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1

Gustavsson, Martin. "Bostadsplanering i centrala Monterrey, Mexico." Thesis, Tekniska Högskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, JTH, Byggnadsteknik, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-14695.

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Vår planet har sedan länge varit överbefolkad och fått utstå människors ständigabehov av att exploatera nya områden. Vi blir hela tiden fler och stora städer behöverständigt nya lösningar för bostäder och trafik. Men hur ska man kunna planera ettområde och ta hänsyn till naturen och dess naturliga former, för att skapa ett områdedär bostäder, trafik och natur samspelar? I denna rapport kan man följa hur ett arbete fortskridit med att planera ett område i Monterrey, Mexico. Området kommer att planeras så att det kan bidra till enförbättrad bostadssituation i staden eftersom bristen på bostäder är stor. Det anses också viktigt att ta hänsyn till övriga lokala faktorer, som en svår trafiksituation. Ett mål är att låta området samspela med naturen och ta hänsyn till existerande former. I rapporten finns olika undersökningar och förklaringar till hur arbetet har fortskridit och hur dessa har styrt utformningen av området. Med hjälp av undersökningar om hur ljudet rör sig över området så har design och former av byggnader framställts. Undersökningar om hur vattnet, som rör sig över området, har påverkat utformning avvägar och öppningar. Slutresultatet är ett förslag till en utformning av området. Det kommer att göras enfördjupning av ett höghus. Denna byggnad presenteras med planer, fasader, sektioneroch även några renderingar för att ge en bild av hur byggnaden ser ut.
Our planet has for a long time been overcrowded and has endured the human’s constant need to exploit new areas. Each day the population continues to increase and the cities are in constant need for new solutions of constructing. But is it possible to take consideration to the nature and natural forms, to create an area where housing, traffic and nature interact? In this report, you can follow how the work proceeded with the planning of an area in Monterrey, Mexico. The area will be planned so it can contribute to an improved housing situation in the city since the lack of housing is big. It is also important to take into account other local factors, such as a difficult traffic situation. One goal is to let the area interact with nature and take account of existing forms. The report includes various investigations and explanations of how the work has progressed and how these investigations had influence of the design of the site. With the help of studies of how the sound moves across the area, designs and shapes of buildings started to take place. Studies of how the water is moving across the field, has influenced the design of roads and openings. The end result is a suggestion for the design of the site. The presentation will go deeper of an apartment building. This building is presented with the plans, facades, sections, and even some renderings to give an idea of what the building will look like.
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2

Melgar, Palacios María de Lourdes. "Economic development in Monterrey : competing ideas and strategies in Mexico." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13195.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1992.
Vita.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 289-312).
by María de Lourdes Melgar Palacios.
Ph.D.
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3

Martinez-Martinez, Jeronimo 1955. "Monterrey, Mexico ozone study: Air quality measurements and photochemical modeling." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282697.

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The Monterrey Metropolitan Area is one of the fastest growing areas of Mexico. As a result of this growth, this major urban and industrial center has begun to experience air quality degradation. The Mexican ozone standard (110 ppbv) has been exceeded on 63 days during the period 1993-1995. This study is the first integrated examination of air quality, pollutant emissions, and climate to cover the ozone behavior in Monterrey. Pollutant concentrations and weather conditions were characterized spatially and temporally for all seasons during 1995. Higher ozone concentrations were found in the southwestern region during Spring. Diurnal patterns of ambient concentration ratios and distributions of daily ozone maximum for weekdays and weekends indicate that industrial emissions seem to be a important contributor of ozone formation. Pollutant emissions were estimated from continuous data of air quality network and on-road vehicle emissions. Diurnal patterns of CO and NOx emissions were calculated for January and July 1995 using a flow model based on mass conservation and estimated parameters of lateral advection and chemical loss. To predict how ozone will change in response to prescribed changes in emissions, this emission inventory is consistent and the most reliable. Circulation patterns associated to high-ozone episodes were identified from synoptic meteorological maps. High-pressure systems, migratory anticyclones, elevated mixed layer, cold front passages and mountain-valley winds produced subsidence, flow reversal, and stagnation when elevated ozone affected Monterrey. Hydrocarbon reduction was determined as the most effective strategy for reducing ozone applying a photochemical box model to high-ozone episodes in 1995. Using sensitivity analysis, emissions and meteorological variables were ranked by their relative contributions to ozone formation. The model employs the Carbon Bond Mechanism IV and a hybrid method for solving stiff chemical kinetic equations. The application of this model highlights the major mesoscale and synoptic features of the Monterrey climate. Incursions of air masses of subtropical and midlatitude circulation regimes are highly variable, while high solar radiation occurs all year.
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4

Pezard, Ramirez Edna. "City of fear : feelings of insecurity, daily practices, and public space in Monterrey, Mexico." Thesis, Université Paris Cité, 2022. https://wo.app.u-paris.fr/cgi-bin/WebObjects/TheseWeb.woa/wa/show?t=3166&f=40466.

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Le sentiment d'insécurité dans les villes est particulièrement important en raison de la présence d'attaques terroristes, de la criminalité et de la violence dans le monde. La violence urbaine en Amérique latine a augmenté de façon exponentielle depuis les années 1990 et a donné lieu à des recherches sur la manière de mieux la comprendre et de la combattre. Les solutions au niveau des villes deviennent plus pertinentes, car la violence urbaine dans la région n'est pas un sujet politique abstrait, mais plutôt un problème qui touche et transforme profondément la vie quotidienne. C'est le cas de la ville de Monterrey, au Mexique. La guerre contre la drogue qui a débuté au Mexique en 2006 a déclenché plusieurs événements violents dans les territoires disputés par les cartels de la drogue. Les agressions directes allant du vol à l'homicide sont devenues des questions de vie quotidienne, touchant en premier lieu les secteurs vulnérables de la société. Alors que le récit commun est que la ville a changé du jour au lendemain, la violence structurelle, telle que les inégalités socio-spatiales, est restée sans réponse pendant des décennies et a constitué le terrain fertile pour des formes plus directes de violence. Ce n'est que lorsque cette violence a touché des espaces autres que les quartiers marginalisés qu'elle est devenue une crise. En 2013, certains niveaux dramatiques de violence ont reculé et muté, tandis que d'autres formes de violence ont émergé avec des acteurs et des niveaux d'intensité différents. Pendant ce temps, les citadins se sont appuyés sur des solutions individualistes face à une action publique inefficace. Dans ce contexte, l'espace public a également été l'objet de disputes, le scénario des confrontations, le point d'observation et d'analyse, et le laboratoire de solutions potentielles. Les espaces publics ont d'abord été évités, puis transformés par des stratégies de fortification ou d'ouverture. Cependant, dans une société fortement inégalitaire, la capacité de faire entendre sa voix, de se distancier de l'espace public ou de le transformer n'est pas uniforme. Les solutions spatiales, bien que séduisantes, ont une portée limitée et peuvent même parfois favoriser les inégalités. Cette capacité inégale pour influencer les politiques publiques et pour accéder à des espaces publics sécurisés, ainsi que l'absence d'action publique efficace pour tous les groupes sociaux, conduisent à un recours excessif aux pratiques individuelles et à la normalisation de la violence, notamment dans les secteurs les plus vulnérables. Dans un tel environnement, le sentiment d'insécurité et la vie quotidienne ont souvent été négligés, car il existe des problèmes plus importants et plus "réels" auxquels il faut faire face. Néanmoins, ces éléments apparemment banals ont un impact. Cela nous amène à la question de recherche centrale de ce projet : Quel est le lien entre le sentiment d'insécurité, les espaces publics et les pratiques quotidiennes dans un contexte de violence chronique ? À la croisée de la géographie, de l'urbanisme et de la sociologie, cette thèse présente une analyse multi-niveau du sentiment d'insécurité, des espaces publics et des pratiques quotidiennes dans un contexte de violence chronique. Cette recherche observe comment les incidents extraordinaires et ordinaires s'intègrent à la vie normale à Monterrey, quelles stratégies matérielles et immatérielles sont mises en place, et comment les inégalités socio-spatiales y jouent un rôle
Feelings of insecurity on an urban context are particularly significant due to presence of terrorist attacks, crime, and violence around the world. Urban violence in Latin America has increased exponentially since the 1990s and has given way to research on how to better understand it and combat it. Solutions at city level become more relevant, as urban violence in the region is not an abstract political subject, but rather a problem that deeply touches and transforms everyday life. Such is the case of the city of Monterrey, Mexico. The war against drugs that began in Mexico in 2006 triggered several violent events in territories disputed by drug cartels. Direct aggression ranging from robberies to homicide turned into matters of everyday life, touching the vulnerable sectors of the regio society first and most. While the common narrative is that the city changed overnight, structural violence such as socio-spatial inequalities had gone unattended for decades, and they were the fertile ground for more direct forms of violence. It was not until this violence touched spaces other than marginalized neighborhoods that it became a crisis. By 2013, some dramatic levels of violence receded and mutated, while other forms of violence have emerged with different actors and levels of intensity. Meanwhile, city dwellers relied on individualistic solutions in the face of ineffective public action. In this context, public space has also been the object of dispute, the scenario of confrontation, the point of observation and analysis, and the laboratory of potential solutions. Public spaces were at first avoided and then transformed through strategies for fortification or aperture. However, in a highly unequal society, not everyone has the same power to make their voices heard, nor to distance themselves from public space or transform it. These spatial solutions, while appealing, have a limited scope and at times may even foster inequality. This unequal capacity to influence public policy and to access secure public spaces, along with the lack of effective public action for all social groups, lead to an over-reliance on individual practices and to the normalization of violence, especially in the more vulnerable sectors. In such an environment, feelings of insecurity and the daily life have often been overlooked since there are larger and "more real" issues at hand that require attention. Nevertheless, these apparently banal elements have an impact. This leads to the core research question of this project: What is the link between feelings of insecurity, public spaces, and daily practices in a context of chronic violence? At the crossroads of geography, urbanism and sociology, this thesis presents a multi-level analysis of feelings of insecurity, public spaces, and daily practices in a context of chronic violence. This research observes how the extraordinary and ordinary incidents become part of normal life in Monterrey, what material and immaterial strategies are put into place, and how socio-spatial inequality plays a role in them
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5

Warshauer, Susan L. "Strands of the North American free trade agreement : business culture, meeting styles and the borderlands in Monterrey, Mexico." Ann Arbor, MI : UMI, 2000. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00076910.pdf.

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6

Bonecchi, Martha Burkle. "The impact if information and communication technologies on higher education systems. A case study of the Monterrey Institute of Technologies , Mexico." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.666766.

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7

McEwen, Marylyn Morris, Rogelio Andrès Elizondo-Pereo, Alice E. Pasvogel, Irene Meester, Javier Vargas-Villarreal, and Francisco González-Salazar. "A Modified Behavior Risk Factor Surveillance System to Assess Diabetes Self-management Behaviors and Diabetes Care in Monterrey Mexico: A Cross-sectional Study." FRONTIERS MEDIA SA, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625711.

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Type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) is one of the leading causes of death from worldwide non-communicable diseases. The prevalence of diabetes in the Mexico (MX)-United States border states exceeds the national rate in both countries. The economic burden of diabetes, due to decreased productivity, disability, and medical costs, is staggering and increases significantly when T2DM-related complications occur. The purpose of this study was to use a modified behavioral risk factor surveillance system (BRFSS) to describe the T2DM self-management behaviors, diabetes care, and health perception of a convenience sample of adults with T2DM in Monterrey, MX. This cross-sectional study design, with convenience sampling, was conducted with a convenience sample (n = 351) of adults in the metropolitan area of Monterrey, MX who self-reported a diagnosis of T2DM. Potential participants were recruited from local supermarkets. Twenty-six diabetes and health-related items were selected from the BRFSS and administered in face-to-face interviews by trained data collectors. Data analysis was conducted using descriptive statistics. The mean age was 47 years, and the mean length of time with T2DM was 12 years. The majority was taking oral medication and 34% required insulin. Daily self-monitoring of feet was performed by 56% of the participants; however, only 8.8% engaged in blood glucose self-monitoring. The mean number of health-care provider visits was 9.09 per year, and glycated hemoglobin level (HbA1c) was assessed 2.6 times per year. Finally, only 40.5% of the participants recalled having a dilated eye exam. We conclude the modified BRFSS survey administered in a face-to-face interview format is an appropriate tool for assessing engagement in T2DM self-management behaviors, diabetes care, and health perception. Extension of the use of this survey in a more rigorous design with a larger scale survey is encouraged.
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8

Folsom, Bradley 1979. "Joaquín de Arredondo in Texas and Northeastern New Spain, 1811-1821." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699939/.

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Joaquín de Arredondo was the most powerful and influential person in northeastern New Spain from 1811 to 1821. His rise to prominence began in 1811 when the Spanish military officer and a small royalist army suppressed Miguel Hidalgo’s revolution in the province of Nuevo Santander. This prompted the Spanish government to promote Arredondo to Commandant General of the Eastern Internal Provinces, making him the foremost civil and military authority in northeastern New Spain. Arredondo’s tenure as commandant general proved difficult, as he had to deal with insurgents, invaders from the United States, hostile Indians, pirates, and smugglers. Because warfare in Europe siphoned much needed military and financial support, and disagreements with New Spain’s leadership resulted in reductions of the commandant general’s authority, Arredondo confronted these threats with little assistance from the Spanish government. In spite of these obstacles, he maintained royalist control of New Spain from 1811 to 1821, and, in doing so, changed the course of Texas, Mexican, and United States history. In 1813, he defeated insurgents and American invaders at the Battle of Medina, and from 1817 to 1820, his forces stopped Xavier Mina’s attempt to bring independence to New Spain, prevented French exiles from establishing a colony in Texas, and defeated James Long’s filibustering expedition from the United States. Although unable to sustain Spanish rule in 1821, Arredondo’s approval of Moses Austin’s petition to settle families from the United States in Texas in 1820 and his role in the development of Antonio López de Santa Anna, meant the officer continued to influence Mexico. Perhaps Arredondo’s greatest importance is that the study of his life provides a means to learn about an internationally contested region during one of the most turbulent eras in North American history.
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Solis-Gutierrez, Patricio. "Structural change and men's work lives: transformations in social stratification and occupational mobility in Monterrey, Mexico." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/949.

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Avila, Loera Adriana Melissa. "Perceptions of (narco) violence in Monterrey, Mexico." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-05-1465.

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My main interest is to do a comprehensive analysis, not precisely of data and statistics, but of the way in which regios, Monterrey residents, live and perceive the current wave of violence. This is the perception of violence, crime and fear in Mexico’s so-called post-neoliberal era, focusing on Monterrey’s situation. How do people talk about the increasing perception of violence? Has this perception of violence changed the way in which they live? Are there different perceptions of violence across classes? What does this discourse tell us about how they live/assimilate/reproduce the violence and fear in greater society? How can we make sense of it? I argue that fear of crime and violence are playing a crucial role in disciplining citizens’ lives across classes and that their subjectivities and self-governing techniques, fostered by the neoliberal structure of government, have evolved in a very particular way.
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Hellkvist, Maja, and Beatrice Nordgård. "Translocal experiences of indigenous migrant students in Monterrey, Mexico." Thesis, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-53428.

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Rural-urban migration has been increasing and is commonly seen in northern cities of Mexico.  Indigenous students do not always have opportunities to receive higher education in their communities, and therefore migrate to urban areas. After migrating they can face certain challenges navigating the urban lifestyle. With the help of the translocality concept, this study employed a questionnaire and semi-structured interviews to explore the reason behind five indigenous students' migration and their experiences of different translocal circumstances. The results and analysis indicated that the students had both similar and different experiences in the various translocal arenas. The analysis showed the reasons behind the students’ migration were often linked to educational opportunities, but they also expressed different aspirations and plans for the future Further, adjusting to their new city environment proved to be challenging. They experienced both a negative and positive sense of place in Monterrey, but Mision del Nayar, the university and other indigenous students helped them feel a sense of belonging. The experiences the students had in the different translocal arenas shaped their narrative, and hence, impacted their sense of place and sense of belonging. Lastly, the students experienced translocal identities on a daily basis.
Migration från landsbygd till städer har ökat och har blivit vanligare i norra städer i Mexiko. Studenter från ursprungsbefolkningar har inte alltid tillgång till högre utbildning i sina samhällen och migrerar därför till stadsområden. Efter migrationen kan de genomgå vissa utmaningar med att navigera sig i den urbana livsstilen. Med hjälp av translokalitetskonceptet tillämpade denna studie ett frågeformulär och semistrukturerade intervjuer för att undersöka orsakerna till fem inhemska studenters migration och deras erfarenheter av olika translokala omständigheter. Resultatet och analysen tydde på att studenterna hade både liknande och olika upplevelser i de olika translokala arenorna. Analysen visade att anledningarna till studenternas migration ofta var kopplade till utbildningsmöjligheter, men de uttryckte också olika ambitioner och planer inför framtiden. Vidare visade sig anpassningen till deras nya stadsmiljö vara utmanande. De upplevde både en negativ och positiv känsla av plats i Monterrey, men Mision del Nayar, universitetet och andra inhemska studenter hjälpte dem också att känna tillhörighet. De erfarenheter som studenterna hade av de olika translokala arenorna formade deras berättelse och påverkade därmed deras känsla av plats och känsla av tillhörighet. Avslutningsvis påvisade studien att studenterna dagligen upplevde translokala identiteter.
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"Challenging the boundaries of citizenship: NGOs and political participation in Monterrey, Mexico." Tulane University, 2004.

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How do non-governmental organizations (NGOs) facilitate and expand citizen participation in the political process in Mexico? This study examines the role of NGOs and political participation in the context of Monterrey, a city located in the north of Mexico with a unique socio-economic and political context. My central argument is that political participation is about the struggle over and challenge to the boundaries of the multidimensional aspects of citizenship (political, social, and civil). Using multiple data collection strategies in a single embedded field case study design, I elucidate three themes: (1) the citizenship demands of the NGOs, the social groups they claim to represent, and the targets of the demands, (2) the strategies of the NGOs, and (3) the use of identity by the NGOs Based on in-depth interviews with twenty NGO leaders, I demonstrate there is fluidity to the strategies used by the organizations such that they move beyond traditional, radical strategies of mobilization. I argue that geographical location and the local Monterrey institutions of power have affected not only what the NGOs demand, but also how they engage in making demands. Therefore, I show that the majority of the organizations have transformational demands, but use system-stabilizing strategies to enact those demands. Through my comparison of these organizational demands and strategies, I contend that the Monterrey NGOs have two roles in the political process: transformational and system-stabilizing. Moreover, based on thirty-four in-depth interviews with two of the embedded NGOs, I demonstrate that rather than identity rooted in gender, class, or ethnicity, NGOs use the discourse of social justice and citizenship rights in making their demands. Both of these NGOs impact local politics, albeit through different coalitions and levels of visibility. Finally, while one organization is a transformational NGO and the other a system-stabilizing NGO, I contend that this differentiation is vital because the 'NGOization' of society challenges boundaries of what should be included in the political arena, confronts traditional notions of political participation and citizenship, and encourages the participation of underrepresented groups
acase@tulane.edu
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Ramos, Kittrell Jesús Alejandro. "Dynamics of ritual and ceremony at the metropolitan cathedral of Mexico, 1700-1750 /." 2006. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2006/ramoskittrellj22003/ramoskittrellj22003.pdf#page=3.

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Pozos, Ponce Fernando. "Economic restructuring, employment change and wage differentials the case of Guadalajara and Monterrey, 1975-1989 /." 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32357524.html.

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Solis-Gutierrez, Patricio Potter Joseph E. Roberts Bryan R. "Structural change and men's work lives transformations in social stratification and occupational mobility in Monterrey, Mexico /." 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3110587.

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Ramos, Kittrell Jesús Alejandro. "Dynamics of ritual and ceremony at the metropolitan cathedral of Mexico, 1700-1750." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2623.

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Monroy, Santiago Faustino. "Interrelationships between carbonate diagenesis and fracture development : example from Monterrey Salient, Mexico and implications for hydrocarbon reservoir characterization." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-05-5290.

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Many low matrix-porosity hydrocarbon reservoirs are productive because permeability is controlled by natural fractures. The understanding of basic fracture properties is critical in reducing geological risk and therefore reducing well costs and increasing well recovery. Unfortunately, neither geophysics nor borehole methods are, so far, accurate in the acquisition of key fracture attributes, such as density, porosity, spacing and conductivity. This study proposes a new protocol to predict key fracture characteristics of subsurface carbonate rocks and describes how using a relatively low-cost but rock-based method it is possible to obtain accurate geological information from rock samples to predict fracture attributes in nearby but unsampled areas. This methodology is based on the integration of observations of diagenetic fabrics and fracture analyses of carbonate rocks, using outcrops from the Lower Cretaceous Cupido Formation in the Monterrey Salient of the Sierra Madre Oriental, northeastern Mexico. Field observations and petrographic studies of crosscutting relations and fracture-fill mineralogy and texture distinguish six principal coupled fracturing-cementation events. Two fracture events named F1 and F2 are characterized by synkinematic calcite cement that predates D2 regional dolomitization. A third fracture event (F3) is characterized by synkinematic dolomite fill, contemporaneous with D2 dolomitization of host strata. The fourth event (F4) is characterized by synkinematic D3 baroque dolomite; this event postdates D2. The fifth fracture event (F5) is characterized by C3 synkinematic calcite, and postdates D3 dolomite. Finally, flexural slip faulting (F6) is characterized by C3t calcite, and postdates D3 dolomite. Carbon and oxygen stable isotopes were used to validate the paragenetic sequences proposed for the Cupido Formation rocks. The dolomite isotopic signatures are consistent with increasing precipitation temperatures for the various fracture cements, as is expected if fractures grew during progressive burial conditions. Three main groups of calcite cement can be differentiated isotopically. Late calcite cement may have precipitated from cool waters under shallow burial conditions, possibly during exhumation of the SMO. The development of the Structural Diagenetic Petrographic Study protocol, and its integration with geological, geophysical and engineering data, can be applied to oil fields in fractured carbonates such as those located in Mexico, to validate its applicability.
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Siller, Urteaga Lorena. "Ni domésticas ni putas : sexual harassment in the lives of female household workers in Monterrey, Nuevo León." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-05-5121.

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Sexual violence and in particular sexual harassment is an unfortunate reality in the lives of millions of Mexican women. We encounter this problem in all areas of our life: on the streets, within our families, and at work. Interestingly, some women's experiences of sexual harassment are less visible than others. This is the case of women in the occupation of paid household work. In Mexico, the fact that women household workers are sexually harassed or raped by their male employers has been silenced and at best kept as an open secret. In addition, researchers who have studied the lives of household workers barely mention it. Consequently, this master's thesis answers the following research questions: (1) Are women domestic workers vulnerable to sexual harassment? Why? and, (2) What are the social and cultural factors responsible for such vulnerabilities? I engage with these research questions by exploring the life histories of 11 women from Monterrey, Nuevo León and who have at least 5 years of working experience in the occupation, through in-depth interviews. Based on what the women shared with me I offer a collection of individual life stories followed by a feminist informed analysis of their experiences. Each story is unique and presents their views and perceptions of sexual harassment in the occupation and elsewhere. The analysis is divided in five mayor themes, which emerged in all of the interviews and explain the problematic. Although they enter the occupation knowing there are potential risks, one of which is sexual harassment, they are unable to change occupations due to limited work options. I argue that their social positionalities stemming from their gender, race, and class puts these women in a vulnerable position vis-a-vis their employers. As working class women, some from indigenous backgrounds, their employers engage in different types of discrimination, all of which construct women household workers as the other and their bodies as rapeable. At last, women blame themselves and others who have been targets of sexual harassment while freeing men from any type of accountability.
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Schmitz, Weiss Amy Christine 1976. "The transformation of the newsroom : the collaborative dynamics of journalists' work." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/17753.

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This study examines online news production through a cross-national comparative ethnography of two newsrooms: The Chicago Tribune in Chicago, Illinois and El Norte in Monterrey, Mexico. The researcher looks specifically at the extent of collaborative group work in the online newsroom. First, the researcher investigates the degree to which online newsrooms operate organizationally as collaborative groups when producing content for the website, as opposed to functioning individualistically when producing content for the website. The second facet examined is the cultural variability (Hofstede, 1980) of collaboration in the two online newsrooms, particularly whether the United States and Mexican online newsrooms support a collectivistic or individualistic and a high-context or low-context culture schema (Hofstede, 1980; Hall 1976). The last facet explored is how the collaborative behavior of the journalists in the two newsrooms supports or interferes with the practice of journalistic principles of verification and comprehensiveness and if this helps to make journalism better. This study found the El Norte newsroom has a collectivistic and high-context communication culture whereas The Chicago Tribune newsroom has an individualistic and low-context communication culture. Both newsrooms support the principles of verification and context in the news that is produced for the Website that helps to make the news accurate and comprehensive. It can be inferred, however, that the collectivistic, high-context communication culture is more supportive of a collaborative work environment that is conducive to making the journalists work together to help make the news accurate and comprehensive for the public. When the news is accurate and comprehensive, the public has better-informed citizens to make decisions in their daily lives as part of a democratic society. This study also has implications for the journalism and business industry as to the benefits of collaborative groupwork on the service or product outcome in an organization.
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