Academic literature on the topic 'Cathcart Old Parish Church'

"On 24 May 1956, Délpest Reformed Diocese – by the consent of the Danubi-an Reformed Church District– downgraded the Szigetszentmiklós Reformed Parish to the status of mission parish. The 700 members strong, almost 400 hundred years old parish’s chief elder was also relieved of his duties whilst the consistory was dis-solved. The downgrading of the long-standing parish, the dissolution of the elected consistory, and the deprivation of its right to elect its minister gave rise to protests both inside and outside the parish. An array of scandals, disciplinary issues, and dif-ficult as well as intricate lawsuits followed. The matter also generated waves in the entire Reformed Church since the presidium of the diocese overlooked the ecclesias-tic rules and regulations, ordering the downgrade without the consent of the dioce-san assembly –also assisted by the presidium of the church district–, accepting the new situation and appointing the mission minister. The case of Szigetszentmiklós is a great example to understand the global pic-ture of the actions taken against the disloyal ministers and consistories by the ecclesi-astic governance intertwined with the one-party state. Keywords: Hungarian Reformed Church during communism, church–state relations during communism, 20th-century history of the Reformed Church in Hungary, cold war, Albert Bereczky, Szigetszentmiklós."

The singing of metrical psalms, canticles, some anthems and a few hymns in the ‘old way’ constituted almost the sole musical activity in English parish church services after the Restoration. By the start of the eighteenth century a reform was under way. Parish clerks ceased to line out the psalms for the benefit of congregations. As the clergy and gentry generally disdained to assist the improvement of music and only the wealthiest urban churches could afford organs, congregations took their lead from choirs trained by itinerant singing-masters. Church music became divided between the art music of cathedrals, chapels and rich parishes and the popular psalmody performed elsewhere.

AbstractWhen parliament abolished episcopacy, cathedrals, and the Book of Common Prayer, what was left of the Church of England? Indeed, as contemporaries asked between 1646 and 1660, ‘Where is the Church of England?’ The episcopalian clergy could not agree. Some thought the remaining national framework of parishes and congregations was ‘the Church of England’, though now deformed, and worked within it. Others thought that only those ministers and parish congregations who remained loyal in heart to the church as it had been qualified as ‘the church’: most of them continued to serve a parish church and tried to keep the old practices going. A third category of hard-liners thought ‘the Church of England’ was now restricted to a recusant community that worshipped with the Prayer Book in secret and rejected the new national profession. The fundamental issue was the nature of a church: was it a society of believers, however organized, or a hierarchical institution following rules prescribed by God? The question caused tensions and distrust among the clergy, and the rigorists thought of the rest as time-servers and traitors. Disagreements continued to divide the clergy after the Restoration, and were reflected in attitudes towards concessions to dissenters.

The thirteenth century in Scotland witnessed a determined effort on the part of the crown and its ecclesiastical officials to initiate a series of reforms comparable to those that had so deeply altered the social and religious life of England and continental Europe. An important aspect of the transformation that occurred in Scotland was the consolidation of a network of parish churches throughout the kingdom. Scottish authorities, however, encountered several obstacles in their attempts to create parishes, and especially to assign sufficient revenues to them. In the lordships controlled by old Celtic families in particular the Church's designs sometimes clashed with the interests of great native land-holders and their kinsmen. In many of these lordships the process of parish formation was ultimately the result of negotiation and litigation which saw the Church forced to accommodate the claims of Celtic landowners. This article examines, in the context of the native lordship of Strathearn, the struggles that marked the creation and consolidation of some parishes in thirteenth-century Scotland.

Traditionally scholars distinguish English Anglican cathedrals of ‘old’ foundation and those of ‘new’, but since Henry VIII a further category has arisen comprising those established in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to serve newly created dioceses. These are often referred to as parish-church cathedrals because they mostly remained parish churches even after their elevation. Their new status raised various architectual and organisational problems, and this essay concentrates on the latter, illustrating them with select examples. These problems deserve examination because there is little recent literature on them and some passing references may tend to mislead.Two events define the period. In 1836 the first modern parish-church cathedral was created at Ripon. In 1931 the Cathedrals Measure provided for revision of all cathedral statutes within general guidelines, the outcome of a commission of enquiry which Church Assembly had launched in 1924 and which had reported in 1927. Moreover by 1931, albeit then unperceived, an era had ended in another respect because after a surge of creations in the 1920s, no more new bishoprics have been erected in England by the Anglican Church (despite various plans), though some territorial adjustments have been made between dioceses, notably the transfer of Croydon from Canterbury to Southwark. Throughout much of this period popular odium surrounded cathedral establishments, a residue from radical attack in the 1830s and 1840s upon all ecclesiastical corporations whose wealth, admittedly often maladministered, critics had hoped to appropriate to other uses, whose neglect of duties had become scandalous, and whose quirky and outmoded ways Trollope gently satirised in his Barchester novels. The period saw a piecemeal and relatively unco-ordinated response to the problems which creation of these cathedrals involved, and that Church Assembly commission explicitly deplored the ‘anomalous and confused’ situation which had arisen.

Attempt is made to trace the work and role of the parish clerk from menial monastic beginnings to its emergence in the thirteenth century as a canonically recognised office–probably the oldest unordained office at the parochial level in the English church and the last vestigial survival of Minor Orders. In parallel is developed the story of the coming together of London parish clerks as a guild or fraternity, radically distinguished from the merchant, craft and service guilds, and of the grant to that fraternity of ‘clerici et literati’– with its unique livery and ethos–of the first of its six Royal Charters. The duties and activities of mediaeval parish clerks and the constitution of their Company are considered along with its possessions, especially its Bede Roll. Attention is paid to the understanding of Purgatory and the devastating effects of the Chantries Act 1548. The parish clerk's changing role following the Reformation is examined within the prevailing continuities and discontinuities. New duties in relation to Registration and Bills of Mortality are marked in addition to the parish clerk's increasing social involvement in the civil affairs of the parish. The decline in the parish clerk's duties from the nineteenth century is studied and its effect on the office, the London Company and the ancient parishes of old London, from which the Company is exclusively recruited.

This paper seeks to present some tribal institutions that survived the conquest of Prussia by the Teutonic Knights as part of the parish structure in Sambia (Samland). This was the most populous tribal area in pagan Prussia. After its conquest in 1255, the Knights decided to build the local parish network on the basis of native territorial communities (so-called territoria). Thus, ultimately, the parish network in Sambia – with the exception of a sparse towns – was connected with so-called Kammerämter set up since the end of the 13th c. which, in turn, were based on the above territoria from the pagan period. In the early 15th c. there were 18 such local government units there managed by the Order or the local bishop. Parish churches were mostly built there in the seats of local clerks called Kämmereren. As a result, the parish network in the Bishopric of Sambia was relatively sparse. Pastoral work was also made difficult by that fact that most German parish priests did not know Old Prussian and that there were often problems with completing parish staff. Right before the Teutonic conquest of Sambia there were 15 territoria there. They were characterised by a high degree of external autonomy, but preserved loyalty towards the interests of the higher-order territorial community, i.e. the Sambian tribe. The political-territorial unit even smaller than the Prussian territorium was the moter (moter, muter, motor). It was probably a stronghold unit. There could be two or more such units in each territorium. The moter can also be called a community of local groups, since it embraced 5-10 villages. Georg Gerullis pointed out that even as early as church acts from the mid-17th century (1652 or 1665) there are records of 4 moters (e.g. Suppliten Moter) in the Sambian parish of Pobethen (today’s Romanovo), each of which had a Kirchenvater, i.e. a representative of the parish community from whom it derived its name. In the opinion of Hans and Gertrud Mortensens, what we deal with here are areas of a size similar to the medieval moters in Sambia. What is more, the area of the Pobethen parish probably roughly corresponded to that of the former Kammeramt of Pobethen, and the earlier Pobeten or Bethen territorium mentioned under the year 1260 in the Teutonic chronicle of Peter of Dusburg. Reinhard Wenskus claimed that the name Suppliten Moter may be connected with the name of Valtin Supplit, who, according to Lucas David’s chronicle, was the chief official during the ceremony of two pagan sacrifices that took place in the 1520s at Rantau (today’s Zaostrovye) in the parish of Pobethen. In the opinion of this scholar, the 17th-century office of the moter Kirchenvater could be a continuation of the office of a pagan cult functionary, evidently associated with this old Prussian territorial unit. In this paper this thesis has been corroborated. A hypothesis was also proposed that what could serve as a diffusion channel here was the institution of one- or a few-person representation of a village at mass, popular in medieval Prussian dioceses. Using the Pobethen parish as an example, it was also shown that in the pagan times moters enjoyed a much wider ceremonial autonomy in the higher-order territoria than in the later official parish-Kammeramt structures.

<p>W czasach Rusi Halicko-Włodzimierskiej osadnictwo ruskie na terenie dzisiejszej Lubelszczyzny posuwało się systematycznie na zachód. W XV i XVI w. dotarło do doliny Wieprza. W jego środkowym biegu powstało wówczas kilka parafii prawosławnych – Łęczna, Puchaczów, a także Milejów. Parafie te po przystąpieniu diecezji chełmskiej do unii brzeskiej stały się unickimi. Usytuowanie ich na terenie ze wzrastającą przewagą osadnictwa polskiego spowodowało przechodzenie wiernych na rzymsko katolicyzm. Proces ten szczególnie widoczny jest w 2 połowie XVIII w. i 1 połowie XIX w. Parafia w Milejowie należąca do najstarszych na tym terenie, pod koniec XVIII w. liczyła zaledwie kilku parafian, a na początku XIX w. rezydował tu jedynie proboszcz unicki, ks. Bazyli Hrabanowicz. W 2 dekadzie XIX w. ówczesny właściciel dóbr milejowskich – Adam Suffczyński – rozpoczął starania o przekształcenie parafii unickiej w parafię rzymskokatolicką, a cerkwi unickiej w kościół. Okazało się to dosyć skomplikowane. Najpierw parafię unicką należało zamknąć, a dopiero potem utworzyć parafię rzymskokatolicką. Proces ten kontynuowała siostra Adama – Helena Chrapowicka, która wkrótce przekazała to zadanie kuzynowi Antoniemu Melitonowi Rostworowskiemu, a po jego śmierci założeniem parafii i budową kościoła zajęła wdowa po nim – Maria z Jansenów, a następnie ich syn Antoni Rostworowski. Parafia unicka została zamknięta w 1852 r., cerkiew rozebrana, a murowany kościół został wzniesiony w latach 1855-1856. Po śmierci wspomnianego proboszcza unickiego w 1832 r. (ostatniego tutejszego parocha), cerkwią opiekował się proboszcz Dratowa. Część wyposażenia cerkwi milejowskiej została przeniesiona do świątyni dratowskiej, gdzie spłonęło ono w roku 1886 r., w pożarze tamtejszej świątyni. Część wyposażenia zabezpieczona została we dworze milejowskim i po wybudowaniu kościoła przeniesiona do niego. Wśród tego wyposażenia wyróżnia się pochodząca z 2 połowy XVII w. ikona Matki Boskiej z Dzieciątkiem (w typie Eleusy), odnowiona w latach 2012-2013 staraniem ówczesnego proboszcza – ks. Andrzeja Juźko. Po akcji rozbiórkowej cerkwi w 1938 r. to jedna z wyjątkowo nielicznych, ocalałych ikon dawnej diecezji Kościoła wschodniego na Lubelszczyźnie.</p><p><strong>On the Religious Borderland. A Defunct Uniate Church under the Invocation of St. Praxedes the Martyr in Milejów and its Equipment</strong></p>SUMMARY<p>The parish in Milejów was one of the early Orthodox parishes in the Wieprz valley, recorded in the 1470s. The presence of the Orthodox priest in Milejów is documented in tax registers in the 16th century. More information on the Uniate parish and its Orthodox church can be found in the documents of the 18th-19th centuries. The author presents the history of the Milejów Uniate church and the parish with particular reference to the equipment of the church. First, the old Uniate church is described (the last quarter of the 17th and the fi rst half of the 18th century). The church had the high altar and three side altars; in addition, there were inter alia, liturgical vessels, altar bells, the bells on the belfry, liturgical books, an perhaps an iconostasis. The new Uniate church (the second half of the 18th and the fi rst half of the 19th century) – erected in the second half of the 18th century in place of the old one (which burnt down in ca. 1760) contained the high altar with the picture of Our Lady (painted on canvas) and two side altars. The equipment also included, inter alia, a silver and gilded pro Venerabili vessel, a chalice with a paten and a spoon, a can “for sick people”, an altar tin cross, a brass thurible, a metal swag lamp, three altar bells, a bell at the sacristy, four reliquaries, two small brass candlesticks, a processional cross, pictures, liturgical books. The next described stage is the end of the Uniate parish and the beginnings of the creation of the Roman-Catholic parish in the 19th century, founded in 1858. The new church – erected a few hundred meters from the place of the Uniate church – was consecrated in 1859. The equipment of the Uniate church before its demolition (the second quarter of the 19th century) included in 1828, inter alia, the above mentioned three altars, a new choir, a crucifi x, a confessional, a pulpit, candlesticks, pictures, and a new umbraculum. The inventory of 1847 also mentioned, inter alia, four icons situated near the high altar, a stoup, four benches, twenty candlesticks, and a porcelain chandelier. In the next part of the text the author describes the icons preserved in the Milejów church: „Matka Boska z dzieciątkiem” [Madonna and Child] and „Przemienienie Pańskie” [the Transfi guration of the Lord]. In the next parts of the article the author describes the history of the owners of Milejów, patrons and parish priests. At the end of the article he synthetically presents the history of the Milejów parish.</p>

The Kalisz Orthodox church from the 1870s (Fig. 1) was demolished in the interwar period and quickly replaced by a “new” Orthodox church by the same name (Fig. 6). The surviving official correspondence reveals a specific set of arguments for the dismantling of the “old” church, e.g. that it was becoming dilapidated, was a threat to public safety and constituted an alien addition to the architectural landscape of the city. The demolition of the Orthodox church was to provide jobs for the unemployed and to open up the possibility of erecting a post office in that spot. The municipal authorities convinced the Ministry of Culture and Art that the local Orthodox parish was not interested in reclaiming the church for their own needs, even though this was not the case. The community ultimately conceded to having the church dismantled but demanded that a new temple be erected as compensation. The example of Kalisz aptly illustrates the attitude the authorities of the Second Republic of Poland had towards Russian Orthodox churches that had been erected in the partition period. The situation mirrored the controversies around the fate of the Orthodox church in Saski Square in Warsaw, if in a more provincial environment. The architectural style of the “new” Orthodox church in Kalisz puzzles many authors – the building, clearly representative of Russian historicism, is associated with Rundbogenstil and Latin- and Occidental-style Orthodox churches, which were spared by the interwar Polish authorities who wished to convert Orthodox citizens to Catholicism within the framework of the so-called neo-Union.

The ministerial career of the presbyterian divine Oliver Heywood, spanning as it did the years from 1650, when as a young man still technically too young for ordination he first accepted the call of the congregation at Coley chapelry in the parish of Halifax, until 1702 when on 4 May he died there, a patriarchal figure respected and admired by fellow ministers and congregation alike, was considered by contemporaries and has subsequently been thought of by historians as an exemplary study of the pastoral tradition within old Dissent. His career illustrates how one man could lie at the centre of a network of nonconformist divines, patrons and adherents scattered throughout West Yorkshire, South Lancashire and Cheshire and also demonstrates the ambivalent and shifting relationship between Dissent and the Established Church in the latter half of the seventeenth century. These insights into both the internal and external relationships of Dissenters depend mainly on the corpus of Heywood’s writings, not his published works but his autobiographical notes, diaries and memoranda books published just over a century ago, and it is these writings which form the basis of this paper. To begin with though we can turn to the diary of the antiquary Ralph Thoresby who attended Hey wood’s funeral on the 7 May 1702 and recorded the event as follows: rode with Mr Peter’s to North Owram to the funeral of good old Mr O. Heywood. He was afterwards interred with great lamentations in the parish church of Halifax. [I] was surprised at the following arvill, or treat of cold possets, stewed prunes, and cheese, prepared for the company, which had several conformist and non-conformist ministers and old acquaintances.

Ten days after his first tour of the Old Jago, the Reverend Henry Sturt first preached in the parish church made of a stable, in an alley behind Meakin Street, but few yards away, though beyond sight and sound of the Jago. There, that...

Ryabinov’s denomination in historiography is a poorly studied Old Believers’ movement. It was spread in Kazan, Orenburg and Perm provinces of the Russian Empire. The only full-fledged article dedicated to their ritual life was written in the 19th century by professor of the Kazan Theological Academy N.I. Ivanovsky. Archival investigative cases about the Ryabinovites testify to their variety of religious life in the 1830s and 1850s. During the reign of Nicholas I, the authorities sought to strengthen disciplinary control over the Orthodox parish and to identify the “formal” Orthodox, who actually belonged to other religious communities. These measures would lead to a crisis in the relationship between the secular and spiritual authorities and Old Believers’ communities and to the heyday of investigative cases related to the apostasy of Orthodox parishioners split. Under these conditions, there is a confessionalization of the Old Believers’ denomination among the Rabinovites, aimed at separating their own community from the rest of the Orthodox parishioners and representatives of other Old Believers’ consent. Before the reign of Nicholas I, the Ryabinovites, like a number of other representatives of Old Believers’ denominations, were baptized and married in Orthodox parish churches. Thus, the authorities regarded them as “official” Orthodox. In the process of investigation, the ceremonial life of the Ryabinovites, in particular baptism and marriage, began to change dramatically. The work will show how Ryabinovites, abandoning any contact with the Orthodox Church, began to more actively perform their own rites of baptism and marriage.

Chapter 5 sees the parish as a platform for belonging, and sport and custom as celebrations of that belonging. It opens with Edwin Butterworth, a well-connected journalist working for Edward Baines, the radical newspaper owner, who was writing a history of Lancashire. Charged in 1835 with surveying a county deep in the throes of industrialization, and keen to establish the state of ‘Customs, Habits, &c’, Butterworth’s findings do not show the sudden death of parochial custom any more than they show the rising up of a great new factory system. Instead, they show parochial culture dying in some places but flourishing (and changing) in others. The chapter goes on to look more widely at how this old parochial culture had bound people to their sense of place—what the old Poor Law called ‘settlement’. At the same time the chapter notes how from the 1830s to the 1880s, the welfare functions that had underpinned settlement were being removed and given to quasi-national bodies. Apart from Church of England clergy who were not quite insiders or outsiders, the parish had insiders who were enemies as well. Primitive Methodists were anti-sport and counter-parochial for all of the nineteenth century. They brought disruption with a new kind of belonging.

The construction of an underground car park at Largo de Jesus, in Lisbon, led to an archaeological intervention in 2005. That space corresponds to the old churchyard of the Jesus’ Church, the Mercês’ current parish seat. In addition to other remains, the foundations of the staircase leading to the church were identified, as well as several wall structures. Some of those seem to be prior to the 1755 earthquake and related to an area of warehouses that could have belonged to the Mendia palace, on the west side of the square, completely remodeled after the earthquake. The intervention also made it possible to verify that different rebuilding works on that place eliminated, progressively, the previous spatial realities, affected it in all the stratigraphic contexts detected, compromising and hindering their reading. There are numerous remains of everyday material that were found in those realities, with special emphasis on ceramic containers; however, the objective of this work is to present some of the non-ceramic artifacts recovered there.