To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Catalonian nationalism.
Journal articles on the topic 'Catalonian nationalism'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Catalonian nationalism.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Kubiaczyk, Filip. "Historia, pamięć i nacjonalizm po katalońsku." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 12 (December 15, 2015): 211–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.12.11.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyses relationships between history and memory in the context of Catalonian nationalism. Its essential aim is to demonstrate how one makes (i.e. uses and abuses) memory in Catalonia. The author seeks to show that Catalonian nationalism means manipulation of history, falsification of sources and distorted interpretations rather than a discourse about the actual history of Catalonia.
2
Grad Fuchsel, Hector, and Luisa Martín Rojo. "“Civic” and “ethnic” nationalist discourses in Spanish parliamentary debates." Journal of Language and Politics 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2002): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.2.1.04gra.
Full textAbstract:
Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of their Institutional Status (“established” vs. “rising” nationalism), and in terms of the Basic Assumptions (“civic” vs. “ethnic” aspects in the social representation of the nation — Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of “established” (Spanish) or “rising” (Basque and Catalonian) Institutional Status as well as of “civic” (in Catalonia) or “ethnic” (Spanish and the Basque) Basic Assumptions (Grad, 1999). The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, the Institutional Status and the Basic Assumptions not only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct “discursive formations” — reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) — between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an “enunciative system” including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional — Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia — that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the “us” in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the “tacit contract” of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regional-nationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.
3
Vernikov, Vladimir. "Catalonian Nationalism as a Fact of Spanish History." Contemporary Europe 97, no. 4 (August 1, 2020): 176–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope42020176183.
Full text
4
Merino, Javier Antón. "The rise of independence feelings in Catalonia and Scotland. A longitudinal study on the profile of independence in the beginning of the 21st century." Review of Nationalities 10, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2020-0005.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The following article aims to make headway on the knowledge related to the elements that explain the steep increase of secessionist nationalism during the 21 st century in the peripheral territories of plurinational Western long-established democracies, such as the ones existing in the United Kingdom and Spain. In order to do so, we will be focusing on the quick change observed in the preferences as to the state territorial organization in Catalonia and Scotland. Through the usage of the logistic regression technique, a longitudinal analysis will be carried out to analyze the principal characteristics of the Catalonian and Scottish independence profile throughout the period comprehended between 1999 and 2016.
5
Shanin, Teodor. "Ethnicity in the Soviet Union: Analytical Perceptions and Political Strategies." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 3 (July 1989): 409–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015978.
Full textAbstract:
Social facts and policies can be understood only in light of our own perceptions. This holds true with a vengeance where ethnicity, nationhood, or nationalism are concerned. All through the twentieth century this syndromecum-terminological chain has played an extensive, puzzling and usually unpredicted part in structuring social life and political action. New ethnic identities (for example, Tanzania'ism or Indonesian'ism) with their related designations and loyalties have cometo the fore with a speed that reveals the transitional and relational nature of ethnic phenomena. The same holds true for the ups and downs of acute nationalism. On the other hand, many throughout the world would agree with the great Catalonian historian, Pierre Vilar, whose internationalist values are not in doubt, that “in the relationship between my own life and history, nationals problems seem to overwhelm all others.” However one may conceptualize ethnicity and nationalism, their political impact has provided a major and continuous dimension of social action.
6
Ruipérez Alamillo, Javier. "La nueva reivindicación de la secesión de Cataluña en el contexto normativo de la Constitución española de 1978 y el Tratado de Lisboa = The last demand of secession in Catalonia under Spanish Constitution 1978 and Lisbon Treaty." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 31 (January 1, 2013): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.31.2013.10304.
Full textAbstract:
El presente escrito aborda el problema político y jurídico que representan para el Estado las propuestas independentistas del nacionalismo catalán. Nuestra tesis es, partiendo de la compatibilidad absoluta del Derecho Internacional y del Derecho Constitucional, que la respuesta a si una entidad territorial puede decidir unilateralmente independizarse del Estado es, en un Estado Constitucional democrático, necesariamente negativa. En concreto, mantenemos que cuando no es posible apelar al Derecho Internacional Humanitario, el problema de la secesión es un problema puramente interno de un Estado que, por lo tanto, no es en el Derecho de la Unión Europea, sino en el Derecho Constitucional español, y la Teoría democrática del Pouvoir Constituant, donde habrá de buscarse la solución al problema que plantea el nacionalismo catalán.The present document studies the political and juridical problem that the independence proposals of the catalonian nationalism represents for the Spanish State. Our thesis, beginning with de absolute compatibility between International Law and Constitutional Law, is that the answer to the question if a territorial entity can decide by itself to become independent, in a democratic Constitutional State, is necessarily negative. To sum up, we maintain that when it is not possible to appeal to the Humanitarian International Law, the seccesion is a merely internal problem of a State and, so that, it is not in the European Union Law, but in the Spanish Constitutional Law, and the democratic Theory of the Pouvoir Constituant, where you must look for a solution to the problem set up by the catalonian nationalism.
7
Carvalho, Catarina L., Isabel R. Pinto, and José M. Marques. "The nationalist movements in Spain, today: a Catalonian and Basque comparison." Revista de Psicología 39, no. 2 (July 21, 2021): 687–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/psico.202102.007.
Full textAbstract:
Pro-independence movements in the Basque Country and in Catalonia have old historical roots. Whereas in Catalonia the pro-independence social mobilization has recently gained energy, in the Basque Country it seems less prominent nowadays. We explore the psychosocial predictors associated with individuals’ involvement in collective efforts towards independence in both these contexts. We distributed an online questionnaire among Basque (n=132) and Catalonian (n=152) independence supporters. Among the Basque independence supporters, pro-independence collective action tendencies were negatively predicted by perceived social status and identification with Spain, and positively predicted by patriotism and collective efficacy. Among the pro-independence Catalonians, only identification with Catalonia and collective efficacy beliefs predicted pro-independence collective action tendencies. These results are discussed considering historical, political, and socioeconomic factors.
8
Lluch, Jaime. "Internal variation in sub-state national movements and the moral polity of the nationalist." European Political Science Review 4, no. 3 (December 5, 2011): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000269.
Full textAbstract:
Variation in secessionism among sub-state nationalists is part of one of the great puzzles of ethnic politics. Sub-state national movements tend to bifurcate and, at times, trifurcate, into two or three basic nationalist orientations: independentist nationalism, autonomist nationalism (and its sub-variants), and federalist nationalism (and its sub-variants). There is a dearth of systematic comparative research into the sources and patterns of internal variation in the political orientations of sub-state national movements. This article investigates why some sub-state nationalists opt for a secessionist orientation while other nationalists within the same national movement opt for a variety of non-secessionist orientations. I use evidence gathered in Quebec and Catalonia, consisting of 42 interviews among the top leadership of the eight national parties of these societies, 15 focus group interviews with party militants, and 370 questionnaires answered by militants, etc. The national consciousness and materialist approaches fail to elucidate these issues. Instead, sub-state nationalists have expectations about what is fair treatment by the central state, and notions about what obligations emerge due to common membership in a plurinational state. Independentists and strong decentralizers (strong autonomists and radical asymmetric federalists) opt for their chosen orientations because they perceive that central state institutions are unable to promote an ethos of plurinational reciprocity and are aggrieved by state nationalism, while less-decentralizing nationalists (weak autonomists and traditional federalists) assert that the central state is capable of accommodation and reciprocity and have no grievances about state nationalism.
9
Graíño Ferrer, Guillermo, and Adriaan Ph V. Kühn. "Democracy, free association and boundary delimitation: The cases of Catalonia and Tabarnia." Journal of International Political Theory 16, no. 3 (May 9, 2019): 323–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088219848460.
Full textAbstract:
This article aims to illustrate the confusion within today’s secessionist movements regarding the liberal and the nationalist arguments for legitimising secession. To do so, the liberal theory of secession – understood as an approach primarily based on consent – is examined, its limitations highlighted and its contradictions with nationalism stated. We then use the case of the fictional Tabarnia region to show how problematic the use of liberal arguments by secessionist nationalism is. Although until now only a virtual region, Tabarnia exemplifies how nationalist arguments reappear in the defence of Catalan independence when its supporters claim to only propose arguments of free association.
10
Mamaev, Kirill A. "Catalan Nationalism: Past and Present." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (June 28, 2017): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-2-15-22.
Full textAbstract:
The article dissects the problem of Catalan Nationalism. The author analyzes the historical development of Catalan nationalist movement. The article examines the relations between Spain and Catalonia up to the present time and makes attempts to propose the resolution of this problem.
11
Volkova, G. I. "About One Memorable Date in the History of Spain." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-92-100.
Full textAbstract:
In 1714 the Catalans, being in the camp of the losers in the War of the Spanish Succession, finally lost any hope to gain independence. 300 years later, nationalists, who are in power now in Catalonia, want to take advantage of that memorable date by organizing a regional referendum in order to choose their own path of development. In the aggravating conflict of interests between Madrid and Barcelona both parties use not only political and propaganda measures, but also financial leverages of influence. The ethnonational issue in the multiethnic Spain is far from being solved, because for centuries the process of forming a unified Spanish state was characterized by political union of several genetically related (except Basque) ethnic communities, although with significant socio-cultural and linguistic differences among them. It is not coincidental that regional identity in Spain is still extremely strong, while the interethnic consolidation of the Spanish nation can be characterized as incomplete, which can be seen, particularly, in the intensification in recent decades of radical nationalist and separatist sentiments in Catalonia, the Basque Country and some other autonomies. Among reasons which escalated confrontation between supporters and opponents of Catalonian independence, we should mention the global financial crisis that hit the regions of Spain as well as the overall national economy. The separatists have many barriers on their way, starting from the constitutional provisions proclaiming Spain a united and indivisible state which impede to carry out regional plebiscites, and ending by an ambiguous attitude towards the hypothetical independence of Catalonia by both the residents of the region and in other parts of the country. It is important to keep in mind that in today's world the possibility of breaking large multiethnic state into ethnically constituting elements is more possible than 40-50 years ago. Disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union and the emergence on the world political map of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and most recently of the Republic of Crimea - confirm this. The Catalonian nationalists in their arguments in favor of the sovereignty of Catalonia refer to the arbitrariness of the borders formed in the past between separate European countries and the regions. Modern state boundaries indeed are not the result of rational planning, democratic arrangements or consideration of the local population's opinion. In many ways, the current borders are the result of historical processes, often - of bloody wars and territorial annexations. In other words, they are the result of actions which are contrary to current international law and moral norms of behavior. Independent Catalonia is still a hypothesis, but under certain conditions and, more importantly, as a result of concerted efforts of regional nationalists it could become a reality.
12
Iveson, Mandie. "Gendered dimensions of Catalan nationalism and identity construction on Twitter." Discourse & Communication 11, no. 1 (January 22, 2017): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481316683293.
Full textAbstract:
Support for independence in Catalonia has been rapidly increasing since 2010. Civil organisations have been instrumental in the secessionist movement and have used social media to mobilise the Catalan public and raise national consciousness. Drawing on theories of national identity, gender and nation, and the discursive construction of national identity, this article examines constructions of national identity and the gendered dimensions of these constructions in a Twitter corpus collected in the week up to the public consultation on independence held in Catalonia in November 2014. Analysis of the contrasting representations of men and women found in the data suggests that, among both the elites and the public, the contemporary Catalan nationalist project continues to be built on traditional gender normative models of nationalism. The study concludes that this type of nationalism has now become so banal that it has been naturalised and suggests that a more inclusive approach may be needed in future campaigns or in the Catalan nationalist project as a whole.
13
Astor, Avi. "Religion and counter-state nationalism in Catalonia." Social Compass 67, no. 2 (January 20, 2020): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768619898651.
Full textAbstract:
Catalonia is simultaneously the most secular region in Spain and the region that places the greatest priority on actively managing religious affairs. Moreover, parties comprising the Catalan Left have been particularly assertive in pushing for legislative proposals to reduce the privileges of the Catholic Church and the general presence of religion in the public sphere. This article examines the sources of Catalonia’s exceptionality in religious matters, with a focus on the entanglements between religion and nationalism in the region. Drawing on survey data, legal documents, transcripts of parliamentary debates, media reports, and historical studies, the author argues that counter-state understandings of nationhood have figured centrally in the rapid secularization of Catalonia’s populace, the Catalan government’s proactive approach to religious governance, and the Catalan Left’s insistence on church–state reform at both the regional and national levels. This analysis speaks to broader questions regarding religion, secularism, and nationalism in stateless nations.
14
Hodlevska, Valentyna. "Galician Nationalism: History and Modernity." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-61-68.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the article is to cover the history and determine the relevance of Galician nationalism. The origin and development of the nationalist movement in the region is analyzed. In our study general scientific and special historical and political science methods were applied. The general scientific methods (deductive and inductive, analysis and synthesis) were used as specific cognitive tools necessary to implement the principles of historicism, systematicism and objectivity. The general and special historical methods (historical-typological, statistical, comparative-historical, problem-chronological) allowed us to make a comprehensive analysis of the problem of Galician nationalism. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that the author, for the first time in the national historical science, analyzes the features of Galician nationalism, the history of its development and the current state. Galician nationalism took shape in the 19th century. Among the predecessors of Galician nationalism, three movements can be distinguished: provincialism, federalism, and regionalism. Provincialism (later called Galicianism) was a movement that emerged in 1840 with the aim of protecting the integrity of the territory of Galicia. Regionalism became an intermediate phase in the evolution of the Galician movement between provincialism and nationalism. Galician federalism began to develop in 1865. The federalists argued that Galicia should be formed as a canton within Spain and that it be governed by its own cantonal constitution. Conclusions. As one of the four historic autonomous regions of Spain (along with Catalonia, the Basque Country and Andalusia), Galicia is significantly different in its understanding of its own nationalism. While Catalonia and the Basque Country strive for even greater independence, including threats of secession from the state, the nationalist movement in Galicia is becoming less tangible.
15
White, Jerry. "The Spectres Haunting Europe: Reading Contemporary Catalan Nationalism through The Break-Up of Britain." European Review 26, no. 4 (July 16, 2018): 600–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798718000388.
Full textAbstract:
This article reads contemporary Catalan nationalist discourse through the lens of Tom Nairn’s polemical classic The Break-Up of Britain. First published in 1977, that text presents key issues for understanding contemporary Catalonia. The first is the emergence of a national sentiment that is separate from that of anti-colonialism because it is characterized by a higher level of economic development than the place it is seeking to break from, but is the repository of a legitimate claim to self-determination. That is how Nairn sees the Northern Ireland–Éire relationship, and that is a good analogy for Spain–Catalonia. The second is the tension between what he sees as ‘indifferent’, that is to say strictly civic-political nationalism and a more linguistically or culturally-driven nationalism. This is also a key tension in Catalonia, where immigration has transformed the national movement towards an interculturalist ideology and a de facto bilingualism (with Catalan and Spanish) remains a key but strategically unacknowledged element of that movement. The third aspect of Break-Up, and the synthesis of the comparison, is the importance of federalism, which is key for Nairn in seeing a way forward for the constituent countries of the UK and long a crucial, if not the crucial, political element of catalanisme.
16
Goikoetxea, Jule. "Emancipatory Nationalism and Catalonia." Ethnopolitics 12, no. 4 (November 2013): 394–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2013.843246.
Full text
17
Lluch, Jaime. "How nationalism evolves: explaining the establishment of new varieties of nationalism within the national movements of Quebec and Catalonia (1976–2005)." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 3 (May 2010): 337–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905991003646490.
Full textAbstract:
The national movements of sub-state national societies are divided into two or three competing political orientations (independentists, autonomists, and federalists), which vary over time. This article compares the process that led to the founding of the ADQ (autonomism) in Quebec, with the process that culminated in the transformation and de facto re-founding of ERC (independentism) in Catalonia during the period 1976–2005. Using the cases of two nationalist parties in two different national movements that have successfully established new political orientations, I analyze the political origins of this form of temporal variation. My outcome variable is the “tipping point” at which these nationalist political parties get established. This “tipping point” was reached through a temporal sequence that evolved in four phases. In each of these phases, a key variable was involved: the existence of a preexistent ideology, the occurrence of a central state constitutional moment, an impulse from the sphere of sociological nationalism, and the consolidation of a new leadership nucleus.
18
Rivero, Ángel. "The new Catalan nationalism." Review of Nationalities 10, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2020-0009.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In this article, I have shown how Catalan nationalism mutated in the last years. Since 1979 Catalonia enjoyed unprecedented political self-government, however, its polítical autonomy was not enough for the independence movement, With the economic crisis of 2008, they declared that the time of independence has finally arrived, and in 2017 a bizarre independence that lasted a few seconds was proclaimed. Catalan nationalism was traditionally pragmatic, but since then, this is no longer the case. It converted to a new nationalism that in the name of a democracy of the people divided Catalonia by antagonism. As I have shown, the new Catalan nationalism is today a populism of secession.
19
Miley, Thomas Jeffrey, and Roberto Garvía. "Conflict in Catalonia: A Sociological Approximation." Genealogy 3, no. 4 (October 30, 2019): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3040056.
Full textAbstract:
This article follows the approach originally pioneered by Juan Linz to the empirical study of nationalism. We make use of original survey data to situate the emergent social division around the question of independence within a broader constellation of power relations. We bring into focus a variety of demographic, cultural, behavioral and attitudinal indicators with which this division is associated. We emphasize the special salience of language practices and ideologies in conditioning, if not determining, attitudes towards independence. We stress the continuing legacy of what Linz famously referred to as a “three-cornered conflict” among “regional nationalists, the central government and immigrant workers,” which has long conditioned democratic politics in the region. More concretely, we show how the reinforcing cleavages of language and class are reflected in, and indeed have been exacerbated by, the ongoing political conflict between pro-independence and pro-unionist camps in Catalonia. At the same time, we highlight that near half of the Catalan citizenry has come to register a rather intense preference in favor of independence, and we conclude that this sociological reality renders it quite difficult for Spanish authorities to enforce the will of the Spanish majority without appearing to tyrannize the Catalan minority.
20
Martínez-Solanilla, Marcos. "Communicating nationalism in a changing Europe: The media coverage of Catalan’s attempt at independence." Studies in Communication Sciences 19, no. 1 (December 3, 2019): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24434/j.scoms.2019.01.004.
Full textAbstract:
Since 2008, Europe is immersed in a situation of political and social upheaval marked by, among other processes – such as the Brexit, the Scottish referendum on independence or the growth of new populist parties – , the strengthening of nationalism in Catalonia. In this context, the role of the media is crucial, since they are the main transmitters of what occurs abroad and, depending on how they present the information, a spread of pro-independence trends in regions with a historically strong nationalist sentiment throughout the continent can be more or less likely. In order to know the differences regarding the coverage of nationalism, this study applies a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to the text present in the main article on the Catalan referendum of October 1st, 2017 published online by the most-read newspapers in Portugal, Switzerland, UK, Italy, Scotland and Northeast Italy. The analysis concludes that the media not only report differently depending on the characteristics of the territory where they operate, but also that some of them use the information as a tool to indoctrinate society.
21
Young, Clinton D. "The Southern Slope of Monsalvat: How Spanish Wagnerism Became Catalan." 19th-Century Music 41, no. 1 (2017): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2017.41.1.31.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the development of Wagnerism in late-nineteenth-century Spain, focusing on how it became an integral part of Catalan nationalism. The reception of Wagner's music and ideas in Spain was determined by the country's uneven economic development and the weakness of its musical and political institutions—the same weaknesses that were responsible for the rise of Catalan nationalism. Lack of a symphonic culture in Spain meant that audiences were not prepared to comprehend Wagner's complexity, but that same complexity made Wagner's ideas acceptable to Spanish reformers who saw in the composer an exemplar of the European ideas needed to fix Spanish problems. Thus, when Wagner's operas were first staged in Spain, the Teatro Real de Madrid stressed Wagner's continuity with operas of the past; however, critics and audiences engaged with the works as difficult forms of modern music. The rejection of Wagner in the Spanish capital cleared the way for his ideas to be adopted in Catalonia. A similar dynamic occurred as Spanish composers tried to meld Wagner into their attempts to build a nationalist school of opera composition. The failure of Tomás Bréton's Los amantes de Teruel and Garín cleared the way for Felip Pedrell's more successful theoretical fusion of Wagnerism and nationalism. While Pedrell's opera Els Pirineus was a failure, his explanation of how Wagner's ideals and nationalism could be fused in the treatise Por nuestra música cemented the link between Catalan culture and Wagnerism.
22
Laitin, David D., and Hank Johnston. "Tales of Nationalism: Catalonia, 1939-1979." Contemporary Sociology 21, no. 6 (November 1992): 796. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075632.
Full text
23
Laraña, Enrique, and Hank Johnston. "Tales of Nationalism: Catalonia, 1939-1979." Reis, no. 61 (1993): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40183626.
Full text
24
Robbins, Richard, and Hank Johnson. "Tales of Nationalism: Catalonia, 1939-1979." Social Forces 70, no. 4 (June 1992): 1139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580216.
Full text
25
Harty, Siobhán. "Lawyers, Codification, and the Origins of Catalan Nationalism, 1881–1901." Law and History Review 20, no. 2 (2002): 349–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744038.
Full textAbstract:
The defense of Catalan civil law against the introduction of the Spanish Civil Code in the late nineteenth century was the catalyst for a broad social movement that would be transformed into Catalan nationalism by the turn of the twentieth century. Lawyers were central to this development. They interpreted and popularized the danger codification presented for Catalan society and they were instrumental in making the civil law a central element in the construction of Catalan national identity. Taking their cue from the experience of other stateless nations in Europe, lawyers developed a principled argument for political autonomy that was institutionalized with the creation, in 1901, of Catalonia's first nationalist political party, theLliga Regionalista. Between 1881 and 1901, Catalan lawyers would help found a series of social movements for the protection of Catalan culture and orient these movements toward the adoption of nationalist objectives. Finally, lawyers would form the majority of theLliga Regionalista's electoral candidates and the core of the party's strategists, helping the party climb to a position of dominance in Catalan politics between 1901–1932.
26
Kosto, Adam J. "The Limited Impact of the Usatges de Barcelona in Twelfth-Century Catalonia." Traditio 56 (2001): 53–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900002415.
Full textAbstract:
The twelfth-century legal compilation known as the Usatges de Barcelona holds an important place in the history of Catalonia. Recognized as authoritative by kings and parliaments alike from at least the thirteenth century, the Usatges were integrated into the official collection of Catalan law commissioned by the Corts and the new king of Aragón, Fernando de Antequera, in 1412–13. The work of the jurists who carried out this task was eventually fixed in print (in Catalan) in 1495 as the Constitutions y altres drets de Cathalunya, which was reissued in 1588–89 and again in 1704. The Usatges thus formed part of the law of the region for over 500 years, until the suppression of Catalan local law in the Decreto de Nueva Planta of 1716; thereafter, they survived — and still survive — as a focus of Catalan nationalism and regional pride. For medieval historians, the Usatges usefully supplement Catalonia's abundant documentary evidence, evidence unaccompanied before the thirteenth century by significant narrative sources. Individual articles cover such diverse topics as composition payments for injuries, guidelines for judicial proceedings, inheritance rules, military obligation, the status of Jews and Muslims, marriage, rape, treason, and public highways. Drawn from and influenced by a wide variety of sources — including the Visigothic code, Roman law, comital charters, and royal decrees — they provide valuable information about legal traditions and reasoning in Catalonia.
27
Lladonosa-Latorre, Mariona, and Mariona Visa-Barbosa. "Talking the nation over advertising: The case of Catalan commercial advertisements." Catalan Journal of Communication & Cultural Studies 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjcs_00039_1.
Full textAbstract:
This article addresses how advertisements are narrative devices for the construction, imagination and diffusion of the nation’s depictions in the context of globalization. In this analytical sense, we suggest the current traits in advertising: the hyper-symbolization of the brand and the extrapolation of nation branding to product advertising. We study different representations of Catalonia through a sample of the audio-visual commercial advertising on food and drinks on public television in Catalonia between 2009 and 2017. These examples show the main symbolic frameworks of the nation and re-created identity through two types of depictions of Catalan tradition and experiential Catalanness, that which can exemplify the idea of banal nationalism in the sense of Billig and Edensor’s everyday nationalism. The main objective of our proposal is to understand commercial advertisements as forms of national discourse in everyday nationalism and how the private sector uses this.
28
Devesa, Domènec Ruiz. "Federalism versus Nationalism: the Case of Catalonia." Federalist Debate 31, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 44–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/tfd-2018-0010.
Full text
29
Del Moral, RAFAEL. "SPANISH IN CATALONIA (Conditional Languages and exalted nationalism)." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-2-153-160.
Full textAbstract:
For the last decades the coexistence of Spanish and Catalan has experienced an identity crisis, a clash between the languages that is not apparent in other ambilingual territories or other Catalan-speaking regions. This paper will show the reasons behind these misunderstandings and will advance a procedure to analyze them. It will also consider principles of respect between each of the language speakers as well as how linguistic politics clash with basic principles related to the evolution and reciprocity of languages. These concepts will be grounded in general socio-linguistic theory concerning the feelings of belonging (mother tongue) and of learning (forein language) and the respective communication codes of their users. This presentation draws from my recently published book Las batallas de la eñe: lenguas condicionadas y nacionalismos exaltados, a study that reveals the discrepancies among the Central and autonomous Spanish governments’ blueprints and arrangements, natural selection principles and language usage.
30
Klandermans, Bert. "Tales of Nationalism: Catalonia, 1939-1979.Hank Johnston." American Journal of Sociology 98, no. 2 (September 1992): 403–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/230021.
Full text
31
Miley, Thomas Jeffrey. "Blocked Articulation and Nationalist Hegemony in Catalonia." Regional & Federal Studies 23, no. 1 (March 2013): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2012.754356.
Full text
32
Pietschmann, Horst. "Barcelona, Catalonia and the Crown of Aragón in the Bourbon Spanish Empire." European Review 25, no. 1 (October 3, 2016): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798716000430.
Full textAbstract:
After an outline of present-day ‘glocalization problems’ of the European Community this article analyses the problem of whether the centralizing policy of the Spanish Bourbon government after the War of Spanish Succession provides historical evidence on the origins of contemporary Catalan nationalism, as often argued, or not. Referring briefly to the medieval and early modern imperial traditions of both the Aragonese kingdoms, especially of Catalonia and its predominant city of Barcelona, and the Castilian kingdoms, the article argues that during the 18th century the Crown made strong efforts to integrate Catalans into the imperial government and trade and spent large quantities of fiscal income in the modernization of Catalonia as a central base of its Mediterranean policy. Therefore, the historical origins of present-day nationalism have to be explained in the context of more recent historical phenomena in the context of the so-called ‘uncompleted Spanish national project’.
33
Vilanova, Francesc. "Did Catalonia endure a (cultural) genocide?" Journal of Catalan Intellectual History 1, no. 11 (October 1, 2017): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jocih-2016-0002.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractDuring the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), Spanish fascism developed its own repressive tools and resources against their enemies (Republicans, Socialists, Communists and Anarchists among others) in the same way other European fascisms did. The depth of the Spanish nationalism brought Franco’s repression against the Catalan society to the height of the processes of cultural and linguistic persecution in the same way that Nazism or Italian fascism had done in the territories they occupied during the years of World War II.
34
Fraile, Pedro, and Alvaro Escribano. "The Spanish 1898 Disaster: The Drift towards Natonal-Protectionism." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 16, no. 1 (March 1998): 265–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900007126.
Full textAbstract:
Two interrelated ideas are developed in this essay: first, that the consequences for the Spanish economy of loosing the last colonies —Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines— at the end of the nineteenth century were relatively small, and that it hardly can be regarded, as many historians have done as the Disaster of 1898. Second, that despite its small overall direct impact on the Spanish economy, the independence wars fought with the colonies, and the defeat at the hands of the Americans in 1898, started a process of intense political nationalism that resulted in the adoption of western Europe's most stringent autarchy at the beginning of the twentieth century. The colonial Disaster was therefore, an indirect one. Its economic consequences were first felt by Bentham's «ruling few» —in Spain's case, the wheat, flour, and textile traders of Castile and Catalonia— and later reached the «subject many» by way of their influence on the adoption of extreme protective measures («integral protection», as it became known by Spanish nationalists) facilitated by the general climate caused by the colonial loss.
35
Fradera, Josep M. "Rural Traditionalism and Conservative Nationalism in Catalonia, 1865-1900." Critique of Anthropology 10, no. 2-3 (December 1990): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x9001000204.
Full text
36
Pinho dos Santos, Raquel. "Spanish Constitutionalism in Catalonia: An anthropology of civic nationalism." Nations and Nationalism 27, no. 2 (February 10, 2021): 427–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12699.
Full text
37
Fernández, Antoni Santisteban. "Teaching the history of Catalonia: past, present and 'futures'." History Education Research Journal 11, no. 2 (May 1, 2013): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18546/herj.11.2.04.
Full textAbstract:
The history which is taught in Catalan schools is not on the margin of the political, economic and social situation which is being shared by those living in Catalonia. There is an on-going debate about citizenship between the Catalans and the Spanish, which has had a major impact in the media, and has had repercussions for the future of Catalonia within the Spanish state. Teaching the history of Catalonia and Spain is an issue that has a strong resonance within this debate. The problem is not new and has deep historical roots. It has re-emerged, on the one hand, because of the attitude of the state government, which represents the most centralist Spanish nationalism. Moreover, the current economic situation has made the latent problem even more urgent. However, the debate has also served to mask other important problems.
38
Obushnyi, Mykola. "SEPARATISM IN THE CONFLICTIZATION OF PUBLIC LIFE." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 24 (2019): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.24.22.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the coverage of one of the most conflicting contemporary social phenomena - separatism. Its emergence is compounded by the widespread of contradiction between two principles of modern international law - the selfdetermination of peoples and the territorial integrity of states. In seeking for resolving of this contradiction, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe recommends protecting the possibility of exercising the right of ethnic minorities to their selfdetermination without providing an autonomous right to their separation. Thus, the recommendation of the Parliamentary Assembly not only provided ample opportunity for a deeper understanding of the principle of self-determination of nations, but also expanded the use of new varieties of separatism terms: secession; irredentism; enosis; devolution. To confirm this conclusion, we have analyzed the activities of a number of separatist parties and movements legally operating in Europe, in particular in the United Kingdom (Scottish National Party), Canada (Liberal Party of Quebec), Spain (Buck Nationalist Party, Catalonia Independence Movement), etc. Concerning Catalonia's independence, the article emphasized that today in Europe, as in the whole world, such a political and legal situation has emerged that it is impossible to recognize its independence. Accordingly, any protests by the Catalans will be considered as unconstitutional. Given the conflicting nature of separatism both in Catalonia and in other regions of European countries, it is possible that the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe may subsequently propose changes and additions to the interpretation of international legal principles in order to more effectively remove the contradiction between the right of nations and the right to self-expression territorial integrity of states.
39
Tierney, Stephen. "Reframing Sovereignty? Sub-State National Societies and Contemporary Challenges to the Nation-State." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 54, no. 1 (January 2005): 161–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/54.1.161.
Full textAbstract:
Over the past 30 years, sub-state national societies in a number of developed liberal democracies—particularly Quebec, Catalonia, and Scotland within Canada, Spain, and the United Kingdom respectively—have both reasserted their national distinctiveness and demanded recognition of it in constitutional terms.1 This re-emergence of sub-state national sentiment within industrially advanced States, and the struggle for constitutional change which has accompanied it, are considered by many observers to be strangely incongruous at a time of economic and cultural ‘globalization’ where the power of the nation- State itself seems to be waning.2 Why do sub-state nations, the common refrain asks, seek statehood when the very concept of State sovereignty is losing its meaning? This article will argue, however, that the rise of sub-state nationalism even at a time when the resilience of State sovereignty is itself coming into question, is in fact not as paradoxical as it might at first appear, at least insofar as this process is taking place within developed democracies.3 It will be contended that the elaborate constitutional programmes which are now beingadvanced by sub-state nationalist movements for the reform of their respective host States are inmany respects informed by, and reflective of, wider transformations in the patterns of State sovereignty.
40
Valentines–Álvarez, Jaume. "Seeing like a factory: Technocratic nationalism in Catalonia, 1930–1939." History and Technology 34, no. 3-4 (October 2, 2018): 235–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07341512.2019.1565745.
Full text
41
Conversi, Daniele, and Sanjay Jeram. "Despite the crisis: The resilience of intercultural nationalism in Catalonia." International Migration 55, no. 2 (March 13, 2017): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imig.12323.
Full text
42
Ross, Chris. "Nationalism and party competition in the Basque country and Catalonia." West European Politics 19, no. 3 (July 1996): 488–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389608425147.
Full text
43
Whigham, Stuart, Hibai Lopez-Gonzalez, and Xavier Ramon. "“Més Que Un Joc?”: Sport and Contemporary Political Nationalism in Scotland and Catalonia." Journal of Sport and Social Issues 43, no. 3 (March 18, 2019): 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0193723519836398.
Full textAbstract:
This article focuses upon two contexts which have arguably received the most academic and media attention with regard to the interconnection between sport and secessionist nationalism, Scotland and Catalonia, given that both “submerged nations” have held public referenda on the topic of independence/secession from the states of the United Kingdom and Spain, respectively. The analysis endeavors to draw parallels between the two contexts to critically examine the extent to which similarities and differences are evident in terms of the growth of political nationalism. Finally, the central discussion outlines the extent to which sport contributed to broader political developments in the recent campaigns for the establishment of independent Scottish and Catalan states, focusing upon the actions of prominent sporting personalities and organizations.
44
Olomojobi, Yinka, and Omoigerale Omonye. "Contested Sovereignty and Conflict: Between Spain and Catalonia." Russian Law Journal 7, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 138–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2019-7-1-138-153.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the Catalonia-Spain trajectory. Quite recently, the region of Catalonia became known for its sovereignty demand, which has strained relations with Spain its host state. Economic grievances, nationalism, and political disillusionment are some of the explanations given for the growing secessionist moves in the region. Apart from this, other reasons identified include strained historical ties, class struggle, the erosion of its autonomous region by General Francisco Franco and the subsequent demand for selfdetermination by separatists. An issue that runs through this work is the refusal of the Spanish government to concede to this separatist’s demand which has deteriorated any negotiations for dialogue. However, the Spanish government has announced that it is open to negotiate anything except a referendum. Furthermore, based on the reaction of the Spanish government, the 2014 referendum held by the Catalans seems to be nonconclusive. This study, therefore seeks to examine the contentious issues of “contested sovereignty” with relations to the Catalonia-Spain quagmire and its seemly subsisting impact in the pro-independence agitations in Europe and Africa.
45
Valentines-Álvarez, Jaume, and Jaume Sastre-Juan. "The Failed Technology Museum of Catalonia." Nuncius 34, no. 1 (February 25, 2019): 128–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18253911-03401005.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In March 1937, the Technology Museum of Catalonia was created by a governmental order, but it never materialized. How come was a national museum of technology perceived as an urgent need in the midst of the Spanish Civil War? This article explores how this failed attempt was rooted in the long-standing political interest of the engineering community in the musealization of technology in Barcelona. On the one hand, it analyses the tradition of technological display aimed at increasing industrial productivity and improving technical education. On the other hand, it studies the techno-nationalist efforts by engineers to construct a respectable technological past for the nation through display. Finally, it explores how these two approaches would have been articulated in the Technology Museum of Catalonia in the context of the key role played by engineering professionals during the Spanish Civil War.
46
Morata, Fransesc. "Review: Parties and Nationalist Strategies in Catalonia, Scotland and Flanders." Scottish Affairs 46 (First Serie, no. 1 (February 2004): 106–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2004.0013.
Full text
47
Serrano, Ivan, and Albert Bonillo. "Boundary shifts and vote alignment in Catalonia." Ethnicities 17, no. 3 (August 23, 2016): 371–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796816664751.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyses the dynamics between ethnic boundaries and electoral alignment in the context of western minority nationalisms by focusing on the Catalan case. In particular, the research explores the changes in boundary shifts at the electoral level, whether they affect differently pro-sovereignty and pro-union parties, and to what extent changes have reinforced the ethnic alignment of vote. Methodologically, the analysis is based on observational data from the elections of 2010 and 2012, which allows control over some of the traditional limits of opinion studies. The results suggest that ethnicity is a dynamic factor that has gained relevance for both sub-state and state-wide parties, and that processes of boundary contraction are not necessarily associated with electoral failure.
48
Kubiaczyk, Filip. "Spain, La Roja, and the forging of the nation: truth or fiction?" Review of Nationalities 10, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2020-0006.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The paper analyzes the role of the national team of Spain denoted by the neologism La Roja in promoting patriotic sentiments and building national unity. In a 2014 study entitled Goles y banderas. Fútbol e identidades nacionales en España, Alejandro Quiroga Fernández de Soto argues that the successes of the team in 2008-2012 (Champions of Europe in Austria and Switzerland, World Champions in South Africa and again Champions of Europe in Poland and Ukraine), brought about a patriotic revival, while La Roja itself became an integrating factor which united the Spanish regardless of political differences and distinct identities. The assertion is highly debatable for two reasons: firstly, the resurgence of the national symbols was temporary and did not occur uniformly across the country, especially in Catalonia and the Basque Country; secondly, it would be more fitting to speak of journalistic patriotism rather than actual patriotic revival within the Spanish society. The paper critically assesses the patriotic discourse rooted in the successes of La Roja in 2008-2012. Their poor performance in the last major tournaments in 2014-2018 and absence of any particular euphoria surrounding the national team confirm that the wave of flags which swept the country in the successful period was not an expression of profound, patriotic renewal of national symbols. At most, it may be argued to have been a forced attempt to boost Spanish (centralist) nationalism in the face of the increasingly active peripheral nationalisms, especially its most radical, Catalan embodiment.
49
Ibarra, Pedro, and Juan Diez Medrano. "Divided Nations: Class, Politics, and Nationalism in the Basque Country and Catalonia." Contemporary Sociology 25, no. 3 (May 1996): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2077464.
Full text
50
Lecours, André, and Jean-François Dupré. "The emergence and transformation of self-determination claims in Hong Kong and Catalonia: A historical institutionalist perspective." Ethnicities 20, no. 1 (July 12, 2018): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796818785937.
Full textAbstract:
Using a historical institutionalist framework emphasizing the importance of transformative events, this paper seeks to explain the sudden emergence of self-determination claims in Hong Kong and their transformation into separatist ones in Catalonia. The paper argues that the inflexibility of the state in addressing moderate demands for regional autonomy has played a major role in the emergence and radicalization of these demands. In Hong Kong, the 1997 Handover from British to Chinese sovereignty was originally presented as an opportunity for self-governance under the principle of “Hong Kong People ruling Hong Kong” and the “One Country, Two Systems” formula. If Hong Kong nationalism was practically unheard of in the early years of the Handover, the unconciliatory attitude of the central government towards moderate demands for the actualization of the autonomy and democratization frameworks vested in Hong Kong’s Basic Law has directly contributed to the formation of today’s emerging self-determination movement. In Catalonia, the 2010 decision of the Spanish Constitutional Court to annul some articles of the reform to the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia and to interpret others narrowly represented a transformative event that took Catalonia onto the pathway of secessionist politics. The secessionist turn was then further fed by the on-going refusal of the central government to negotiate with the Catalan government, notably on the notion of a popular consultation on the political future of the Autonomous Community.