regions who wish to become independent sovereign states. The autonomousregion of Catalonia is one of Europe's many separatist regions, where a separatism movementis present. This study analyses the active separatism of Catalonia, with an emphasis onregional Catalan as well as national Spanish political organization’s attitude towards aCatalan independent state, and also which argument they have regarding an independentCatalonia. The purpose is to describe the regional Catalan as well as the national Spanishpolitical organization’s position within the debate regarding a Catalan separation from Spain.The utilized method for this study is a describing analysis of ideas, in order to analyze andunderstand the empirical material.This essay implements, based on the essay's theoretical framework, two analytical tools inorder to analyze the empirical material of the political organization’s which are two idealtypes of the phenomena nationalism and separatism.The study concludes that the regional Catalan political organizations, CiU and ERC, havemore tendencies of separatism in their pro-independence rhetoric’s, and they have movedaway from their former nationalistic political platforms because of failed dialogs with theSpanish national government. Regarding the national Spanish political organizations, on theother hand, the study concludes that both PSOE and PP have strong tendencies of nationalismin their rhetoric against Catalan independence, much in due to their alignment to the Spanishconstitution and their political goal of a more united Spain.
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Kotasová, Martina. "Separatistické tendence v Evropě - případová studie Katalánsko." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193401.
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This thesis describes history of Catalan nationalism and analyzes the motives that lead to separatist tendencies in Catalonia. It also focuses on the impact of devolution and separation on Catalonia and Spain. Catalans are a historic nation with their own language and traditions. Since the establishment of the Kingdom of Spain they have sought a greater autonomy within pluralistic Spain until now. In the history, they experienced numerous efforts of assimilation and suppression, mostly during the dictatorship of General Franco. But the Catalans defended their uniqueness and during the transition to democracy and with the new Constitution of 1978, they gained considerable portion of autonomy. In the history, Catalans did not demand independence, they wanted to be part of the federal Spain. However, due to the economic crisis and the rejection of the greater autonomy, Catalan nationalism converted to separatism.
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Amado-Borthayre, Lontzi. "La construction collective de l'action publique en faveur de la langue dans un cadre transfrontalier au Pays Basque et en Catalogne." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012BOR40006/document.
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Beaucoup ont qualifié la construction de mouvements identitaires à base linguistique de Nouveaux Mouvement Sociaux dans les années 70. S’il est vrai qu’en France ils se sont fait connaitre à ce moment-là, en réapparaissant sous de nouvelles formes, il n’en demeure pas moins qu’ils puisent leurs racines dans une opposition historique aux Etats modernes européens. La longévité et la structuration des réseaux militants des langues basque et catalane, tant en France qu’en Espagne, en sont la preuve. Ainsi, outre les grands cycles de protestation, ce sont surtout les nouvelles formes de l’action publique locale et de la construction européenne qui vont permettre une prise en compte et une mise en œuvre de politiques linguistiques en Pays Basque et en Catalogne. La construction collective de manière transfrontalière des politiques linguistiques de la langue montre combien les acteurs collectifs deviennent des acteurs essentiels à la mise en œuvre de politiques publiques contemporaines. Et ce, non seulement en les cadrant lors des luttes politiques et lors de leurs élaborations mais également en étant des acteurs essentiels à l’expertise et à la mise en œuvre, puisqu’ils en sont la cause et les bénéficiaires à part entière. Finalement, les réseaux d’action politique en faveur de la langue se transforment, une fois la langue devenue enjeu et objectif de politique publique, en réseaux d’action publique local ouvrant ainsi un nouveau cycle d’actionThe construction of language-based identity movements was called New Social Movements in the 70’s. If in France, they make themselves known at that time, reappearing under new forms, the fact remains that they originate from an historical opposition with the Europeans Modern States. The longevity and the structuration of the language-based militant networks of basque and catalonian languages, both in the Basque country and in Catalonia, are the proof. Besides the larges protest cycles, it is above all the new forms of local public policy and of European construction which will permit consideration and implementation of language policies in the Basque country and in Catalonia. The collective construction and across borders of language policies shows how collective actors become key players in the implementation of contemporary public policy, not only framing politics and policy making but also being essentials in the expertise and implementation because they are the cause and the beneficiaries. Finally, policy networks based on language turn, once the language become issue and target of public policy, on local public networks opening a new cycle of action
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Caminada, Díaz David. "La prensa nacionalista catalana y vasca ante la Constitución, los Estatutos de Autonomía y la consolidación del autogobierno en Cataluña y Euskadi (1977-1981)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667395.
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La presente tesis doctoral analiza el comportamiento político de la prensa nacionalista catalana y vasca durante la Transición a la democracia y en especial, en relación a la aprobación de la Constitución, los Estatutos de Autonomía de Sau y Gernika y la puesta en marcha del autogobierno catalán y vasco. El estudio cubre el periodo 1977-1981 y se centra en los diarios El Correo Catalán y Avui, por la parte catalana, y Deia y Egin, por la parte vasca. El estudio describe el papel jugado por estos cuatro medios de comunicación en el proceso de construcción de un nuevo Estado democrático, el cual dejase atrás el carácter centralista y unitario y diese cabida a nacionalidades históricas como Cataluña y País Vasco, que desde el franquismo habían luchado para preservar su identidad histórica, social y cultural. La investigación describe también el comportamiento político y profesional de periodistas relacionados con los medios estudiados.The following PhD investigation analyzes the political behavior of Catalan and Basque nationalist newspapers during the Transition to democracy in Spain and, especially, in relation to the approval of the new Constitution, the Statutes of Autonomy of Sau and Gernika and the launch of the Catalan and Basque self-governments. The study covers the period between 1977 and 1981, and is focused on the Catalan daily papers El Correo Catalan and Avui, and the Basques Deia and Egin. The aim of this investigation is to discuss the role played by these papers in the process of building a new democratic State, one which overcame centralism and a rigid united structure in order to include historical nationalities such as Catalonia and the Basque Country. During Franco’s regime, these nationalities had fought to preserve their historical, social and cultural identities. Furthermore, the paper examines the political and professional behavior of journalists which were linked to the mentioned nationalist newspapers.
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Karp, Lugo Laura. "Au-delà des Pyrénées : les artistes catalans à Paris au tournant du XXe siècle." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010633.
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Attirés par l'émulation artistique et par les possibilités qu'offrait le marché de l'art français, les artistes catalans de la fin du XIXe siècle et du début du XXe se rendirent en masse à Paris, dans un mouvement largement international. L'histoire que propose de traverser cette étude est celle des mobilités d'artistes, des transferts artistiques et culturels, des circulations, de la diffusion et de la réception d'œuvres. Quelle incidence eut l'origine de ces artistes dans leur parcours parisien? Quel fut leur degré d'acculturation? Quels réseaux parvinrent-ils à tisser? Quel fut l'accueil de leur œuvre : quelle lecture et quel usage? Comment construisirent-ils une identité à travers leur art? Ce travail entend combler une lacune de l'historiographie de l'art catalan contemporain et des rapports artistiques entre la Catalogne et la France, rejoignant les préoccupations actuelles sur les relations artistiques transnationales au travers de l'étude d'une communauté homogène d'artistes à une période déterminée. Accordant une place fondamentale à la réception, nous étudions la manière dont la capitale internationale de l'art - qu'était Paris - a réagi à l'intégration de ces étrangers et a accueilli leur œuvreAttracted by the artistic emulation and the possibilities offered by the French art market, nearly all Catalan artists of the late nineteenth and early twentieth went to Paris, in a broadly international movement. This essay mainly focuses on the mobility of artists, on artistic and cultural transfers, and on the reception of artworks. How did these artists integrate into the Parisian artistic milieu at the turn of the century? How did living in Paris affect their artistic production? And, alternatively , how did their presence affect the Parisian artistic landscape? Thus, joining the current concerns about transnational artistic relations, this work aims to fill a gap in the historiography of contemporary Catalan art and of the artistic relations between Catalonia and France. By providing a fundamental role to the critical reception, this work throws light on how the international capital of art - that was Paris - reacted to the integration of these foreign artists and to their work
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Giori, Pablo. "Cataluña-Quebec. Nacionalismo, sociedad civil y cultura popular en el siglo XX." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/461991.
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This PhD thesis contributes to the study of neo-nationalism and nationalization by the proposal of a theoretical proposal that is enriched in the comparative analysis of two concrete cases. Although these complex phenomena involve many different factors, this thesis focuses on the connections between civil society, popular culture and nationalism. In the first section, the existing works on the topic are considered. The objective is to propose a theoretical framework that enriches the perspective from ‘above’, focused mainly on the political aspects, by incorporating aspects from ‘below’ and the cultural elements of nationalism. The second section presents two case studies: Quebec (Canada) and Catalonia (Spain). Documents, primary and secondary sources, and in-depth interviews are used to observe the connections between civil society, popular culture and nationalism. Finally, these case studies are compared and critical reflections are provided on how nationalism works with different nationalization factorsAquesta tesi doctoral aprofundeix en la recerca sobre neonacionalisme i la nacionalització a partir d’una proposta teòrica que s’enriqueix en l’anàlisi històrica comparativa entre dos casos. Dels factor que col•laboren en questa complex procés, hem decidit centrar la nostra recerca en les relacions entre societat civil, cultura popular i nacionalisme. En un primer moment, fem un recorregut per les investigacions existents sobre aquesta tema per fer una proposta teòrica que enriqueix les perspectives d’estudis des de sobre i centrades en els aspectes polítics, amb aquelles des de sota i interessades pels aspectes culturals dels nacionalisme. En un segon moment, duem a terme l’estudi dels casos, el Quebec (Canadà) i Catalunya (Espanya), a partir de documentació, fonts primàries i secundàries i entrevistes en profunditat per a veure les relacions entre societat civil, cultura popular i nacionalisme. Finalment, fem unes conclusions que ens permeten comparar els casos i teoritzar sobre la manera en que el neonacionalisme treballa des de diferents factors de nacionalització
Esta tesis doctoral profundiza en el estudio del neonacionalismo y la nacionalización a partir de una propuesta teórica que se enriquece en el análisis comparativo de dos casos concretos. De los diversos factores que colaboran en este complejo proceso hemos decidido centrarnos en las relaciones entre sociedad civil, cultura popular y nacionalismo. En un primer momento, hacemos un recorrido por las investigaciones existentes sobre este tema para llevar a cabo una propuesta teórica que enriquece las perspectivas de estudio desde arriba y centradas en los aspectos políticos, con propuestas desde abajo e interesadas en los aspectos culturales del nacionalismo. En un segundo momento, estudiamos los casos del Quebec (Canadá) y Cataluña (España) a partir de documentación, fuentes primarias y secundarias y entrevistas en profundidad para ver las relaciones entre sociedad civil, cultura popular y nacionalismo. Finalmente, llevamos a cabo unas conclusiones que nos permiten comparar ambos casos y teorizar sobre el modo en que el neonacionalismo trabaja desde diversos factores de nacionalización
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Drew, Liesl. "'I'm from Barcelona': Boundaries and Transformations Between Catalan and Spanish Identities." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-325011.
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In the last decade or so, the multiple political factions in Catalonia have adopted pro-independence initiatives in their platforms following the 2008 financial crisis. Catalonia’s position as representing a minority culture in the face of the centralized administration of Madrid presents a contentious history of fighting for the right ‘to be’, culminating in what today is viewed by many as an identity crisis. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Barcelona, this thesis examines how informants construct and transform their socio-cultural identities in the framework of the independence movement in Catalonia. It places informants’ experiences in the theoretical realm of ethnic boundaries, analyzing central issues of Catalan language normalization vis à vis the historical imposition of Spanish as the national language. These themes are broadened in light of the recent upsurge of Catalan secession, and explores identity politics within the background of Spanish and Catalan nationalisms.En la última década, las múltiples facciones políticas de Cataluña han adoptado iniciativas de independencia en sus plataformas tras la crisis financiera de 2008. La posición de Cataluña como representante de una cultura minoritaria frente a la administración centralizada de Madrid presenta una historia contenciosa de lucha por el derecho 'a ser', culminando en lo que hoy muchos ven como una crisis de identidad. Basándose en el trabajo de campo llevado a cabo en Barcelona, esta tesis examina cómo los informantes construyen y transforman sus identidades socioculturales en el marco del movimiento de independencia en Cataluña. Coloca las experiencias de los informantes en el ámbito teórico de las fronteras étnicas, analizando cuestiones centrales de la normalización de la lengua catalana frente a la imposición histórica del español como lengua nacional. Estos temas se amplían a la luz del reciente recrudecimiento de la secesión catalana y exploran la política de identidad en el contexto de los nacionalismos españoles y catalanes.
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Pi, Vilà Anna. "Llengua i nacionalisme en el discurs mediatitzat català i espanyol produït arran de l'elaboració de l'Estatut de Catalunya del 2006." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/668140.
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The drawing up of the 2006 Statute of Catalonia introduced the obligation
of knowing Catalan, as the 1978 Spanish Constitution did for Spanish. This
dissertation starts from the hypothesis that nationalist representations,
produced within two conflicting domains of reference, were already present
in the intense media debate on language policy raised by the writing of
the Statute and that languages play a central role in the nationalist
component of the debates shaping public opinion in Spain. I have used
Critical Discourse Analysis to examine a corpus of 46 opinion articles
dealing with the language issue, written during the drawing up of the
Statute and published in four different newspapers, two from Madrid and
two from Barcelona. My analysis has allowed me to assess the weight of
nationalism in the debate and to define two domains of reference, Catalan
and Spanish, by identifying a series of principles that guide the
production of the conflicting discourses.La redacció de l’Estatut de Catalunya de 2006 introduïa l’obligació de conèixer la llengua catalana, tal com fa la Constitució espanyola de 1978 amb el castellà. Aquesta tesi parteix de la hipòtesi que l’intens debat sobre política lingüística generat als mitjans per la redacció de l’Estatut ja contenia representacions nacionalistes, dins de dos àmbits de referència confrontats, i que el paper de la llengua és central als debats de caràcter nacionalista que configuren l’opinió pública espanyola. Hem analitzat, des de l’Anàlisi Crítica del Discurs, un corpus de 46 articles d’opinió sobre la qüestió lingüística, escrits durant la redacció de l’Estatut i provinents de quatre diaris diferents —dos de Madrid i dos de Barcelona. L’anàlisi ha permès avaluar el pes del nacionalisme al debat estudiat i definir dos àmbits de referència, català i espanyol, a partir d’una sèrie de principis que regeixen la producció dels discursos enfrontats.
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Farinelli, Marcel A. 1978. "Un arxipèlag invisible: la relació impossible de Sardenya i Còrsega sota nacionalismes, segles XVIII-XX." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/129737.
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Còrsega i Sardenya, dues illes que disten només 12 km., formen un arxipèlag en el bell mig del Mediterrani occidental. No obstant, van estar dividides al llarg de gran part de la seva història, i actualment són una part perifèrica de dos diferents Estats: França i Itàlia. En ambdues illes han sigut presents, i encara ho són, moviments nacionalistes, tant illencs com continentals, una situació que ha generat una ulterior clivella. Aquesta tesi pretén analitzar, des d'una perspectiva comparada, els darrers tres segles d'història de Còrsega i Sardenya. El treball està dividit en dues parts, una primera dedicada a les dues illes, i una segona a un estudi de cas sobre un indret en particular d'aquest arxipèlag: l'Alguer.Corsica and Sardinia, two islands that are hardly separated by 12 km, forms an archipelago in the middle of the western basin of the Mediterranean sea. However, they were divided along much of its history, and now they are a peripheral part of two different States: France and Italy. In both of these islands have been presents, and still are, nationalist movements, as islanders and continentals, a situation that has generated a further gap. This thesis aims to analyze, from a comparative point of view, the last three centuries of history of Corsica and Sardinia. The work is divided into two parts, the first devoted to the two islands, and the second one is a case study about particular place in this archipelago: Alghero.
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Wilhelmsson, Josefine. "Nationalistiska partier : En komparativ uppsats av Scottish National Partys och Junts pel Sís partiprogram." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-49279.
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In this comparative study of the two regions, Catalonia and Scotland, the party manifestos of the nationalistic parties will be compared, through an ideological point of view. In 2014 media gave attention to the two referendums, that the countries held quite close to each other. Europe were waiting with tension on the first elections results. The Scottish people voted no to independence from the United Kingdom. The Catalan people still went to the polls with high anticipation for independence for Catalonia, eventhough Spain had called the referendum illegal due to being against the constitution. In order to make a comparison between, the Scottish National Party and the coalition party Junts pel Sí, an ideological analysis has been made. The aim with the study is to see similarities and differences between the two regions’ nationalistic movements and also to tell them apart from other nationalistic movements, by defining the ideological type. The results show that they are both quite nationalistic in their nature, meaning that they both would prefer independence. However, the Scottish National Party is less striving for independence and seek more to have greater influence in the parliament at Westminster. The Catalan nationalistic coalition party, on the other hand, strongly wants independence. They desire a liberal democracy with an open Catalan market to the world, by international partnerships, and memberships with important international organs like the EU. Eventhough much might speak for the nationalistic movements’ similarities, many interesting and diverse differences were found. These discoveries are important because all nationalistic movements aren’t the same and shouldn’t be seen as such.
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Bossacoma, Pau. "Justícia i legalitat de l'autodeterminació nacional i la secessió: una contribució al debat sobre la independència de Catalunya." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/145646.
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En aquest treball s’explora la justícia i la legalitat de l’autodeterminació nacional i la secessió. Explorar la justícia significa submergir-se en la moralitat del dret de secessió. Des d’una anàlisi de filosofia política, es defensa un dret moral primari a la secessió basat en l’autodeterminació nacional. Aquesta defensa es fa a partir d’un contracte multinacional hipotètic. En virtut de tal mètode contractual, es desenvolupen uns requisits secessionistes en forma de principis que es contrasten acuradament amb les diferents teories secessionistes i objeccions al dret moral a la secessió de les comunitats nacionals. Explorar la legalitat significa estudiar del dret internacional, el dret constitucional i el dret europeu sobre l’autodeterminació i la secessió. Malgrat el treball demostra sovint les dissonàncies entre la proposta filosòfica i el dret positiu vigent, es mostren indicis de consonància, es plantegen interpretacions conformes i es proposen reformes de la legalitat per tal d’apropar-se al dret moral primari a la secessió basat en l’autodeterminació nacional.En este trabajo se explora la justicia y la legalidad de la autodeterminación nacional y la secesión. Explorar la justicia significa sumergirse en la moralidad del derecho de secesión. Desde un análisis de filosofía política, se defiende un derecho moral primario a la secesión basado en la autodeterminación nacional. Esta defensa se realiza a partir de un contrato multinacional hipotético. En virtud de tal método contractual, se desarrollan unos requisitos secesionistas en forma de principios que se contrastan cuidadosamente con las diferentes teorías secesionistas y objeciones al derecho moral a la secesión de las comunidades nacionales. Explorar la legalidad significa estudiar el derecho internacional, el derecho constitucional y el derecho europeo sobre la autodeterminación y la secesión. Aunque el trabajo demuestra a menudo las disonancias entre la propuesta filosófica y el derecho positivo vigente, se muestran indicios de consonancia, se plantean interpretaciones conformes y se proponen reformas de la legalidad para acercarse al derecho moral primario a la secesión basado en la autodeterminación nacional.
This work explores the justice and legality of national self-determination and secession. The exploration of justice involves making a close examination of the moral right to secede. In making an analysis of the political philosophy, it advocates for a primary moral right to secede based on national self-determination. This defence is based on a hypothetical multinational contract. Under such a contractual method, secessionist conditions are developed in the form of principles that are carefully contrasted with the different theories of secession and objections to the moral right to secede of national communities. The exploration of legality involves studying international law, constitutional law and European law on self-determination and secession. Although the work demonstrates the dissonance between the philosophical approach and the positive law in force, some signs of consistency are observed, harmonizing interpretations are presented, and legal reforms are proposed to move towards the primary moral right to secede based on national self-determination.
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Franco-Guillén, Núria. "Minority nations, political parties and immigration." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/326738.
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The thesis is a compilation of three articles that explore the relationship between immigration and minority nations. It focuses on Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties (SNRP) through the lens of the centre periphery cleavage. Overall, the articles make contributions towards the research question how do the main dimensions of the centre-periphery cleavage (identity, territory and economy) reflect on the SNRPs’ discourses on immigration? Each article explores one of the dimensions of the centre periphery cleavage. They analyse how identity, territorial distribution of powers and the economic context appear in the SNRPs’ official discourse on immigration. Paired comparisons of different SNRPs in different contexts (Catalonia, Quebec and Scotland) are carried out using qualitative content analysis of manifestos, parliamentary debates and other party documents. The thesis provides, among other contributions, a deeper understanding of SNRPs discourses on immigration and how centre-periphery relations interfere in its construction.La present tesi és una compilació de tres articles de recerca que exploren la relació entre la immigració i les nacions minoritàries, tot centrant-se en els Partits Nacionalistes sense Estat i Regionalistes (SNRP) des de la perspectiva del cleavage centre-perifèria. Orientats per la pregunta de recerca com apareixen reflectides les principals dimensions del cleavage centre perifèria en el discurs dels SNRP sobre immigració?, cadascun enfronta una de les dimensions amb l’objectiu de copsar com la identitat, la distribució territorial del poder, i el context econòmic apareixen en el discurs oficial dels SNRP. S’ha dut a terme comparacions aparellades de diferents SNRP de diversos contexts (Catalunya, Escòcia i Quebec) a través de l’anàlisi qualitativa del contingut de programes electorals, debats parlamentaris i altres documents. La tesi ofereix un major coneixement dels discursos dels SNRP en immigració i com les relacions centre-perifèria interfeixen en llurs construccions.
La presente tesis es una compilación de tres artículos de investigación que exploran la relación entre la inmigración y las naciones minoritarias, centrándose en los Partidos Nacionalistas sin Estado y Regionalistas (SNRP) desde la perspectiva del cleavage centro-periferia. Orientados por la pregunta de investigación cómo aparecen reflejadas las principales dimensiones del cleavage centro periferia en el discurso de los SNRP sobre inmigración?, cada uno enfrenta una de las dimensiones con el objetivo de ver cómo la identidad, la distribución territorial del poder, y el contexto económico aparecen en el discurso oficial de los SNRP. Para ello se han llevado a cabo comparaciones aparejadas de distintos SNRP procedentes de contextos diferentes (Cataluña, Escocia y Quebec) a través del análisis cualitativo del contenido de programas electorales, debates parlamentarios y otros documentos. La tesis ofrece un mayor conocimiento de los discursos de los SNRP en inmigración y cómo las relaciones centro-periferia interfieren en sus construcciones.
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Porta, i. Capdevila Frederic Josep. "Josep Maria Batista i Roca (1895-1978): Biografia del primer intel·lectual independentista." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671156.
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La present tesi doctoral es planteja d’estudiar la vida de l’intel·lectual independentista català Josep Maria Batista i Roca, tant en la seva activitat pública, com en la seva vida privada. Del seu naixement el 1895 fins la seva mort el 1978, resseguim la seva trajectòria i la seva relació amb el catalanisme i la història de Catalunya del segle XX.The present doctoral dissertation aims to study the life of the pro-independence catalan intellectual Josep Maria Batista i Roca, both in his public activity and in his private life. From its birth in 1895 until its death in 1978, we trace his career and his relationship with Catalan nationalism and the history of Catalonia in the 20th century.
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Prémonville, de Maisonthou Antoine-Louis de. "Chronopathie. La crise mémorielle et ses lois dans l'Espagne contemporaine de 1931 à nos jours." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30032.
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Depuis plus d’une dizaine d’année, l’on assiste à une résurgence de la mémoire historique en Espagne. Qu’il s’agisse des contemporains ou de leurs héritiers, la mémoire des vaincus de la Guerre Civile, autrefois passée sous silence, est devenue incontournable aussi bien sur le plan historiographique que culturel et même politique (loi dite de « mémoire historique »). Les nombreux succès éditoriaux et cinématographiques relatifs à cette période douloureuse ont contribué à la diffusion d’épisodes méconnus et à la réappropriation d’un passé qui n’avait pas toujours été transmis aux générations successives. Toutefois, l’activisme des uns ne fait pas l’unanimité. Entre ceux qui ne souhaitent pas rouvrir les blessures du passé au nom d’une concorde nationale difficilement obtenue, et ceux qui se sentent mis en accusation par un « triomphe des vaincus » qui tend à ne présenter le conflit civil que sous l’angle de la lutte des « bons » contre les « méchants », l’on a pu observer une crispation partisane des débats au détriment de la science historique. La question mémorielle a atteint de telles proportions que certains commentateurs se sont demandés si la Guerre Civile était ou non terminée. Quoique l’évolution de l’historiographie soit indéniable depuis 1931, elle ne saurait s’expliquer entièrement par la lutte partisane des héritiers des deux camps. En effet, il nous faut nous intéresser également à des causes plus profondes qui en sont à l’origine. Si le cas espagnol s’inscrit dans un contexte européen d’irruption de la mémoire dans l’histoire, il s’explique aussi par des raisons propres qui touchent bien d’autres domainesOver the past decade, the question of Spanish historical memory has been debated a lot. Whereas the memory of the Spanish Civil War’s defeated had been kept silenced for years, nowadays, the story of direct witnesses – often told by themselves or their heirs – has become inevitable from a historical, cultural and political point of view (see the “historical memory” Act). Many best-selling books and box-office hit films dealing with this painful historical period have contributed to generalise some neglected events which had not always been properly transmitted to the younger generations. However, the memorial activism of various individuals is not unanimously accepted. Indeed, some people consider that such a revival of a painful past might pose a threat to a national harmony which was not easy to obtain. Others, belonging to the national fraction, feel directly accused by the late “triumph” of yesterday’s defeated. The frequent parallel drawn between the Civil War and a would-be fight of the “goods” against the “evils”, has fuelled a partisan debate at the expense of historical truth. The debate on historical memory has become so serious that some analysts do wonder if the Civil War is over or not. The evolution of historiography since 1931 is real, but it should not be explained exclusively by the biased opposition of the heirs of both camps. In fact, we have to take into account deeper reasons at the roots of the problem. The Spanish case cannot be dissociated from a European context, even if it has to be explained by its own particular reasons which affect many other knowledge domains
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TSAI, PEI-JU, and 蔡珮如. "The Development and Limits of Catalonia Nationalism in Spain." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/01031175247584702996.
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碩士國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
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Nationalism is one of the hardest concepts to define in the political science. Although building a national state is often to be considered as the nationalists’ ultimate goal, most of the countries are composed by multiple nations. And Spain is no exception. What stands out of Spanish nationalism is its plurality since 19 century; meanwhile, the regional identities have been existed almost as long as the Spanish national identity. Compared to Basque region, Catalonia used to have relatively modest approach and only inclined to request more autonomy from the central state. However, that seemed to have a remarkable change since an advisory referendum was hold in 2014. It takes a long-period of time to build the identity of all nations, and every theory has different method to explain how national identity was constructed. This article reviewed the building processes of national identities of Spain and Catalonia, and used the approach of ethnic nationalism and civic nationalism to see how they enforced the identities of each own and what changed in Catalonia. This article also tried to explore the impacts in Catalonia facing current situation and the possible limits if Catalonia decides to go for independence in the future.
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DIGIACOMO, SUSAN M. "THE POLITICS OF IDENTITY: NATIONALISM IN CATALONIA (SYMBOLISM, LANGUAGE, SPAIN, IDEOLOGY)." 1985. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI8517098.
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The most salient--and the most politically troublesome--aspect of contemporary Catalan society is its division into two main groups: the largely Catalan middle class and the largely non-Catalan, Castilian-speaking working class, which defines itself as "Spanish" and is defined by ethnic Catalans as "immigrant." Class conflict in Catalonia is not new, nor is the failure of the workers' movement of Catalonia and political Catalanism to identify with each other; but these strains are exacerbated by the fact that the cleavage lines of class, language, and culture have become coterminous since the early 1950s, when "immigrants" began to arrive in large numbers. Since the 1977 elections to the Spanish Parliament, which marked Spain's transition from dictatorship to democracy, any political party that hopes to command a significant following in Catalonia has been obliged to address this problem. Catalan nationalism is approached as a cultural system; that is, as a way of constructing and commenting upon social and cultural reality. In the context of the political events of 1979 and 1980, it emerges as a process of redefining and reinterpreting collective identity. As Catalonia's indigenous political institutions were restored through the approval of the Statute of Autonomy by referendum and elections to the Catalan Parliament, the question "Who is Catalan?" became central to the Catalan political process. The answers--especially the ones respecting the relationship between language and identity--offered by the representatives of Catalonia's political parties had a good deal to do with their political fortunes. Special attention is paid to the spectacular rise of the Catalan socialists in the 1977 elections to the Spanish Cortes, and their equally dramatic failure to gain control of the Catalan Parliament three years later. The imprecise nature of the relationship between the social order and its cultural representations, and the indeterminacy inherent in ideological systems makes it possible for interested parties--in this case, political parties--to attempt to shape a reality better suited to their immediate purposes. This theoretical framework provides a basis for understanding the dynamics of nationalist movements in particular and symbolic systems in general.
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Gunn, Alexander. "Diversity and the minority nation: a case study of Catalonia’s “National Agreement on Immigration”." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/7505.
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This dissertation explores the relationship between immigration, diversity and minority nationalism. Through a study of Catalonia and its relationship with the Spanish state, the dissertation assesses how immigration and the growing social diversity that accompanies it, can challenge, undermine, or reinforce the political claims and objectives of minority nationalists, in particular, their goal of promoting a distinct and self-determining national community. It focuses on an effort by Catalan political and civil society leaders to construct a “national consensus” on immigration, the 2008 National Agreement on Immigration, which provided a 20-year plan for adapting Catalan government services and Catalan society to the pressures and demands of its increasingly diverse population, while at the same time providing mechanisms for the integration of newcomers into the Catalan language and national community. The analysis centres on the text of the National Agreement on Immigration as well as recent Catalan immigration plans and policy documents, in addition to the broader debate surrounding the National Agreement among Catalonia’s major political parties. The dissertation reveals that the National Agreement on Immigration represented both a significant re-framing of Catalan national identity and an attempt to expand the power and autonomy of the Catalan government by the various signatories to the accord. It concludes that the National Agreement represented an important component of a pivotal era in Catalan politics, one that has the potential to radically redefine the region’s relationship with both Spain and Europe, and in which questions surrounding immigration and diversity are increasingly intersecting with broader debates surrounding economic instability and the prospect of Catalan independence.Graduate
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Guntermann, Eric. "Parties and Nationalism : Assessing the Influence of Parties on Support for Regional Nationalism in Spain." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/18517.
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In this dissertation, I consider whether parties influence support for regional nationalism in four regions of Spain: the Basque Country, Catalonia, the Valencian Community, and Galicia. I argue that the fundamental way parties influence citizens' opinions is by offering party cues. Citizens adapt their opinions to party cues even in the absence of persuasive arguments or other information. The current literature suggests that such influence takes place via partisan motivated reasoning.
However, it is not clear whether parties influence people in the context of nationalism, since party influence seems to involve adjusting preferences to people's partisan identities, while nationalism involves a competing identity, with a collectivity people may consider a nation. There is also substantial ambiguity about whether citizens are influenced by parties they like, by parties they dislike or whether they are influenced by both at the same time. I propose that exposing citizens to the positions of parties citizens dislike is key to party influence.
I then analyze both observational and experimental data to determine whether citizens of the four Spanish regions where nationalism is present adapt their nationalist preferences to the positions expressed by parties. In chapter 4, I focus on the measurement of party positions using automated text analysis of legislative speeches. In chapter 5, I consider whether people who like a party move in the same direction as that party when it changes its nationalist positions and whether those who feel distant from a party move in the opposite direction when it shifts its positions. We will see that the results suggest that nationalist parties influence their partisans in the Basque Country and Catalonia. Statewide parties seem to play a stronger role in Galicia and the Valencian Community.
In chapter 6, using experimental data, I show that, people who did not already know the position of their most liked party, when exposed to that position as well as to the position of a party they dislike, adapt their opinions to make them more consistent with the position of their most liked party. The positions of parties citizens like are not enough to induce them to change their opinions.
I conclude that parties influence the opinions of citizens on nationalism. However, this influence depends on the presence of the positions of parties citizens do not like. Parties cannot simply influence their own partisans by adopting the positions they would like them to adopt.Dans cette thèse, je cherche à déterminer si les partis politiques influencent l'appui au nationalisme régional dans quatre régions espagnoles: le Pays basque, la Catalogne, la Communauté valencienne et la Galice. Je souligne d'abord l'importance de l'influence de l'information concernant les positions des partis sur les opinions des citoyens. Les partis influencent les opinions des citoyens même sans qu'ils présentent des arguments persuasifs ou d'autre informations. La littérature suggère actuellement que cette influence passe par le biais du raisonnement motivé partisan. Cependant, il n'est pas clair si les partis influencent les opinions dans le contexte du nationalisme, parce que l'influence des partis semble impliquer l'ajustement des préférences aux identités partisanes, alors que le nationalisme implique une identité concurrente, avec une collectivité que les citoyens peuvent considérer une nation. Il y a aussi une ambiguïté substantielle par rapport au parti (ou aux partis) qui influence les citoyens. Il n'est pas clair si les partis que les citoyens aiment influencent leurs opinions, si ce sont les partis qu'ils n'aiment pas qui les influencent ou si ce sont les deux en même temps. Je propose que l'exposition aux positions des partis que les citoyens n'aiment pas est nécessaire pour que les partis influencent leurs opinions. Ensuite, J'analyse des données observationnelles et expérimentales pour déterminer si des citoyens de quatre régions espagnoles où le nationalisme est présent adaptent leurs préférences nationalistes aux positions exprimées par les partis. Dans le chapitre 4, je me concentre sur la mesure des positions des partis à l'aide de l'analyse automatisée des discours législatifs. Dans le chapitre 5, je considère si, quand un parti change sa position, ses partisans changent leurs opinions dans le même sens et si les citoyens qui n'aiment pas ce parti changent leurs opinions dans le sens contraire. Nous verrons que les résultats suggèrent que les partis nationalistes influencent leurs partisans au Pays Basque et en Catalogne. En Galice et dans la Communauté valencienne, les partis nationaux semblent jouer un rôle plus important. Dans le chapitre 6, à l'aide de données expérimentales, je démontre que, quand les citoyens sont exposés à la position du parti qu'ils aiment le plus et à celle d'un parti qu'ils n'aiment pas, ils adaptent leurs opinions pour les rendre cohérentes avec celle du parti qu'ils aiment le plus. Les partis que les citoyens aiment n'influencent pas elles seules les préférences des citoyens. Je conclus que les partis influencent les opinions des citoyens au sujet du nationalisme. Cependant, cette influence dépend de la présence des positions des partis que les citoyens n'aiment pas. Les partis ne peuvent donc pas tout simplement influencer leurs propres partisans en exprimant les positions qu'ils veulent qu'ils adoptent.
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Gunn, Alexander. "Sub-constitutional dialogues of national recognition: a comparative study of Quebec-Canada and Catalonia-Spain." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/3026.
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This thesis provides a comparative analysis of two recent sub-constitutional acts of recognition extended by the Canadian and Spanish governments towards Quebec and Catalonia, respectively. Specifically, the thesis examines a 2006 resolution by the Canadian House of Commons recognizing “that the Québécois form a nation within a united Canada” and the 2006 Catalan Statute of Autonomy, an act that contained similarly ambiguous language regarding nationhood and wider state unity. Both acts are conceptualized as the by-products of an ongoing tension that characterize the Quebec-Canada and Catalonia-Spain relationships, between a rigid and monistic interpretation of the Canadian and Spanish states that operates at the constitutional level, and a more open and multinational interpretation that operates at the sub-constitutional level. The thesis concludes that both the Canadian and Spanish states could benefit from reconceptualising national recognition struggles as an ongoing and necessary feature of free and democratic multinational societies.
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Lepič, Martin. "Geografické a socioekonomické aspekty separatismu ve Španělsku - případová studie Katalánsko a Baskicko." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-309350.
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The subject of research of this presented diploma thesis is the evaluation of the factors that influence the genesis of nationalist aspirations and separatist tendencies on two scale levels: the level of Spanish Autonomous Communities, and between comarcas in the Basque Country and Catalonia. Emphasis is placed primarily on the differentiation between the influence of economic aspirations and ethno-national identity. On the theoretical level, the thesis discusses approaches to nationalism, its typology, resources and activation, as well as the development of social organization and the asymmetrical division of powers in Spain. For the purposes of analysis, two indicators of intensity of expressed nationalism are used - constitutional preference and voting behavior - and then each are tested in relation to socio-economic characteristics, ethno-cultural manifestations, or relevant demographic characteristics. The thesis also evaluates the system of set fiscal redistribution between regions and central government.
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Castro, Ana Isabel Duarte Mendes de. "A Catalunha e o processo independentista: como ocorreu a cobertura jornalística do referendo ocorrido a 1 de outubro de 2017 pelo Público e El País." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/82030.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Jornalismo e Comunicação apresentada à Faculdade de LetrasAo longo dos séculos os movimentos separatistas têm-se afirmado por toda Europa, devido ao facto de esta ser uma região muito diversa culturalmente, onde existem várias línguas e culturas. A Catalunha é uma destas regiões, que desde o seu nascimento se viu envolvida em disputas pela sua autodeterminação e separação de Espanha. Existem, no entanto, processos legais que impedem que esta independência seja consumada, pois a realização de um referendo é algo ilegal em território catalão, assim como qualquer promoção desta votação. É no entanto dever do Jornalismo dar voz a quem pelas vias Políticas e legais não a tem, investigando e revelando aquilo que mais as preocupa, e injustiça e realizando um enquadramento, para que a sociedade perceba o que está a acontecer, e se dê conta se é moral ou imoral. Esta dissertação tem como principal objetivo elaborar um estudo comparativo entre dois jornais, um português o Público, e outro espanhol o El País, no que respeita às reportagens que saíram uma semana antes, e uma semana depois do dia 1 de outubro de 2017 (dia do referendo de autodeterminação catalão). Esta comparação irá permitir que se descubra quais os atores sociais que ambos os jornais dão mais relevância, assim como os temas que vão ser mais abordados ou até o tipo de entoação utilizada.É também intenção deste trabalho entender os aspetos menos positivos que assolam o Jornalismo de hoje, e as alterações que necessitam de ser efetuadas, para que esta profissão se afirme de novo como guardiã da sociedade, e difusora de valores como a verdade a coerência e o rigor. Só assim um estado direito está assegurado completamente, e os restantes poderes vêm o seu trabalho vigiado e escrutinado, para assim caírem na tentação de se corromper e viciar.
Over the centuries separatist movements have been asserting themselves throughout Europe, due to the fact that this is a very culturally diverse region where there are many languages and cultures. Catalonia is one of these regions, which since its birth has been involved in disputes for its self-determination and separation from Spain. There are, however, legal processes that prevent this independence from being consummated, as the holding of a referendum is illegal in Catalan territory, as well as any promotion of this vote.It is, however, a duty of journalism to give voice to those who, through political and legal channels, do not have it, investigating and revealing what concerns them most, and injustice and framing, so that society perceives what is happening, and realizes whether it is moral or immoral.This dissertation has as main objective to elaborate a comparative study between two newspapers, one Portuguese the Public, and another Spanish the Country, with respect to the reports that left a week before, and a week after the 1 of October of 2017 (day of the Catalan self-determination referendum). This comparison will allow to discover which social actors both newspapers give more relevance, as well as the topics that will be more approached or even the type of intonation used.It is also the intention of this work to understand the less positive aspects that afflict today's journalism, and the changes that need to be made, so that this profession asserts itself once again as guardian of society, and diffuser of values such as truth, coherence and rigor Only then is a right state fully secured, and the remaining powers come to their watchful and scrutinized work, to thereby fall into the temptation to corrupt and vitiate.
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Almeida, Pedro Miguel da Silva. "“Um modelo federal funcional como proposta para a acomodação nacionalista Catalã em Espanha”." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/72088.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de mestrado em Ciência PolíticaDesde 2006, a relação entre o governo regional da Catalunha e o governo central da Espanha tem sido bastante instável, com muitos altos e baixos. A partir de 2010, esta relação deteriorou-se a ponto de o Governo da Catalunha exigir a independência da Catalunha no referendo de 1º de outubro de 2017. Dado o impasse político na Espanha, o objetivo desta tese é reconsiderar a organização política do Estado espanhol como uma alternativa possível à acomodação nacionalista catalã. Após uma breve contextualização do problema e uma explicação rigorosa do modelo de organização política vigente na Espanha, esta tese irá, em primeiro lugar, identificar as disfuncionalidades do modelo atual e, em segundo lugar, oferecer uma proposta alternativa de organização política que poderá apaziguar o conflito político atual. Ao cruzar o contributo do federalismo com a noção de autonomia funcional, esta tese sugere que a acomodação nacionalista Catalã na sua dimensão ‘funcional’ será possível mediante a consagração de um Estado federal de tipo ‘funcional’ baseado em dois princípios normativos, nomeadamente: a coordenação intergovernamental e a clarificação de competências. Ao escolher estes dois princípios como princípios estruturantes, este modelo procura viabilizar a acomodação nacionalista catalã na sua dimensão funcional, salvaguardando assim a integridade territorial do Estado espanhol. De maneira geral, com base no princípio federalista da soberania compartilhada, esta tese visa, em primeiro lugar, melhorar a coordenação das relações intergovernamentais (coordenação intergovernamental) e, em segundo lugar, delimitar as esferas da autonomia regional e nacional, reforçando a esfera da autonomia regional (clarificação de competências). Em suma, esta solução federal de tipo funcional permitiria satisfazer os interesses da grande maioria da população catalã, tanto quanto contribuiria para conciliar posições partidárias extremas.
Since 2006, the relationship between the regional government of Catalonia and the central government of Spain has been quite unstable, with many ups and downs. As of 2010, this relationship deteriorated to the point that the Government of Catalonia demanded the independence of Catalonia in the referendum of October 1, 2017. Given the political stalemate in Spain, the objective of this dissertation is to reconsider the political organization of the Spanish State as a possible alternative to Catalan nationalist accommodation. After a brief contextualization of the problem and a rigorous explanation of the current model of political organization in Spain, this thesis will, firstly, identify the dysfunctionalities of the current model and, secondly, offer an alternative proposal for political organization that can remedy the conflict. Thus, drawing on federalism and on the notion of ‘functional autonomy’, this thesis suggests the transition from a decentralized - or regionalized - unitary Spanish State to a functional federal Spanish State based on two normative principles, namely: intergovernmental coordination and clarification of competences. By choosing these two principles as structuring principles, this model seeks to make Catalan nationalist accommodation possible in its functional dimension, thus safeguarding the territorial integrity of the Spanish State. In general, based on the federalist principle of shared sovereignty, this thesis aims, in the first place, to improve the coordination of intergovernmental relations (intergovernmental coordination) and second, to delimit the spheres of regional and national autonomy, reinforcing the sphere of regional autonomy (clarification of competences). In short, this federal solution would make it possible to satisfy the interests of the vast majority of the Catalan population, as much as it would help to reconcile extreme party positions.
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Balík, Jiří. "Olympijské hry v Barceloně 1992 jako faktor změn v katalánském nacionalistickém diskurzu politických stran." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-267681.
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Interrelation between sports and politics in the specific case of the Olympic Games in Barcelona in 1992 offers a wide range of opportunities to strengthen nationalist tendencies of the Catalan society. This thesis examines how the organization of this event affected the development of Catalan nationalistic discourse of political parties. These changes are analysed on two levels. The first level is the evolution over time - the thesis compares the periods before and after the Olympics and looks at trends across each period. The second level is the development in the level of debate - the thesis looks at the category of political parties, at the category of Catalan politics and at the category of the Spanish nationwide politics, while it analyses the moves of the topics and trends across the levels. Thus, the thesis examines trends of the political discourse in the electoral programs, in speeches at annual meetings at the level of the Catalan parliament and in speeches at annual meetings at the level of national Spanish Parliament. The basic parameters of the research work are themes of language policy, cultural policy, the issue of state structure juristic reform, linguistic forms of the discourses and relation to the Olympic Games. The main basis of this work is the contribution of sporting events...
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Risingerová, Karolina. "Vliv ekonomické krize na katalánský nacionalismus." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-339120.
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The thesis is focused on the Catalan nationalism as the nationalism of the nation without state and its changes during the economic crisis. The objective is to analyse potential impact of the economic crisis to the Catalan nationalism and its changes after 2008, firstly at the level of public opinion, secondly and mainly at the political level in the frame of the analysis of the Catalan political parties in the Catalan parliament after the elections in 2006, 2010 and 2012. The parties are divided according their demands to the central government using the Dandoy's typology. The intensification of the demands for the independence in the Catalan society and its correlation with the worsening economic indicators, as the unemployment, Catalan debt or the changes of GDP, is analysed by the linear regression analysis in the first part of the study. The connection between nationalist questions and the economic crisis is analysed in the second part of the thesis. Three tools of the election campaign in 2006, 2010 and 2012 are used for this analysis - the electoral programmes, the electoral debates and interviews in television and the electoral spots. The conclusion of the thesis is whether the nationalist demands in the Catalan society and of the Catalan political parties increased and if so, whether it is...
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Baranyaiová, Gabriela. "Stranický systém Katalánska." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-398302.
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The Parliament of Catalonia was restored in 1980 within the transition to democracy in Spain. From the beginning the coalition of Convergència i Unió was dominated in party system. This coalition was consisted by two parties and had absolute parliamentarian majority between years 1984 and 1995. Its dominance was disrupted by Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya in elections in 1999 and also in 2003. Until then, there was a bipolar system where CiU won elections to the Parliament of Catalonia and PSC-PSOE elections to Congreso de Diputados in this autonomous region. CiU won every Catalan parliamentary elections till 2012. After the collapse of CiU in 2015, one of its parties, Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya, started to cooperate with Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya primarily because of Catalonia's independence. The number of relevant parties started to increase in 2015. The aim of the thesis is to answer following questions: what party system according to Sartori's theory occurred/occurs in the Parliament of Catalonia and whether there was a change of party system or not. If yes, then which circumstances affected this change. Furthermore, the results of the elections to the Parliament of Catalonia and to Congreso de Diputados in Catalonia are compared. This comparison seeks to answer the question of...