Journal articles on the topic 'Cathcart Old Parish Church'

"On 24 May 1956, Délpest Reformed Diocese – by the consent of the Danubi-an Reformed Church District– downgraded the Szigetszentmiklós Reformed Parish to the status of mission parish. The 700 members strong, almost 400 hundred years old parish’s chief elder was also relieved of his duties whilst the consistory was dis-solved. The downgrading of the long-standing parish, the dissolution of the elected consistory, and the deprivation of its right to elect its minister gave rise to protests both inside and outside the parish. An array of scandals, disciplinary issues, and dif-ficult as well as intricate lawsuits followed. The matter also generated waves in the entire Reformed Church since the presidium of the diocese overlooked the ecclesias-tic rules and regulations, ordering the downgrade without the consent of the dioce-san assembly –also assisted by the presidium of the church district–, accepting the new situation and appointing the mission minister. The case of Szigetszentmiklós is a great example to understand the global pic-ture of the actions taken against the disloyal ministers and consistories by the ecclesi-astic governance intertwined with the one-party state. Keywords: Hungarian Reformed Church during communism, church–state relations during communism, 20th-century history of the Reformed Church in Hungary, cold war, Albert Bereczky, Szigetszentmiklós."

The singing of metrical psalms, canticles, some anthems and a few hymns in the ‘old way’ constituted almost the sole musical activity in English parish church services after the Restoration. By the start of the eighteenth century a reform was under way. Parish clerks ceased to line out the psalms for the benefit of congregations. As the clergy and gentry generally disdained to assist the improvement of music and only the wealthiest urban churches could afford organs, congregations took their lead from choirs trained by itinerant singing-masters. Church music became divided between the art music of cathedrals, chapels and rich parishes and the popular psalmody performed elsewhere.

AbstractWhen parliament abolished episcopacy, cathedrals, and the Book of Common Prayer, what was left of the Church of England? Indeed, as contemporaries asked between 1646 and 1660, ‘Where is the Church of England?’ The episcopalian clergy could not agree. Some thought the remaining national framework of parishes and congregations was ‘the Church of England’, though now deformed, and worked within it. Others thought that only those ministers and parish congregations who remained loyal in heart to the church as it had been qualified as ‘the church’: most of them continued to serve a parish church and tried to keep the old practices going. A third category of hard-liners thought ‘the Church of England’ was now restricted to a recusant community that worshipped with the Prayer Book in secret and rejected the new national profession. The fundamental issue was the nature of a church: was it a society of believers, however organized, or a hierarchical institution following rules prescribed by God? The question caused tensions and distrust among the clergy, and the rigorists thought of the rest as time-servers and traitors. Disagreements continued to divide the clergy after the Restoration, and were reflected in attitudes towards concessions to dissenters.

The thirteenth century in Scotland witnessed a determined effort on the part of the crown and its ecclesiastical officials to initiate a series of reforms comparable to those that had so deeply altered the social and religious life of England and continental Europe. An important aspect of the transformation that occurred in Scotland was the consolidation of a network of parish churches throughout the kingdom. Scottish authorities, however, encountered several obstacles in their attempts to create parishes, and especially to assign sufficient revenues to them. In the lordships controlled by old Celtic families in particular the Church's designs sometimes clashed with the interests of great native land-holders and their kinsmen. In many of these lordships the process of parish formation was ultimately the result of negotiation and litigation which saw the Church forced to accommodate the claims of Celtic landowners. This article examines, in the context of the native lordship of Strathearn, the struggles that marked the creation and consolidation of some parishes in thirteenth-century Scotland.

Traditionally scholars distinguish English Anglican cathedrals of ‘old’ foundation and those of ‘new’, but since Henry VIII a further category has arisen comprising those established in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to serve newly created dioceses. These are often referred to as parish-church cathedrals because they mostly remained parish churches even after their elevation. Their new status raised various architectual and organisational problems, and this essay concentrates on the latter, illustrating them with select examples. These problems deserve examination because there is little recent literature on them and some passing references may tend to mislead.Two events define the period. In 1836 the first modern parish-church cathedral was created at Ripon. In 1931 the Cathedrals Measure provided for revision of all cathedral statutes within general guidelines, the outcome of a commission of enquiry which Church Assembly had launched in 1924 and which had reported in 1927. Moreover by 1931, albeit then unperceived, an era had ended in another respect because after a surge of creations in the 1920s, no more new bishoprics have been erected in England by the Anglican Church (despite various plans), though some territorial adjustments have been made between dioceses, notably the transfer of Croydon from Canterbury to Southwark. Throughout much of this period popular odium surrounded cathedral establishments, a residue from radical attack in the 1830s and 1840s upon all ecclesiastical corporations whose wealth, admittedly often maladministered, critics had hoped to appropriate to other uses, whose neglect of duties had become scandalous, and whose quirky and outmoded ways Trollope gently satirised in his Barchester novels. The period saw a piecemeal and relatively unco-ordinated response to the problems which creation of these cathedrals involved, and that Church Assembly commission explicitly deplored the ‘anomalous and confused’ situation which had arisen.

Attempt is made to trace the work and role of the parish clerk from menial monastic beginnings to its emergence in the thirteenth century as a canonically recognised office–probably the oldest unordained office at the parochial level in the English church and the last vestigial survival of Minor Orders. In parallel is developed the story of the coming together of London parish clerks as a guild or fraternity, radically distinguished from the merchant, craft and service guilds, and of the grant to that fraternity of ‘clerici et literati’– with its unique livery and ethos–of the first of its six Royal Charters. The duties and activities of mediaeval parish clerks and the constitution of their Company are considered along with its possessions, especially its Bede Roll. Attention is paid to the understanding of Purgatory and the devastating effects of the Chantries Act 1548. The parish clerk's changing role following the Reformation is examined within the prevailing continuities and discontinuities. New duties in relation to Registration and Bills of Mortality are marked in addition to the parish clerk's increasing social involvement in the civil affairs of the parish. The decline in the parish clerk's duties from the nineteenth century is studied and its effect on the office, the London Company and the ancient parishes of old London, from which the Company is exclusively recruited.

This paper seeks to present some tribal institutions that survived the conquest of Prussia by the Teutonic Knights as part of the parish structure in Sambia (Samland). This was the most populous tribal area in pagan Prussia. After its conquest in 1255, the Knights decided to build the local parish network on the basis of native territorial communities (so-called territoria). Thus, ultimately, the parish network in Sambia – with the exception of a sparse towns – was connected with so-called Kammerämter set up since the end of the 13th c. which, in turn, were based on the above territoria from the pagan period. In the early 15th c. there were 18 such local government units there managed by the Order or the local bishop. Parish churches were mostly built there in the seats of local clerks called Kämmereren. As a result, the parish network in the Bishopric of Sambia was relatively sparse. Pastoral work was also made difficult by that fact that most German parish priests did not know Old Prussian and that there were often problems with completing parish staff. Right before the Teutonic conquest of Sambia there were 15 territoria there. They were characterised by a high degree of external autonomy, but preserved loyalty towards the interests of the higher-order territorial community, i.e. the Sambian tribe. The political-territorial unit even smaller than the Prussian territorium was the moter (moter, muter, motor). It was probably a stronghold unit. There could be two or more such units in each territorium. The moter can also be called a community of local groups, since it embraced 5-10 villages. Georg Gerullis pointed out that even as early as church acts from the mid-17th century (1652 or 1665) there are records of 4 moters (e.g. Suppliten Moter) in the Sambian parish of Pobethen (today’s Romanovo), each of which had a Kirchenvater, i.e. a representative of the parish community from whom it derived its name. In the opinion of Hans and Gertrud Mortensens, what we deal with here are areas of a size similar to the medieval moters in Sambia. What is more, the area of the Pobethen parish probably roughly corresponded to that of the former Kammeramt of Pobethen, and the earlier Pobeten or Bethen territorium mentioned under the year 1260 in the Teutonic chronicle of Peter of Dusburg. Reinhard Wenskus claimed that the name Suppliten Moter may be connected with the name of Valtin Supplit, who, according to Lucas David’s chronicle, was the chief official during the ceremony of two pagan sacrifices that took place in the 1520s at Rantau (today’s Zaostrovye) in the parish of Pobethen. In the opinion of this scholar, the 17th-century office of the moter Kirchenvater could be a continuation of the office of a pagan cult functionary, evidently associated with this old Prussian territorial unit. In this paper this thesis has been corroborated. A hypothesis was also proposed that what could serve as a diffusion channel here was the institution of one- or a few-person representation of a village at mass, popular in medieval Prussian dioceses. Using the Pobethen parish as an example, it was also shown that in the pagan times moters enjoyed a much wider ceremonial autonomy in the higher-order territoria than in the later official parish-Kammeramt structures.

<p>W czasach Rusi Halicko-Włodzimierskiej osadnictwo ruskie na terenie dzisiejszej Lubelszczyzny posuwało się systematycznie na zachód. W XV i XVI w. dotarło do doliny Wieprza. W jego środkowym biegu powstało wówczas kilka parafii prawosławnych – Łęczna, Puchaczów, a także Milejów. Parafie te po przystąpieniu diecezji chełmskiej do unii brzeskiej stały się unickimi. Usytuowanie ich na terenie ze wzrastającą przewagą osadnictwa polskiego spowodowało przechodzenie wiernych na rzymsko katolicyzm. Proces ten szczególnie widoczny jest w 2 połowie XVIII w. i 1 połowie XIX w. Parafia w Milejowie należąca do najstarszych na tym terenie, pod koniec XVIII w. liczyła zaledwie kilku parafian, a na początku XIX w. rezydował tu jedynie proboszcz unicki, ks. Bazyli Hrabanowicz. W 2 dekadzie XIX w. ówczesny właściciel dóbr milejowskich – Adam Suffczyński – rozpoczął starania o przekształcenie parafii unickiej w parafię rzymskokatolicką, a cerkwi unickiej w kościół. Okazało się to dosyć skomplikowane. Najpierw parafię unicką należało zamknąć, a dopiero potem utworzyć parafię rzymskokatolicką. Proces ten kontynuowała siostra Adama – Helena Chrapowicka, która wkrótce przekazała to zadanie kuzynowi Antoniemu Melitonowi Rostworowskiemu, a po jego śmierci założeniem parafii i budową kościoła zajęła wdowa po nim – Maria z Jansenów, a następnie ich syn Antoni Rostworowski. Parafia unicka została zamknięta w 1852 r., cerkiew rozebrana, a murowany kościół został wzniesiony w latach 1855-1856. Po śmierci wspomnianego proboszcza unickiego w 1832 r. (ostatniego tutejszego parocha), cerkwią opiekował się proboszcz Dratowa. Część wyposażenia cerkwi milejowskiej została przeniesiona do świątyni dratowskiej, gdzie spłonęło ono w roku 1886 r., w pożarze tamtejszej świątyni. Część wyposażenia zabezpieczona została we dworze milejowskim i po wybudowaniu kościoła przeniesiona do niego. Wśród tego wyposażenia wyróżnia się pochodząca z 2 połowy XVII w. ikona Matki Boskiej z Dzieciątkiem (w typie Eleusy), odnowiona w latach 2012-2013 staraniem ówczesnego proboszcza – ks. Andrzeja Juźko. Po akcji rozbiórkowej cerkwi w 1938 r. to jedna z wyjątkowo nielicznych, ocalałych ikon dawnej diecezji Kościoła wschodniego na Lubelszczyźnie.</p><p><strong>On the Religious Borderland. A Defunct Uniate Church under the Invocation of St. Praxedes the Martyr in Milejów and its Equipment</strong></p>SUMMARY<p>The parish in Milejów was one of the early Orthodox parishes in the Wieprz valley, recorded in the 1470s. The presence of the Orthodox priest in Milejów is documented in tax registers in the 16th century. More information on the Uniate parish and its Orthodox church can be found in the documents of the 18th-19th centuries. The author presents the history of the Milejów Uniate church and the parish with particular reference to the equipment of the church. First, the old Uniate church is described (the last quarter of the 17th and the fi rst half of the 18th century). The church had the high altar and three side altars; in addition, there were inter alia, liturgical vessels, altar bells, the bells on the belfry, liturgical books, an perhaps an iconostasis. The new Uniate church (the second half of the 18th and the fi rst half of the 19th century) – erected in the second half of the 18th century in place of the old one (which burnt down in ca. 1760) contained the high altar with the picture of Our Lady (painted on canvas) and two side altars. The equipment also included, inter alia, a silver and gilded pro Venerabili vessel, a chalice with a paten and a spoon, a can “for sick people”, an altar tin cross, a brass thurible, a metal swag lamp, three altar bells, a bell at the sacristy, four reliquaries, two small brass candlesticks, a processional cross, pictures, liturgical books. The next described stage is the end of the Uniate parish and the beginnings of the creation of the Roman-Catholic parish in the 19th century, founded in 1858. The new church – erected a few hundred meters from the place of the Uniate church – was consecrated in 1859. The equipment of the Uniate church before its demolition (the second quarter of the 19th century) included in 1828, inter alia, the above mentioned three altars, a new choir, a crucifi x, a confessional, a pulpit, candlesticks, pictures, and a new umbraculum. The inventory of 1847 also mentioned, inter alia, four icons situated near the high altar, a stoup, four benches, twenty candlesticks, and a porcelain chandelier. In the next part of the text the author describes the icons preserved in the Milejów church: „Matka Boska z dzieciątkiem” [Madonna and Child] and „Przemienienie Pańskie” [the Transfi guration of the Lord]. In the next parts of the article the author describes the history of the owners of Milejów, patrons and parish priests. At the end of the article he synthetically presents the history of the Milejów parish.</p>

The Kalisz Orthodox church from the 1870s (Fig. 1) was demolished in the interwar period and quickly replaced by a “new” Orthodox church by the same name (Fig. 6). The surviving official correspondence reveals a specific set of arguments for the dismantling of the “old” church, e.g. that it was becoming dilapidated, was a threat to public safety and constituted an alien addition to the architectural landscape of the city. The demolition of the Orthodox church was to provide jobs for the unemployed and to open up the possibility of erecting a post office in that spot. The municipal authorities convinced the Ministry of Culture and Art that the local Orthodox parish was not interested in reclaiming the church for their own needs, even though this was not the case. The community ultimately conceded to having the church dismantled but demanded that a new temple be erected as compensation. The example of Kalisz aptly illustrates the attitude the authorities of the Second Republic of Poland had towards Russian Orthodox churches that had been erected in the partition period. The situation mirrored the controversies around the fate of the Orthodox church in Saski Square in Warsaw, if in a more provincial environment. The architectural style of the “new” Orthodox church in Kalisz puzzles many authors – the building, clearly representative of Russian historicism, is associated with Rundbogenstil and Latin- and Occidental-style Orthodox churches, which were spared by the interwar Polish authorities who wished to convert Orthodox citizens to Catholicism within the framework of the so-called neo-Union.

The ministerial career of the presbyterian divine Oliver Heywood, spanning as it did the years from 1650, when as a young man still technically too young for ordination he first accepted the call of the congregation at Coley chapelry in the parish of Halifax, until 1702 when on 4 May he died there, a patriarchal figure respected and admired by fellow ministers and congregation alike, was considered by contemporaries and has subsequently been thought of by historians as an exemplary study of the pastoral tradition within old Dissent. His career illustrates how one man could lie at the centre of a network of nonconformist divines, patrons and adherents scattered throughout West Yorkshire, South Lancashire and Cheshire and also demonstrates the ambivalent and shifting relationship between Dissent and the Established Church in the latter half of the seventeenth century. These insights into both the internal and external relationships of Dissenters depend mainly on the corpus of Heywood’s writings, not his published works but his autobiographical notes, diaries and memoranda books published just over a century ago, and it is these writings which form the basis of this paper. To begin with though we can turn to the diary of the antiquary Ralph Thoresby who attended Hey wood’s funeral on the 7 May 1702 and recorded the event as follows: rode with Mr Peter’s to North Owram to the funeral of good old Mr O. Heywood. He was afterwards interred with great lamentations in the parish church of Halifax. [I] was surprised at the following arvill, or treat of cold possets, stewed prunes, and cheese, prepared for the company, which had several conformist and non-conformist ministers and old acquaintances.

Of the numerous criticisms and expressions of grievance directed at the Church in Germany on the eve of the Reformation, the most devastating was the charge of inadequate pastoral care. Reformers of all complexions bewailed the poor state of the parish clergy and the inadequate manner in which they provided for the spiritual needs of their flocks. At the very least, the parish clergy were ill-educated and ill-prepared for their pastoral tasks; at the very worst, they exploited those to whom they should have ministered, charging for their services, treating layfolk as merely a means of increasing their incomes, and, above all, resorting to the tyranny of the spiritual ban to uphold their position. The popular propaganda of the early Reformation fully exploited such deficiencies, exposing the decay in root and branch of a system of pastoral care depicted as no more than an empty shell, a facade of a genuine Christian cure of souls. The attack on the traditional Church was highly successful, successful enough to provoke an ecclesiastical revolution, and almost a socio-political revolution as well. It was, indeed, so successful that generations of historians of the Reformation have seen the condition of the pre-Reformation Church largely through the eyes of its critics and opponents. This negative image was matched by an idealized view of what succeeded it: where the old Church had failed the Christian laity, indeed, so much that they had virtually fallen into the hands of the Devil, the new Church offered solutions, a new way forward, a new standard of pastoral care and concern that created a new ideal, the Lutheran pastor, who cared for his flock as a kindly father, a shepherd who would willingly give up his life for his sheep.

Set in Manila in 1813 during the implementation of the Liberal Spanish Constitution of 1812, this case study of the conflict between natives and Chinese mestizos over seating arrangements in a small parish church demonstrates how the new charter challenged the hierarchies of colonial political space. Despite its centralist aim, the Constitution instead empowered multiple ethnic groups, while reinforcing local notions of self-government and autonomy. Though a brief period, it was a significant one, as natives and Chinese mestizos constructed complex political identities. In turn, these identities set a political precedent which re-emerged during the second constitutional period (1820–23) with more wide-ranging political consequences.

The Polish version of the article was published in “Roczniki Humanistyczne,” vol. 65 (2017), issue 2 The article discusses an important period in Church history, namely the so-called Church reform. It occurred after King Zygmunt August (1564) and the Polish clergy (1577) had adopted the resolutions of the Council of Trent. The implementation of those resolutions started at the turn of the 17th century. One of the proposals was to renew the life of clergy—their attitude to obligations and improvement of morals, customs and even appearance. Wincenty de Seve’s inspection in the years 1608–1609 concerned the area of the archdeaconry of Gniezno. For the purposes of this article, its four deaneries were analysed, i.e. Holy Trinity, Saints Peter and Paul, Łekno and Sompolno. The main purpose of the visitation was to inspect the parish, which played an extremely important role in society. The article discusses the image of the parish clergy emerging from the findings of the inspection, which took into account guidelines for the reform. This image shows that both those who were role models and those who drastically violated various norms were exceptions. The most numerous group were priests, who mostly met the requirements, but various irregularities were noticeable. The biggest problems of the next, slightly smaller group were women and alcohol. The offences also included ignorance, sloppiness and inappropriate clothing. The inspection shows that at the beginning of the 17th century, attempts were made to implement the reform of parish clergy, but traces of old habits and new requirements were still to go hand in hand.

In the era of Nicholas I, the policy for further unification of the religious life and stricter surveillance over parishioners led to a rise of investigative cases filed against schismatics. The article discusses how the clergy increased their efforts in revealing the facts of “apostasy” of Old Belief among the Orthodox. In the course of these activities, the Russian authorities discovered the imperfection of their own system of surveillance. The paper shows that the active investigation of cases of “apostasy” produced the opposite result: instead of drawing people back from “apostasy” the policy led to an intensification of religious life of various Old Believer communities. In particular, the paper focuses upon inter-confessional marriages between Orthodox Christians and Old Believers. The legal rules of such marriages were often neglected by the spouses and sometimes by the Orthodox clergy themselves. An analysis is provided of the perception of such marriages by secular and church authorities, and by those marriage couples who were pursued as “apostates”.

It is known that the Church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary at Silba was demolished in 1828 so as to provide the necessary building material for the completion of the new parish church which inherited the dedication from the old one. As we learn from the archival records, the demolition was authorized by the Archbishop of Zadar Josip Nowak who stipulated that the Franciscan Church of Our Lady of Carmel would function as the local parish church while the new one was being built. All that remains from the old church today is the bell tower which continued to be used by the new parish church. It is obvious from the schematic ground plan and the dimensions of the demolished church, recorded in the now lost document from the parish church archive, that it was a single-nave longitudinal structure with a rectangular sacristy to the east, two shallow chapels extending from the lateral walls and a porch of the lopica type (resembling a loggia) at the front which abutted onto the corner of the bell tower with its own south corner. Apart from the high altar, placed against the back wall, the church had three pairs of side altars. The analysis of the canonical visitations carried out during the second quarter of the seventeenth century demonstrates that the church, recorded for the first time in 1579, was a modest building in which the oil for the anointment of the sick was being kept because the local parish church of that time, dedicated to St Mark, was too far from the village. The church was provided with five side altars put up by the more distinguished individuals and members of the lay fraternities the most prominent of which was that of Our Lady of the Rosary after which the church was called by eighteenth-century locals. Based on the analysis of the 1670 visitation of Archbishop Evangelisto Parzaghi who described the renovation during which certain altars changed their places, the article argues that the church was completed just before this visit. The bell tower was mentioned as a campanile for the first time in 1678.By means of comparative analysis, it can be established that the Church of the Nativity of the Virgin at Silba belonged to the same architectural type as a large group of simple yet spacious churches which were built in rural communities along the east Adriatic coast by local masters during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The activity of such masters on the island of Silba is corroborated by contemporary birth, marriage and death records as well as a number of monuments such as a tombstone in the Church of St Mark and the door lintel in the house of master builder Franić Lorencin (1660), both of which depict building and carving tools. The analysis of the land registry maps and topographical drawings of 1824 and 1833 shows that the church’s south wall, to the east of the chapel of Our Lady of the Rosary, was laid in a different direction compared to that of the rest of the wall, indicating that this portion belonged to an earlier layer of the building which, judging from everything, seems to have been medieval. Therefore, the wall was widened and extended towards the west during the rebuilding documented in the visitation of 1670. This possibility, which a future excavation of the site ought to be confirm, is strengthened by the frequency of such alterations as can be seen on the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century churches on the island of Ugljan and in particular on the Church of St Lawrence at Lukoran, built in 1632, which is the best example of that architectural type.Another feature of these churches is the lopica-type porch which stands out as an architectural element typical of Istria and the Quarnero gulf to which, geographically speaking, the island of Silba gravitates. The lopica porch of the Church of the Nativity at Silba had a particularly elongated plan and featured two symmetrical sets of three supports and an axial main entrance into the porch, that is, the church. It is unlikely that the porch was added prior to the late seventeenth century because during that time, Silba was exposed to the raids of the Turkish pirates who threatened it directly. It is certain that the bell tower was used for defensive purposes and the addition of a porch would have diminished its importance as a fortification structure and hampered the visual communication with the entrance to the church.The examination of the architecture of the bell tower revealed two different building phases: an earlier one which included the body of the bell tower and a later one which saw the addition of the pyramidal structure together with a shallow square drum. In its original form, the bell tower had a compact body featuring a round-headed opening at the centre of each side of the two topmost storeys. Their stylistically undefined morphology corresponds to modest bell towers which were built in this area from the late sixteenth to the eighteenth century. The original pyramidal top had to be dismantled in 1858 due to wear and tear and it was replaced by the present one which has oval openings at the bottom of each side of the drum. This structure is almost identical to the top of the bell tower of the Church of Our Lady of the Rosary at Preko on the island of Ugljan which was built in 1844.Based on the archival records, the article also establishes that the substantially repainted image of the Virgin and Child with SS Mark and Matthew, today at the high altar of the parish church, was originally larger. It was the object of ex-voto veneration and numerous offerings had been placed in its glass case. The painting was cropped so that it could be inserted into the niche of the marble altar piece designed by Ćiril M. Iveković (1898) which meant the loss of the two evangelists. According to the preserved contract and drawing, the lower part of the altar was set up in 1860 by Giovanni dalla Zonca, an altar maker from Vodnjan, and it featured the still preserved wooden statues of SS Peter and Paul which are dated to the mid-seventeenth century on the basis of their stylistic features. Therefore, it can be concluded that painting and the statues were taken from the high altar of the demolished church.

On the worldwide scale Africa is the least-known continent demographically. Until the mid-twentieth century not even the size of the population was precisely known in many areas of sub-Saharan Africa. The major problems in African historical demography have either been the almost total lack of relevant sources or, if some have been available, they have been fragmentary and non-systematic. The reliability of the most commonly-used sources in African historical demography—population counts and early censuses—remained questionable until the 1960s. However, fairly far-reaching conclusions and estimations based on these sources using indirect methods have been drawn. Despite the development of methods in historical demography, the questionable source materials have naturally provided serious grounds for argumentation.An excellent example is the debate between the natalistic and antinatalistic school over changes in fertility and mortality in sub-Saharan African societies during the precolonial and early colonial period. The fragmentary nature of the available sources has offered a firm basis for the disagreement.The objective of this paper is to discuss limitations, pitfalls, and opportunities related to sources used in African historical demography. The paper first reviews the conventional sources—population counts, censuses, and surveys—and then presents an old but seldom-used group of sources, Christian parish registers. The usability of parish registers is discussed through a concrete research project based on data produced since the late nineteenth century in the parishes of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia (ELCIN). Finally, attention is paid on widening the range of disciplines where African parish registers could be utilized.

The history of church architecture in seventeenth-century London lacks threads of continuity. It is dominated by two great men, Inigo Jones and Christopher Wren, whose contributions could not and did not straddle the whole metropolis or the whole of the century. Besides, the devising of a new church was too significant an act to be left entirely to those capable of architectural design. There is a related misconception that churches were seldom built in London between the Reformation and the Great Fire of 1666. Yet even within the City of London, numerous parish churches were rebuilt during this period, while Jones substantially remodelled Old St Paul’s Cathedral. Beyond the City, much more was happening. London’s earliest seventeenth-century suburban churches were broadly Gothic in style and medieval in type, while those built at the end of the century were entirely classical auditories. The same could be said of church building in a national context, although not without hefty qualification. What is fascinating, important, and insufficiently studied, is the nature of this transition and its wider historical meanings.

Four compositions in the first layer of the Old Hall Manuscript (GB-Lbl, Add. MS 57950) are attributed to R. Chirbury (or R. Chyrbury). This article argues that the Robert Chirbury who ended his days as Dean at the Collegiate Church of St Mary, Warwick was this composer. His career included stints at the Chapel Royal and probably also earlier employment in the London diocese, as well as service in the household of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick. Moreover, this individual can be differentiated from similarly named men in the Register of the London St Nicholas Fraternity of Parish Clerks, and the assertion that the composer was employed at St George's, Windsor can be discounted.

This article considers the results of the formation of Common Faith in the Don Army Land, as a way to overcome the Old Believers’ Schism. In the 18th century, the numerous Old Believers living in the Don area interacted and cooperated with the official Orthodox Church’s parish priests who had been authorized by the eparchial bishops to practise rites in accordance with the old books published in Russia before the 18th centu-ry and used by the Old Believers. Despite the repeated cooperation facts, there were few Cossacks who joined the Russian Church after the establishment of the Common Faith regulations in 1800. The Common Faith development started in the Don area in the 1860s and was associated with the emergence of the Hierarchy of Be-laya Krinitsa, with the establishment of missionary movement within the Russian Church, and with the activities of Archbishop Platon (Gorodetsky). Over the ten-year period when he was the head of the Don and Novo-cherkassk Diocese, he initiated the series of measures which drew the Cossacks’ attention to the possibility of joining the Church without having to reject the old rites. At the beginning of the 20th century, there were 30 active Common Faith churches in the Don Army Land: 27 with their independent parishes and 3 with at-tached ones. Analyzing the quantitative composition of the Common Faith churches’ parishes, which was pro-vided in the clergy registers of the Don and Novocherkassk Diocesan churches, resulted in the conclusion that by the beginning of the 20th century, Common Faith had grown to a noticeable movement uniting 11,836 co-believers. They made 22.4 % of the Old Believers who were members of the Common Faith parishes and 0.5 % of the Orthodox believers registered in the Don Army Land’s statistics of the 1897 First General Census of the population of the Russian Empire. The co-believers were localized across the territories which had been the Old Believers’ settlement area since the early 18th century.

Eagerly venerated and able to perform miracles, medieval relics and religious artefacts in the Latin West would occasionally also be subject to sensorial and tactile devotional practices. Evidenced by various reports, artefacts were grasped and stroked, kissed and tasted, carried and pulled. For medieval Norway, however, there is very little documentary and/or physical evidence of such sensorial engagements with religious artefacts. Nevertheless, two church inventories for the parish churches in Hålandsdalen (1306) and Ylmheim (1321/1323) offer a small glimpse of what may have been a semi-domestic devotional practice related to sculpture, namely the embellishing of wooden sculptures in parish churches with silver bracelets and silver brooches. According to wills from England and the continent, jewellery was a common material gift donated to parishes by women. Such a practice is likely to have been taking place in Norway, too, yet the lack of coherent source material complicate the matter. Nonetheless, using a few preserved objects and archaeological finds as well as medieval sermons, homiletic texts and events recorded in Old Norse sagas, this article teases out more of the significances of the silver items mentioned in the two inventories by exploring the interfaces between devotional acts, decorative needs, and possibly gendered experiences, as well as object itineraries between the domestic and the religious space.

In 2015 in Pons, in the former province of Saintonge, an Old Russian pilgrim graffito was found on the wall of the parish church of St. Vivien, a monument of the mid-12th century. It is the second graffito found in France after the one discovered at St. Gilles Abbey. The town of Pons is located on the westernmost route of Santiago de Compostela (via Turonensis) and is noteworthy because of the preserved pilgrim almshouse of the latter half of the 12th century. On the walls of its long archway are horseshoe drawings made by medieval pilgrims, the latest of which, dating from the 16th–17th centuries, bends around a name that is also apparently written in Cyrillic script. The earlier inscription, which appears at the base of the northern end wall of the original façade of the St. Vivien church, is made in the name of one Ivan Zavidovich: “Ivano ps[а]lo Zavi|doviche ida ko | svętomu Ię|kovu” (= ‘Ivan Zavidovich wrote this when going to Saint James’). The most probable palaeographic dating is in the 1160s–1180s. As suggested by birch bark manuscripts, the name of Ivan’s father, Zavid, was popular among Novgorod boyars. Novgorod is also the place with the greatest indirect evidence of the occurrence in Old Russia of the western cult of St. James. This well preserved inscription is an important epigraphic discovery, but its main value lies in the direct evidence of pilgrimages by Russians to the shrine of St. James in Galicia.

AbstractAfter the Reformation of 1572 Catholic life only began to flourish again in Gouda on the advent of the priest Petrus Purmerent (1587-1663) , who was sent there in 1614 by the apostolic vicar Philippus Rovenius (Notes 1, 2) . He founded a parish dedicated to St. John the Baptist, as the old church had been, which grew so rapidly (from around 500 in 1612 to around 6,000 in 1657, Notes 5-7) that he moved to larger premises on the Gouwe in 1630. The regard in which he and his twin brother Suibertus, who was equally active in Delft, were held is apparent from their portraits painted in 1631 by Willem van der Vliet (Notes 9, 10) and around 1645 by Ludolph de Jongh (Fig. 1, Note 11) and Hendrik van Vliet (Note 12). Engravings were made after the second two portraits by Reynier van Persijn (Note 13) . Despite a certain amount of interference from the twon council, Petrus Purmerent succeeded in decorating his hidden church in fine style. In the report of his visitation of 1643 made by Sebastiaan Francken, commissioner of the Court of Holland (Note 15), it is described as a very big place' with pews, chairs and altars, a large amount of silver, 'very beautiful paintings' and a fine organ. The church, which was on the Old Catholic side in the jansenist schism of 1723, has remained in the same place and was rebuilt in 1863. It is not possible now to reconstruct the situation of 1643 exactly, but a large number of the works of art and

The article presents the results of work on archaeographic research of the Metropolinate of Novosibirsk parish book collections, done in 2019–2020. The researchers of the Department of Rare Books and Manuscripts of SPSTL SB RAS inventoried the books of Cyrillic and civil press kept in the parish library of Holy Apostle and Evangelist Luke in Kupino (Kupinsky district of Novosibirsk province). 35 Orthodox books of the Cyrillic tradition and of the Russian civil type of the first half of the 17th – early 20th centuries were made known, among them, 2 editions of the 17th century printed by the Moscow Print Yard, 4 Old Believer editions of the late 19th – early 20th centuries, 19 Synodal editions of the Cyrillic type from the late 18th to the early 20th centuries and 12 Synodal editions of the Russian civil type. The aim of the article is to present the results of scientific description and an archaeographic analysis of individual features of the most interesting book exemplars. Through complication of describing such book collections, which did not usually preserve intact or partially samples of pre-revolutionary parish book stocks and were shaped from various sources, priority was given to describing the owner’s signs of each sample that reflected the history of their existence in one or another social environment. Among the earliest there were described the perfectly preserved Moscow Gospel of 1627, the owner’s and donative records of which reflected its displacement from the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to Moscovia, where it could have come after Smolensk campaign of Tsar Alexey Mikhailovich. Another interesting example of editions of the Moscow Print Yard already from the post-schism period is the Irmologion of 1657, in which course of the description significant differences from other known copies were revealed. The late Old Believers liturgical books, that preserved the fragments of hand-written and early printed books, give interesting owners signs. The collection of synodal publications of the St Luke parish library covers a wide chronological and thematic range. Besides liturgical books such as psalteries, missal books, miscellanies of Akathist hymns there are also collections of sermons, manuals on theology, church singing and Sacred history. The article presents brief versions of the books of Cyrillic press of the St Like parish library, clearly showing the wide geographical distribution of the Russian Orthodox book both in the late medieval times and in the 20th century, as well as characteristic signs of its existence in various readership.

Establishing a school system in the territory of North Karelia was a very long process, which went through several stages in the second half of the 19 and early 20 century. Local authorities in the second half of the 19 century tried to disseminate literacy and weaken the influence of the old believer faith in this territory. For this, parish schools were created. The village of Ukhta in the Kemsky district of the Arkhangelsk Governorate has become an educational and enlightening center in the territory of North Karelia. This location housed the first classrooms. Subsequently, a special school building was built. Over time, parish schools were replaced by secular educational organizations. However, the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on the educational and upbringing processes continued. The development of the school system in the North of Karelia, in addition to religious beliefs, was also hindered by the traditional way of life of the local population, based on labour migration, and a special language environment. The close centuries-old contacts of the northern Karelians with the Finnish population led to the development of the Karelian-Finnish bilingualism. Learning in Russian was difficult, just as were the issue of finances. Poor financing affected the material base of schools and contributed to the frequent change of teaching staff. This article attempts to summarize the results of studies in the field of the history of education in Karelia and, based on new materials not previously introduced into scientific circulation, consider the process of establishing a school system in North Karelia, the national outskirts of the Russian Empire.

The purpose of this study is to present the religious life of the Old Believers in the Ekaterinoslav diocese of at the beginning of the 20th century and analyze the specific nature of the Orthodox mission activities in their midst. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, consistency, author’s objectivity, as well as on general scientific (analysis, synthesis, concretization, generalization) and special historical (problem-chronological, historical-genetic, historical-typological) methods. The problem-chronological method has been employed to analyze the religious life of the Old Belief communities in the Ekaterinoslav diocese and reveal the religious policy of the official Orthodox Church towards the Old Believers in the specified period. The historical-genetic method has been applied to analyze the transformations of the Old Belief in the Ekaterinoslav diocese and examine the confessional policy of the Orthodox Church. The historical-typological method has been adopted to study the internal separation and conflicts in the Old Belief of the Ekaterinoslav diocese and consider the forms of religious policy implementation. The scientific novelty of the undertaken researchlies in the fact that for the first time the internal distribution of the Old Belief in the Ekaterinoslav diocese has been comprehensively studied, the course of the conflict between the okruzhniki and the neokruzhniki has been disclosed, the forms and methods of missionary activity of the official Orthodox Church have been presented. Conclusions. At the beginning of the 20th century, 10 000 Old Believers lived in the Ekaterinoslav diocese. The popovtsy represented the overwhelming majority; the neokruzhniki, the bespopovtsy, and the beglopopovtsy were made up groups. The relations with priests, whose actions provoked indignation among the parish, caused the internal conflicts in the communities. The case of the priest S. Tokarev gained special publicity. The conflict was acute in popovshchina, between the okruzhniki and the neokruzhniki, that gradually began to decline after the act of reconciliation in 1906. On the way to reconciliation, the community of the okruzhniki faced an alleged provocation against Archbishop Ioann. The «fight» against the Old Believers remained the priority in the activities of the Orthodox missionary. The diocesan missionaries were opposed both by the representatives of the clergy and the ordinary Old Believers, and the authorities, namely the Old Belief nachyotchiki K. Peretrukhin, V. Zelenkov, L. Pichugin, and others. Despite the high level of organization and activities of the missionary institute, the immediate success of the mission was limited.

The growth of the birth rate in Indonesia is not comparable with the availability of labour force and it has an impact on national economic conditions. Therefore, the BKKBN (National Family Planning Coordinating Board) is very active to conduct various forms of promotion of the Family Planning (KB) in order to reduce the birth rate and to achieve a prosperous family. This study seeks to examine the association between the promotion of family planning programs with the use of contraceptive method among the parish of the church which is characterized by a certain ethnic group, in West Jakarta. By using simple random sampling, the questionnaire was distributed to 123 respondents of the 20-44 -year old. This study used simple linear regression analysis and the result showed that there was a very strong relationship between the promotion of family planning programs and the behavior of the use of contraceptive method.

‘Den Gamle * som prast eller et blik ind i N. F. S.Grundtvigs prastevirke isar i perioden efter sygdommen 1867[‘The Old Man ' as Priest, or, a Glimpse into N. F. S. Grundtvig's Ministry especially in the Period Following the Illness of 1867]By Anders EskedalDespite the infirmities of old age, Grundtvig continued right up to his death to serve as priest in Vartov Church. All who have given any account of these church services agree that they were a moving experience. This was not because of the sermons, from which perhaps only a small minority could fully profit, but rather because of the whole atmosphere surrounding the services. The old bishop was certainly a charismatic figure but the centre-point was the hymn-singing and prayer and the solemnity of the sacraments; and the fellowship of the Vartov congregation was no mere figure of speech.Vartov was not a parish church, and the congregation which gathered about Grundtvig came from the whole of Copenhagen - sometimes, indeed, from far beyond. But from out of Vartov and its divine service inspiration went forth to the Grundtvigian congregations all across the land.This inspiration emanated also from the Friends’ Meetings which functioned from 1863 as annual conventions of the Grundtvigian movement. Here were discussed matters of importance to the movement and here they met ‘the Old Man’ who would typically hold divine service, make an address and answer questions.His third wife, Asta, would keep open house at home so that Grundtvig, who was otherwise not good at making connections, could now come into personal contact with many of those who had previously known him only through his books; indeed, he began himself to issue invitations.In the last years of his life he oversaw the second editions of some of his most important books, among others the Sangvark [Song-work (or Carillon) for the Danish Church] from 1837. The most significant new publication was doubtless the ecclesiastical-historical lectures Kirke-Speil [Mirror of the Church] from 1870.Grundtvig’s health had always been sturdy but from about 1860 he began to have difficulty walking because of ‘rosen’ (erisypelas) and fluid in the legs. After the major breakdown in 1867 he was noticeably enfeebled. He began also to suffer from deterioration of his eyesight which in the end rendered him almost blind, so that his sermons had to be written out in big latin characters and books and newspapers had to be read aloud to him. But his brain and especially the elephantine memory continued unenfeebled.He died on 2 September 1872, a week before his 89th birthday.

In the article, the author reveals fragments of the study about repressions of the 1920s and 1930s against the churches, as an institution of society, against the clergy, church services, active parishioners of one of the settlements in Sumy Region(Dubovichi village). Self-identification and peaceful living under the laws of honor in the socialist regime led to the destruction of employed citizens and clergy who lived by vocation and by traditional moral principles. After all, it was they - conscious citizens, intellectuals, who "threaten" the terrorist plot of the Bolshevik authorities on the territory of Ukraine. Special attention was to the citizens who supported Tikhonovsk and Ukrainian autocephalous Orthodox churches. The parishioners of these churches were in principle affirmative. "Tikhonovtsi" decided religious uncompromising, "autocephalous" were nationalistic. Those and others did not perceive the Bolsheviks. Both opposed the political regime. Everyone who was in contact or was attached to these groups was prosecuted and arrested with special severity. Under the repressions were relatives and neighbors. Blackmail of single persons and family, voluminous and falsification documents, taking hostages. That was happening with all who was not controlled during the formation of the Soviet power. Over the 50 people from Dubovichi village and their families fell under the pressure of repressions. Most of them were sentenced to death. Just few of them returned from exile and settled in distant places from their native village. Dubovichi village has a centuries-long history. Best known it is in the religious environment through the icon of Dubovytsi's Mother of God. The miraculous image of the Virgin was discovered in the middle of the 17th century. And the glory about it spread far beyond the then Russian empire. Church leaders from Kiev, from Chernigov gathered at the procession during the celebrations of 1861. The pilgrimage to the icon in Dubovich was round-the-year. Copies from the list of the Virgin Mary Dubovitskaya were in the St. Sophia Cathedral of Kyiv. Information about the icon was printed in church calendars and metropolitan directories of pilgrims. The grand stone church of the Nativity of the Virgin in 1777 in the center of the village, it was the pease of architectural art that was rare in the countryside. As evidenced by foreign sources, the parish church was kind of fortress. It was surrounded by a brick fence with four towers in corners. The entrance to the churchyard was through the gates that were under the bell. There were burials around the temple. Marble monuments were raised on the graves. Icons in the temple were in different kyots, precious stones. Church property included a number of priest clothing, silverware. In the village there were three temples. This provided the opportunity for the parish to have six priests, several clerks and psalms in the state. All were destroyed until 1940, despite the architectural value of the builders and the ancients. Dubovichi parish numbered more than three thousand people at the beginning of the twentieth century. It was glorified by the numerous, beautiful choir, active citizens. The church library was more than 2000 volumes. The priests performed not only the need. Archpriest Gusakovsky was the head of refuge. The village choir numbered more than 60 people. There was a spiritual orchestra, a theater group, a hut-reading room, a rural school and a parochial school, and a folk school in the village. Also there was paramedic station, veterinarian, pharmacy. The hospital unit numbered up to 10 beds. Tolerance and high moral consciousness were typical for the people of Dubovichi. Not only Orthodox lived in the village . Archival documents indicate that the daughter of the priest was offended with the Catholic. Jews lived in Dubovichi. The social group was represented. There were Gypsies among the participants of the school. Those were posterity of that who survived and took good place in life of theatre. Able to analyze falsifications of the campaign to destroy the Dubovichi parish, the destruction of church buildings- works of architectural art. Information from directories, archival documents and old people's buildings allows us to reconstruct conditionally events of those times. The author for the first time highlights this page of the Dubovichi life. As well as information from recently declassified documents from archives of higher authorities on the repressed residents of Dubovichi village. Human losses, disadvantaged families, tales of reletives about Soviet Union. All this make a mosaic of the historical stratum of our country. The coverage of this problem somehow outlines the massive crimes of Soviet politics in the 1920's and 1930's. It is a tribute to those who sacredly keep memories of the repressed.

he question of the missionary activity of the antisplinter Brotherhood of St. Demetrius, Metropolitan of Rostov in the fight against the Old Believers in the territory of the Tomsk Diocese is considered. The author has studied a complex of rich and diverse archival sources, as well as activity reports of both the Brotherhood itself and its individual members, presented in official provincial and diocesan publications. Based on this, it was possible to recreate the overall «picture» of the Brotherhood and show its regional specificity. In particular, the purpose, composition of the Brotherhood, as well as the main directions of its missionary "anti-splinter" activity were determined. In order to combat the «schism» and the so-called «prevention of the avoidance of the schism», the brothers actively held religious disputes and interviews, both with the Old Believers themselves and the parishioners of the official Orthodox Church. Another missionary way to solve the tasks of the anti-splinter Brotherhood was to create and develop a network of «anti-splinter libraries» and parish schools. In general, despite the specific and concrete results of their anti-Old Believer missionary activities, the Brotherhood was not able to achieve its goals, including due to the regional specifics of the diocese.

Richard Baxter admired the qualities Giles Firmin brought to religious controversy: ‘Candor, Ingenuitie, Moderation, Love and Peace’. Firmin, Vicar of Shalford, Essex, 1648–62, argued for peace during the Interregnum, at a time when disputes fractured the churches of his county. Factions of Presbyterians and Independents still fought about the right path to religious reform, in terms dictated by polemic of the 1640s, while sects like the Quakers rattled confidence in a united Church. Firmin devised arguments that crossed party lines, to unite against sectarianism. He wrote from an unusual perspective. He had been to Massachusetts and come home. He had taken part in the colony’s bold experiment in Congregationalist church order, which inspired English Independents, but came back into parish ministry in Essex without repudiating his colonial experience. Modern historians, like seventeenth-century Presbyterians, struggle to explain why New England’s churches claimed unity with England, but acted differently. Firmin’s outlook sets contemporary polemic in a fresh light. Nowadays, he is better known for his anecdotes than for his views, because he scattered his tracts with stories about people he had known in colony and homeland. His opinions tend to escape notice. Yet Firmin used his experience in Old and New England to make a distinctive appeal for unity.

The construction of St.-Maclou after 1432 revitalized architecture in Rouen and Normandy for the next 90 years. Both the patrons and the architect played a significant role in the emergence of this new style. The architecture has been attributed to the Parisian master Pierre Robin, but the stylistic evidence based on a unique vocabulary of forms suggests that the St.-Maclou master was trained in the Norman Vexin and had a knowledge of architecture of Germany, Flanders, and central Europe. The parish church was also modeled on several monumental features found at the cathedral of Rouen including the interior and transept elevations, the lantern tower, and the western porch. This ambitious project, undertaken by the merchant class families of the parish during the English occupation, reflects both a desire to assume the duties of the old orders of the city and a conscious rejection of contemporary English-influenced architecture constructed during the occupation. One of these families, the Dufours, assisted the French king, Charles VII, in the recapitulation of Rouen in 1449. Thus, the retrospective and hence conservative reference to the Rayonnant parts of the cathedral of Rouen may have reflected a nostalgia for the architectural style associated with Louis IX and a golden age of French royalty. Using both stylistic and documentary evidence, this article attempts to identify the role of the patrons and architect in the development of the style of St.-Maclou.

Strategic planning is commonly used in profit-oriented institutions. However, it is rarely applied to non-profit organizations such as churches. The Holy Bible reveals the extensive use of strategic management by the believers as documented both in the Old and New Testament, in regards to the implementation of strategic planning to organize the people of God. The Vicariate Episcopal of Tonsea of the Diocese of Manado, as a local Catholic Church Community decided on applying strategic planning methods to rank priorities of tasks required to meet their pastoral mission. Using the Analytical Hierarchy Process, the study reveals that the ranking of the key elements of their mission, the program of the Ministry of the Word and Sacrament, was the highest priority at 23.8%, followed by preserving the treasury of faith of 20.1%, then the fellowship and leadership with 19.7%, promoting the dignity of the laity with 14.4%, the Catholic education with 11.9% and the last was managing the Church property with 10.2%. The highest ranked sub-criteria were; organizing pastoral structure (7.6%), followed by the upgrading catechetic program (7.2%), then role model and competency of liturgy leadership (7.0%). This study provides direction to the parish priests of the Vicariate Episcopal of Tonsea and provides a methodology to formulate their strategic plans and best utilize their resources. This study demonstrated the importance of the Analytical Hierarchy Process in determining the priority of the programs identified by the Church. The researchers recommend further and deeper research on other Vicariates of the Diocese of Manado.

Given that the population in Europe and Croatia is increasingly getting older, and the pastoral work of people in the third age is a relatively new term, the article firstly analyzes the question why people of this age group are partially put (left) aside by pastoralists and pastoral workers in pastoral discourse in Croatia. The nature and characteristics of the third age in life presented in the first part show that the third age pastoral care includes the pastoral work with the most mature middle-aged people struggling with many life difficulties and stresses: separation from their children, the need for making personal and lifestyle adjustments, especially after retirement, after children moving out or after the loss of a life partner, as well as experiencing fast and progressive weakening of biological, psychological and mental health dimensions, a drop in life energy, strength, and general decline in vital and all other functions. Old age as a gift and possibility is depicted through several biblical characters as an evangelizing and pastoral possibility, opportunity and call to a God filled and more meaningful life. The second part presents the third age in the world and in the mentality of the society and the Church. By looking at the contemporary life context, we can state that words like old age, dying and death have become foreign in everyday discourse and that is just one of the many reasons why the third age people are often left to the side, and forsaken by their own families, society, friends and relatives, and partially forgotten also by the Church. In the world of the dictatorship of relativism, materialism, secularization, anarchism, atheism, subjectivism, individualism, and the selfie-culture, it is extremely difficult and demanding to accomplish the pastoral of the third age people. The Church, especially in Croatia, doesn't have a sufficiently designed, thought out, planned out and programmed systematic pastoral care which would include third age people. The new concept of pastoral discourse regarding the pastoral of the third age should develop in two basic directions: the first direction should consider to what extent can the third age be a subject of pastoral activity, and the second direction, based on pastoral sociology and demographic trends, should strive to recognize the third age as an object of pastoral activity. Besides the object, the third age can also be the subject of pastoral activity at different levels, areas and dimensions, especially at the parish level, the deanery level in some ways, at the regional level and (arch)diocesan level, in areas of apostolate, parish pastoral councils, charitable activities, liturgy, families, religious associations and movements, and work with Christians that have distanced themselves.

As the former capital of Dalmatia, Zadar abounded in monuments produced during the 17th and 18th century, especially altars, statues, and paintings. Most of this cultural heritage had been lost by the late 18th and the first decades of the 19th century, when the former Venetian Dalmatia was taken over by Austrian administration, followed by the French and then again by the Austrian one. Many churches were closed down, their furnishings were sold away or lost, and the buildings were either repurposed or demolished. One of them had been home to two hitherto unpublished angels-putti located on the top of the inner side of the arch in the sanctuary of Zadar’s church of Our Lady of Health (Kaštel) at the end of Kalelarga (Fig. 1). Both marble statues were obviously adjusted and then placed next to the marble cartouche with a subsequently added inscription from 1938, which tells of a reconstruction of the church during the time it was administered by the Capuchins. The drapery of the right angel-putto bears the initials I. G., which should be interpreted as the signature of the Venetian sculptor Giuseppe Groppelli (Venice, 1675-1735). This master signed his full name as IOSEPH GROPPELLI on the base of a statue of St Chrysogonus, now preserved in the Permanent Exhibition of Religious Art in Zadar (Fig. 2). Same as the signed statue of St Anastasia by master Antonio Corradini (Fig. 3), it used to form part of the main altar in Zadar’s monumental church of St Donatus, desacralized in 1798. Recently, two more angels have been discovered, inserted in the tympanum of the main altar in the church of Madonna of Loreto in Zadar’s district of Arbanasi, the one to the right likewise bearing the initials I. G. (Fig. 4). Undoubtedly, these two artworks were once part of a single composition: the abovementioned former altar in the church of St Donatus, transferred to the cathedral in 1822 and reconstructed to become the new altar in the chapel of St Anastasia. Giuseppe and his younger brother, Paolo Groppelli, led the family workshop from 1708, producing and signing sculptures together. Therefore, the newly discovered statues produced by Giuseppe are a significant contribution to his personal 174 Damir Tulić: Nepoznati anđeli Giuseppea Groppellija u Zadru... Ars Adriatica 6/2016. (155-174) oeuvre. It is difficult to distinguish between his statues and those by his brother, but it is generally believed that Paolo was a better artist. It is therefore important to compare the two sculptures, as they are believed to have been made independently. Paolo’s statue of Our Lady of the Rosary (1708) was originally located in the former Benedictine church of Santa Croce at Giudecca in Venice, and acquired early in the 19th century for the parish church of Veli Lošinj. If one compares the phisiognomy of the Christ Child by Paolo to that of Giuseppe’s signed sculpture of angel-putto in Zadar, one can observe considerable similarities (Figs. 5 and 6). However, Paolo’s sculptures are somewhat subtler and softer than Giuseppe’s. The workshop of Giuseppe and Paolo Gropelli has also been credited with two large marble angels on the main altar of the parish church in Concadirame near Treviso, as they show great similarity in style to the angels in Ljubljana’s cathedral, made around 1710 (Figs. 7, 8, 9, and 10). The oeuvre of Giuseppe and Paolo Gropelli can also be extended to two kneeling marble angels at the altar of the Holy Sacrament in the Venetian church of Santa Maria Formosa, with their marble surface somewhat damaged (Figs. 11 and 12). Coming back to the former main altar in Zadar’s church of St Donatus, it should be emphasized that it was erected following the last will of Archbishop Vettore Priuli (1688-1712), that contains a clearly expressed desire that the altar should be decorated as lavishly as possible. As the construction contract has been lost and the appearance of the altar remains unknown, it can only be supposed what it may have looked like (Fig. 13). It is known that the altar included an older, 13th-century icon of Madonna with the Child, which was later transferred to the Cathedral and is today preserved in the Permanent Exhibition of Religious Art. Scholars have presumed that the altar may had the form of a triumphal arch, with pillars enclosing the pala portante with an older icon and statues placed lateraly. However, it can also be presumed that the executors of the archbishop’s last will, canons Giovanni Grisogono and Giovanni Battista Nicoli, found a model for the lavish altar in Venice, in the former altar of the demolished oratory of Madonna della Pace. That altar had been erected in 1685 and included an older Byzantine icon of Madonna with the Child. It was later relocated to Trieste and its original appearance remains unknown, but can be reconstructed on the basis of its depiction on the medal of Doge Alvise IV Mocenigo (1764), preserved in the parish church of Plomin (Fig. 14). This popular solution undoubtedly served as a model for the main altar in the church of Madonna delle Grazie at Este (Fig. 15), constructed between 1692 and 1697. Today’s appearance of the chapel of St Anastasia does not reveal much about its previous altars (Fig. 16). A recently discovered document at the State Archive of Zadar sheds a new light on the hypothesis that the old main altar was transferred from St Donatus in 1822 and became, with minor revisions, the new altar of St Anastasia, demolished in 1905. According to a contract from 1821, the saint’s altar was designed by Zadar’s engineer and architect Petar Pekota, and built by parish priest Giovanni Degano by using segments from older altars, including that of St Donatus. The painting ordered for the new altar, Martyrdom of St Anastasia by Giuseppe Rambelli from Forli (Fig. 17), is the only surviving part of the 19thcentury altar. The overall reconstruction of the chapel of St Anastasia took place between 1903 and 1906, according to a project of architect Ćiril Metod Iveković, which intended to have the chapel covered in mosaics ordered from Venice. However, during the reconstruction works, remnants of 13th-century frescos were discovered in the apse and the project had to be altered. The altar from 1822 was nevertheless demolished and a new marble mensa was built, with a new urn for the saint’s relics, made in the Viennese workshop of Nicholas Mund, as attested by receipts from 1906 (Fig. 18). A hundred years after the intervention, another one took place, in which the marble altar was disassembled and replaced by a new one, made of glass and steel, yet bearing the old marble urn of Bishop Donatus.

From a historian's point of view, the Catholic diocesan clergy in the United States look rather like forgotten men. As a group, they have never figured prominently in the scholarly literature. American Catholic history may have had an emphatically clerical bias as late as the 1950s, but the focus then was mainly on the chancery. The parish clergy were almost as neglected as the famously docile laity. The laity have moved in recent years to the forefront of Catholic historical consciousness, and won for themselves a less docile image in the process. But priests have not enjoyed equivalent attention—indeed, in the eyes of at least some practitioners, priests are today mildly suspect as subjects of research. We do not, after all, want a return to the bad old days of “clerical” history. The predictable consequence is a major hole in our church-historical knowledge. Despite the new vitality in American Catholic historical scholarship, we know very little about the history of diocesan priests in the United States—who they were, how they lived and worked, what they thought about their ministry or the people they served.

Abstract Rinaldo De Benedetti, also known by his pen names Sagredo and Didimo, was mainly known because of his long career as a science journalist in Italy. He managed to write and publish even under the racial laws, with the connivance of a publisher in Milan. His being in a mixed marriage probably enabled more successful survival tactics. Rinaldo De Benedetti also was a literary writer, publishing as such in old age, and his memoirs have been published posthumously. His childhood in Cuneo, as the son of a secular Jewish family, comes across in his memoirs. In particular, we translate and discuss aspects of a short story of his (which has only previously appeared in a communal publication), set around 1910 and whose protagonist was a relative Amadio Momigliano, faced with the mayor and councillors of Provençal hamlet of mountaineers in Piedmont’s western Alps, who came on visit on a Saturday of all day, decided to become Jewish because the parish priest, opposing their drunken dancing in front of church on the day of the patron saint, had challenged them to do that much. Momigliano alerted the diocesis, and the parish priest was ordered to condone dancing. That episode is part of a long campaign against dancing, which in that period in France pitted the clergy against some mayors. Whereas in the Kingdom of Italy, before World War I, there was a decades-long struggle pitting, e.g., bishops and province prefects (it was precisely in Piedmont that the archbishop of Turin was imprisoned in 1850 and then exiled to France), arguably the awkward episode described in “Racconto occitano” is better explained with reference to the state of affairs at the municipal level in France, as far as clerical but also anticlerical Brittany.

Abstract: Cathedral Church in Bogor is built in 1896 by M. Y. D. Classens, a Dutch Catholic missionary. According to Heritage Building Policy set by the Ministry of Tourism and Culture Republic of Indonesia No. PM.26/PW.007/MKP/2007 dated on March 26th, 2007, this building was formally determined as a heritage building (Bureau of Information, Tourism, and Culture of Bogor City, 2008). In accordance to the increasing number of members of Catholic beliefers in Bogor, there is a need to build new buildings with various purposes to accomodate the variety of activities. They are the buildings of Parish of Cathedral Church in Bogor and the Center of Council of Bogor Diocese. Brolin (1980) said that new building should be fit with the old and strengthen the uniqueness of former architectural character. The purpose of this paper is describing building elements which determine architectural characteristics as a visual linkages elements of building masses surround Cathedral Church in Bogor. Method used are direct observation. Firstly, observing building elements which have significant architectural character of the old buildings. Secondly, comparing building elements between the old buildings and new buildings. The result shows that the elements of new buildings strengthen the character of the old ones, therefore the architectural character of this religious environment has been maintained.Keywords: building elements, visual linkages elements, the architectural characterAbstrak: Gereja Katedral Bogor dibangun pada tahun 1896 oleh M. Y. D. Classens, seorang misionaris Katolik Belanda. Bangunan ini telah ditetapkan sebagai bangunan cagar budaya dalam Surat Penetapan Bangunan Cagar Budaya dari Menteri Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata Republik Indonesia Nomor: PM.26/PW.007/MKP/2007 tanggal 26 Maret 2007 (Dinas Informasi, Kepariwisataan, dan Kebudayaan Kota Bogor, 2008). Dalam perkembangannya, sesuai dengan peningkatan jumlah umat Katolik di Bogor dan kebutuhan untuk mewadahi kegiatan yang lebih beragam di dalam kompleks Gereja Katedral Bogor, maka dibangun bangunan-bangunan pelengkap, yaitu Gedung Paroki Katedral Bogor dan Gedung Pusat Pastoral Keuskupan Bogor. Brolin (1980:17) menyebutkan bahwa bangunan baru yang dibangun dalam konteks lingkungan bangunan lama hendaknya selaras dengan lingkungannya dan tidak mengorbankan keunikan karakter bangunan lama. Studi ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan dan menguraikan unsur-unsur bangunan pembentuk karakter arsitektural yang menjadi unsur pengikat visual dari kelompok massa bangunan yang terdapat di dalam kompleks Gereja Katedral Bogor. Metode yang digunakan adalah dengan pengamatan langsung unsur-unsur bangunan yang terdapat pada bangunan lama yang memiliki karakter arsitektural dominan, yaitu unsur-unsur pada bangunan Gereja Katedral Bogor dan bangunan Seminari Menengah Stella Maris, serta membandingkannya dengan unsur-unsur pada bangunan yang relatif baru, yaitu Gedung Paroki Katedral Bogor dan Gedung Pusat Pastoral Keuskupan Bogor. Hasil yang didapatkan adalah bahwa unsur-unsur yang terdapat pada bangunan yang relatif baru memperkuat unsur-unsur yang terdapat pada bangunan lama, sehingga karakter arsitektural pada kompleks Gereja Katedral Bogor tetap terjaga.Kata kunci: unsur-unsur bangunan, unsur pengikat visual, karakter arsitektural

With the collapse of presbyterian efforts to effect structural change in the Church of England in the 1590s, reformers were forced to realize that only widespread and sustained popular support could bring about further reform of the church. It is in this last decade of Elizabeth's reign that Christopher Hill sees the emergence of what he calls a “new Puritanism” designed to nurture such a broad base of support for further reform. This “new Puritanism,” which emphasized preaching and the cultivation of an individual piety rather than ecclesiastical reorganization, “with the household as its essential unit rather than the parish,” could also be described as a return to earlier values that had characterized Puritanism before the rise of the presbyterian party. Whether one chooses to interpret the trends of the late 1590s as “new” or “old,” what is important is that reformers by 1600 were making extensive use of both pulpit and press as instruments for influencing the hearts and minds of the English laity. An examination of the more frequently reprinted works of practical divinity in the first generation of the seventeenth century (which included much sermon literature) ought to reveal the themes that reformers hoped would strike a responsive chord with English readers.Surveying such publications from the 1580s into the early 1600s, we may be surprised to find that two of the most popular works were Protestantized versions of Catholic works: Thomas Rogers's translation of De imitatione Christi (1580) and Edmund Bunny's A Booke of Christian exercise, appertaining to Resolution (1584), adapted from Robert Parsons's First Book of the Christian exercise (1582).

In histories of the formation of the Christian biblical canon, the thirty-ninthFestal Letterof Athanasius of Alexandria, written for Easter 367, holds a justifiably prominent place. Not only is this letter the earliest extant Christian document to list precisely the twenty-seven books that eventually formed the generally accepted canon of the New Testament, but Athanasius is also the first Christian author known to have applied the term “canonized” (κανονιςόμενα) specifically to the books that made up his Old and New Testaments. Athanasius's canon is explicitly closed: “In these books alone,” the bishop declares, “the teaching of piety is proclaimed. ‘Let no one add to or subtract from them’ (LXX Deut 12:32).” The significance of this document goes beyond these formal and terminological issues, however, for the extant fragments of the letter provide a glimpse into the social and political factors that accompanied the attempted formation of a closed canon of the Bible in one ancient Christian setting. Christianity in fourthcentury Egypt was characterized by diverse and conflicting modes of social identity and spiritual formation: study groups led by charismatic teachers, Melitian communities centered around the veneration of martyrs, and the emerging structure of imperial orthodoxy headed by Athanasius all presented themselves as legitimate expressions of Christian piety. Within this complex setting, the formation of a biblical canon with a proper mode of interpretation was an important step in the formation of an official catholic church in Egypt with its parish-centered spirituality.

The rediscovery of the Viljandi Castle, which was totally destroyed during the Great Northern War, occurred between 1878 and 1879, when extensive excavations were conducted under the direction and guidance of Theodor Schiemann (1847–1921). The real sensation revealed by the excavations at the time was the discovery of numerous carved construction details. Most of them were column capitals or bases. These have been attributed to the main castle, which was a convent building typical of the Teutonic Order. This type of castle was developed in Prussia between ca 1280 and 1300, and its “classic” form spread between 1300 and 1330, during approximately the same half century as the Viljandi convent building was built.Some of the Viljandi column capitals have figural decorations and oak leaves are most common. There is also a large capital with naturalistic grape leaves, which comes from a cloister and was completed in the late 13th century. Apparently, the convent building was being constructed at that time.However, most of the capitals are much more archaic. Some of the motifs are typical of the Romanesque style. But the most common are the so-called “bud capitals” typical of the Early Gothic style. Basically such decorations became popular in Old Livonia in the 1250s and 1260s. In any case, it is clear that a large number of the capitals were carved when the convent-type castles had yet to develop.In the past, I have alluded to the possibility that there was a large richly decorated structure in Viljandi which was demolished to build the convent building. However, this is extremely unlikely. Although an archaeological study has not been made of the entire area of Viljandi’s main castle, it is hard to identify a place where such a large-scale building could have existed.Therefore, the possibility should be considered that some of the caitals were brought from elsewhere. We should also turn our attention to the fact that there are numerous capitals and bases for paired columns. Heretofore, it has been assumed that they had been used to decorate the windows of the chapel and capital hall in the northern wing of the main castle. Actually they originate from a structure which had an open gallery or cloister. However, this would mean that there was a very richly decorated structure in 13th century Old Livonia that was demolished less than 50 years after it was built, and the ruins were dispersed. There were very few such structures in Old Livonia at the time. However, one such case does exist, and it is not far from Viljandi – namely the Old Pärnu Cathedral.The main church of the Oesel–Wiek bishopric in Old Pärnu was completed in the early 1250s. Based on written records, we know that there was a capital hall, refectory and dormitory for the cathedral chapter house. This spatial plan also alludes to the existence of a cloister. The Old Pärnu Cathedral was destroyed by the Lithuanians in 1263. Later, the ruins of the cathedral were reconstructed into a parish church. However, this means that the cloister was no longer need. And it is possible that some of the carved decorations were transported to Viljandi, where the construction of a large-scale castle was under way during the last decades of the 13th century.

AbstractIn 1623 the Lutherans formed a community in Gouda. They appointed a minister, Clemens Bijleveld from Essen, and held their services in private houses at first. In 1640 'Dc Drie Tafelkaarsen', a house on the Lage Gouwe, was converted into a permanent church for them. Thanks to the Groot Protocol, in which the minutes of the church administration were recorded from this donation until the end of the eighteenth century, it is possible to reconstruct the history of the community. The manuscript also documents important gifts of works of art and church furnishings. In 1642 and 1643 seven large paintings were donated. As we know, Luther did not object to depictions which served to illustrate the Word of God as preached in the sermon. The Dutch Lutheran churches, although more austerely furnished than, say, their German or Norwegian counterparts, were certainly more richly decorated than they are today. The Lutheran church in Leiden houses the most intact ensemble of works of art. Of the seven aforementioned paintings in Gouda, one was donat ed by the preacher himself. It is by the Gouda painter Jan Duif, who depicted Bijleveld as a shepherd (fin. I). The iconography and the biblical captions show that he was presenting himself as a follower of Christ in his quality of a teacher. Two figures in the background, likewise gowned, might be Bijleveld's successors: his nephew (minister from 1655 to 1693) and his nephew's son, both of whom were called Clemens Bijleveld. They were probably added to the panel after the latter's premature death in 1694. The other six paintings were donated bv members of the community and churchwardens. In some of them the donors can be identified with characters in the illustrated episodes from the bible. From the spinsters of the parish came a work depicting the parable of the wise and foolish virgins; the churchwardens, evidently seeing themselves in the guise of the apostles, gave a pedilavium. The widow Hester Claes van Hamborg donated a painting of Simon in the Temple (in which the widow Anna figures prominently), and Catharina Gerdss Rijneveld, probably also widowed, gave Elijah and the widow of Zarephath. The unmarried men of the community presented a painting with a more general subject, the Last Judgment, perhaps intended to be hung above the pulpit. The wealthy Maria Tams gave a work described as 'cen taeffereel of bort van de christ. kercke' la scene or panel of the Christian church]. Exactly what it depicted is unclear. The same Maria Tams was a generous donor of church furniture. She presented a brass chandelier, two brass lecterns (fig. 4), a bible with silver fittings and a clock to remind the preacher of the limited time allotted to his sermon. Important gifts of ecclesiastical silver were made from 1655 on. The most striking items are an octagonal font of 1657 (fig. 5) and a Communion cup of 1661 (fig. 6), both paid for by the proceeds of a collection held among the unmarried men and women of the parish. The decorations on the font include a depiction of Christ as the Good Shepherd. There is also shepherd on the lid of the Communion cup. This element (in view, too, of the indication of the shepherd 'als 't wapen van de kerk' [the church arms] in the Groot Protocol) came to occupy a special place in the imagery of the Lutheran community. More space was required for the growing congregation, In 1680 there was an opportunity to purchase from the municipal council St. Joostenkapel, a mediaeval chapel used as a storeroom at the time. The building, situated on the river Gouwe which flows through the old town centre, was ready for the inaugural service in 1682. It was given ten staincd-glass windows, the work of the Gouda glass painter Willem Tomberg. The glass (along with six of the seven paintings) was sold during the course of renovations in 1838, but thanks to the later secretary of the community, D.J. van Vreumingen, who madc drawings of them and copied the inscriptions, we have an approximate idea of how they looked. Their original positions can also be reconstructed (fig. 13). The windows were largely executed in grisaille, except for the second and eighth, which were more colourful. The seven side-windows with scenes from the life of Christ and the Passion (figs. 8-11) were presented by the minister, his wife and other leading members of the community. The inscriptions on these windows referred to the bible passages they illustrated and to the names of the donors. The three windows at the front were donated by the Gouda municipal council (window 10, fig. 12) and the sympathetic Lutheran communities of Leiden and Essen (windows 8 and 9, figs. 11 and 12). The depiction on the window from Leiden was a popular Lutheran theme: John's vision on Patmos. The candle-stick featuring in this vision was a symbol (as in a print of 1637, for instance) for the Augsburg Confession, on which the Lutheran church was founded. In the eighteenth century occasional additions were made to the inventory, but the nineteenth century was a period of growing austerity. However, the Groot Protocol and Van Vreumingen's notes facilitate the reconstruction of the seventeenth-century interior to a large extent. The iconography of the works of art collected in the course of the years underlined the community's endeavour, in following the teachings of its earthly shepherd, to live according to the Holy Word.

The oeuvre of the sculptor Paolo Callalo (Venice 1655-1725) is a paradigmatic example of how the oeuvres of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Venetian sculptors have been expanded, supplemented and revised during the last twenty years. Until Simone Guerriero’s ground-breaking article of 1997, Paolo Callalo was almost completely unknown. In his search for Callalo’s earliest preserved work, Simone Guerriero suggested that Callalo was responsible for the stipes of the altar of St Joseph, featuring the relief of the Flight into Egypt flanked by two putti which are almost free standing, which was made between 1679 and 1685 for San Giovanni Crisostomo at Venice. However, another significant sculpture can now be added to the catalogue of Callalo’s early works: a memorial monument to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi (Chioggia, 3 October 1667 – Zadar, 29 January 1677) which is located on the left presbytery wall in the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta at Chioggia. As we learn from its commemorative inscription, the monument was commissioned by Paolo Grassi, the nephew of the deceased who was a prominent member of this aristocratic family from Chioggia. The Grassi (de Grassi) family produced as many as three bishops of Chioggia: Pasquale (1618-1639), Francesco (1639 -1669) and Antonio (1696-1715) who was a brother of Francesco, the Bishop of Nin, and a great-nephew of the first two. The monumental memorial to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi in the presbytery of Chioggia Cathedral consists of a rectangular marble plaque topped with a semi-circular pediment with two reclining putti. Immediately below, two more putti are depicted flying and drawing a curtain in front of an oval niche containing the bishop’s bust, the commemorative inscription and the bishop’s coat of arms set in a wreath. All the elements of this excellent work point to Paolo Callalo’s hand. The bishop’s bust was most probably created posthumously by relying on one of the portraits of the bishop as a source model. It depicts him as having a somewhat square face with a lively mouth opened in a melodramatic way and as having probing eyes with emphasized pupils, all of which characterize Callalo’s sculpting technique. A direct parallel for such a physiognomy can be found in the 1686 sculpture of St Michael in San Michele in Isola at Venice. Two remarkably beautiful and skilfully modelled putti which are drawing the curtain can be connected to the putti on the stipes of the altar of St Joseph in San Giovanni Crisostomo at Venice, but also with a putto on the keystone of a niche on the 1684 altar of St Teresa in the Church of the Scalzi. The richly draped marble curtain being drawn by the two flying putti is an example of Callalo’s thorough knowledge of contemporary sculptural innovations and trends in Venice. He could have seen a similar curtain on the 1677 monument to Giorgio Morosini in San Clemente in Isola at Venice, which belongs to the oeuvre of Giusto Le Court, the most important Venetian sculptor of the second half of the seventeenth century. That Callalo was no stranger to this type of decoration is also demonstrated by one of his later works, now sadly lost, the contract for which set out the terms for the sculptural decoration of the high altar in the old Venetian church of La Pietà. In 1692 Callalo agreed to make for this high altar ‘a curtain out of yellow marble of Verona being held by putti’.The stylistic analysis of the memorial to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi indicates that it was erected in a relatively short period of time after the bishop’s death in 1677. It seems highly likely that it was made in the early 1680s or around 1686 at the latest because in that year Callalo made the statue of St Michael in San Michele in Isola. The memorial to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi in Chioggia Cathedral is the first monument on the left-hand side of presbytery wall which would in time become a ‘mausoleum’ of the Grassi family. Around the same time or perhaps somewhat later, the Bishop of Chioggia by the name Francesco Grassi was honoured posthumously with a memorial containing a bust portrait that can be attributed to Giuseppe Torretti (Pagnano, 1664 – Venice, 1743). This group of episcopal memorials in the presbytery of Chioggia Cathedral ends with 1715 when Alvise Tagliapietra (Venice, 1680 – 1747) made the tomb for Bishop Antonio Grassi while he was still alive.Callalo’s Dalmatian oeuvre is relatively modest and consists of the following works so far identified as his: two marble angels set next to the high altar in the Parish Church at Vodice and four music-making putti at the sides of the high altar as well as those on a side altar in the Parish Church at Sutivan on the island of Brač. However, Callalo’s hand can also be recognized in a statue from a large-scale sculptural group which adorned the altar of the Blessed Sacrament in Zadar Cathedral. The altar structure was built by Antonio Viviani in 1719 while Francesco Cabianca (Venice, 1666-1737) carved the majority of the altar’s rich sculptural decoration. At the centre of the altar is a niche with a relatively small marble statue of Our Lady of Sorrows with the dead Christ in her lap. It is difficult to find a place for this marble Pietà from Zadar in Francesco Cabianca’s catalogue especially with regard to his Pietà above a door in the cloister of the Frari Church at Venice in 1714. Compared to the Zadar Pietà, Cabianca’s Venetian Pietà displays a number of differences: a crisper chiselling technique, a certain roughness of workmanship, robust bodies as well as a different treatment of the figures’ physiognomies and drapery. However, the Pietà from Zadar can be added to the catalogue of Paolo Callalo’s works. The carefully modelled figure of Our Lady of Sorrows and the soft drapery which spreads outwards in a radial fashion around her feet can be compared to the statues of Faith and Hope on the altar of the Blessed Sacrament in Udine Cathedral, which was made after 1720. The statue of the Risen Christ on the tabernacle of the aforementioned altar from Udine provides a parallel for the modelling of Christ’s body and, in particular, his face with a restrained expression. The same can be said for the Risen Christ on the tabernacle of the Parish Church at Clauzetto, which I also attribute to Callalo, as well as for earlier, more monumental, examples such as the Christ from the 1708 altar of the Transfiguration in the Parish Church at Labin.Callalo’s memorial to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi in Chioggia is an important indicator of his personal stylistic development. He transformed his stylistic expression from the robust energy of this ‘youthful work’ at Chioggia to the lyrical poetics characterized by softness which can be seen in his late work, the Pietà on the altar of the Blessed Sacrament in the Cathedral of St Anastasia at Zadar. It is likely that future research in Venice, Dalmatia and the rest of the Adriatic coast will expand Paolo Callalo’s already rich oeuvre and confirm the important place he holds in Venetian sculpture as one of its protagonists during the late Seicento and early Settecento.

The early Stuart period witnessed a startling transformation in the physical environment of the royal court. At James I's accession, Whitehall and the great courtier's palaces along the Strand still lay in an essentially rural landscape. To the south, Westminster was a compact town of perhaps 6,500 people, while to the north and east, the three Strand parishes of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, St. Mary le Savoy, and St. Clement Danes contained another 6,000, mostly concentrated in a narrow ribbon along the Strand itself. North of the Strand, the landscape remained open except for a thinner ribbon along High Holborn. Covent Garden was a pasture and orchard, containing a number of fine timber trees, St. Martin's church was still literally “in the fields“ and Lincoln's Inn Fields comprised over forty acres of open land. Dairying and market gardening were going concerns over much of what soon became the West End. Only a few years before, St. Martin's parish had experienced an enclosure riot.On the eve of the Civil War, a continuous urban landscape extended from Temple Bar as far as Soho, and ribbons of development spread along both sides of St. James's Park, as far as Knightsbridge and Picadilly. The population of old Westminster had increased by about 250 percent, while the Strand area grew even more rapidly, with St. Martin's-in-the-Fields experiencing more than a fivefold increase to as many as 17,000 people. Had they been independent settlements, all three of the large West End parishes of St. Margaret's Westminster, St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, and St. Clement Danes would have ranked among the half dozen largest English provincial cities. In all, the western suburbs' population probably stood between 40,000 and 60,000.

There was very little in Reginald Pole’s previous record as a scholar, confessor, or ecclesiastical statesman to suggest that he attached great importance to the externals of traditional worship. However, in his task of restoring the Church in England to the Catholic fold, he felt constrained to use whatever methods and materials were available to his hands. Ceremonies, as Miles Huggarde rightly observed, were ‘curious toyes’, not only to the Protestants, but also to those semi-evangelical Reformers of the 1530s whose exact doctrinal’standpoints are so hard to determine. Along with the papal jurisdiction had gone the great pilgrimage shrines, not only St Thomas of Canterbury—that monument to the triumph of the sacerdotium over the regnum—but also Our Lady of Walsingham and a host of others. Down, too, had gone the religious houses, lesser and greater, with their elaborate liturgical practices, and many familiar saints’ days had disappeared from the calendar before the austere simplifications of 1552. Such changes had provoked much opposition and disquiet, but they had left intact die ceremonial core of the old faith, the Mass in all its multitude of forms, and the innumerable little sacramental and liturgical pieties which constituted the faith of ordinary people. The recent researches of Professor Scarisbrick, Dr Haigh, Dr Susan Brigden, and others have reminded us just how lively these pieties were before—and during—the Reformation, even in places heavily infiltrated by the New Learning, such as London. It was at this level that traditional religion seems to have been at its most flourishing; in the small fraternities and guilds attached to parish churches; in the ornamentation and equipment of the churches themselves; and in the provision of gifts and bequests for obits, lights, and charitable doles.

Stylistic changes in a sculptor’s oeuvre are simultaneously a challenge and a cause of dilemmas for researchers. This is particularly true when attempting to identify the early works of a sculptor while the influence of his teacher was still strong. This article focuses on the Venetian sculptor Giovanni Bonazza (Venice, 1654 – Padua, 1736) and attributes to him numerous new works both in marble and in wood, all of which are of uniform, high quality. Bonazza’s teacher was the sculptor Michele Fabris, called l’Ongaro (Bratislava, c.1644 – Venice, 1684), to whom the author of the article attributes a marble statue of Our Lady of the Rosary on the island of San Servolo, in the Venetian lagoon, which has until now been ascribed to Bonazza. The marble bust of Giovanni Arsenio Priuli, the podestat of Koper, is also attributed to the earliest phase of Bonazza’s work; it was set up on the façade of the Praetorian Palace at Koper in 1679. This bust is the earliest known portrait piece sculpted by the twenty-five-year old artist. The marble relief depicting the head of the Virgin, in the hospice of Santa Maria dei Derelitti, ought to be dated to the 1690s. The marble statue of the Virgin and Child located on the garden wall by the Ponte Trevisan bridge in Venice can be recognized as Bonazza’s work from the early years of the eighteenth century and as an important link in the chronological chain of several similar statues he sculpted during his fruitful career. Bonazza is also the sculptor of the marble busts of the young St John and Mary from the library of the monastery of San Lazzaro on the island of San Lazzaro degli Armeni in the Venetian lagoon, but also the bust of Christ from the collection at Castel Thun in the Trentino-Alto Adige region; they can all be dated to the 1710s or the 1720s. The article pays special attention to a masterpiece which has not been identified as the work of Giovanni Bonazza until now: the processional wooden crucifix from the church of Sant’Andrea in Padua, which can be dated to the 1700s and which, therefore, precedes three other wooden crucifixes that have been identified as his. Another work attributed to Bonazza is a large wooden gloriole with clouds, cherubs and a putto, above the altar in the Giustachini chapel in the church of Santa Maria del Carmine at Padua. The article attributes two stone angels and a putto on the attic storey of the high altar in the church of Santa Caterina on the island of Mazzorbo in the Venetian lagoon to Giovanni’s son Francesco Bonazza (Venice, c.1695 – 1770). Finally, Antonio Bonazza (Padua, 1698 – 1763), the most talented and well-known of Giovanni Bonazza’s sons, is identified as the sculptor of the exceptionally beautiful marble tabernacle on the high altar of the parish church at Kali on the island of Ugljan. The sculptures which the author of the article attributes to the Bonazza family and to Giovanni Bonazza’s teacher, l’Ongaro, demonstrate that the oeuvres of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Venetian masters are far from being closed and that we are far from knowing the final the number of their works. Moreover, it has to be said that not much is known about Giovanni’s works in wood which is why every new addition to his oeuvre with regard to this medium is important since it fills the gaps in a complex and stylistically varied production of this great Venetian sculptor.

Stylistic changes in a sculptor’s oeuvre are simultaneously a challenge and a cause of dilemmas for researchers. This is particularly true when attempting to identify the early works of a sculptor while the influence of his teacher was still strong. This article focuses on the Venetian sculptor Giovanni Bonazza (Venice, 1654 – Padua, 1736) and attributes to him numerous new works both in marble and in wood, all of which are of uniform, high quality. Bonazza’s teacher was the sculptor Michele Fabris, called l’Ongaro (Bratislava, c.1644 – Venice, 1684), to whom the author of the article attributes a marble statue of Our Lady of the Rosary on the island of San Servolo, in the Venetian lagoon, which has until now been ascribed to Bonazza. The marble bust of Giovanni Arsenio Priuli, the podestat of Koper, is also attributed to the earliest phase of Bonazza’s work; it was set up on the façade of the Praetorian Palace at Koper in 1679. This bust is the earliest known portrait piece sculpted by the twenty-five-year old artist. The marble relief depicting the head of the Virgin, in the hospice of Santa Maria dei Derelitti, ought to be dated to the 1690s. The marble statue of the Virgin and Child located on the garden wall by the Ponte Trevisan bridge in Venice can be recognized as Bonazza’s work from the early years of the eighteenth century and as an important link in the chronological chain of several similar statues he sculpted during his fruitful career. Bonazza is also the sculptor of the marble busts of the young St John and Mary from the library of the monastery of San Lazzaro on the island of San Lazzaro degli Armeni in the Venetian lagoon, but also the bust of Christ from the collection at Castel Thun in the Trentino-Alto Adige region; they can all be dated to the 1710s or the 1720s. The article pays special attention to a masterpiece which has not been identified as the work of Giovanni Bonazza until now: the processional wooden crucifix from the church of Sant’Andrea in Padua, which can be dated to the 1700s and which, therefore, precedes three other wooden crucifixes that have been identified as his. Another work attributed to Bonazza is a large wooden gloriole with clouds, cherubs and a putto, above the altar in the Giustachini chapel in the church of Santa Maria del Carmine at Padua. The article attributes two stone angels and a putto on the attic storey of the high altar in the church of Santa Caterina on the island of Mazzorbo in the Venetian lagoon to Giovanni’s son Francesco Bonazza (Venice, c.1695 – 1770). Finally, Antonio Bonazza (Padua, 1698 – 1763), the most talented and well-known of Giovanni Bonazza’s sons, is identified as the sculptor of the exceptionally beautiful marble tabernacle on the high altar of the parish church at Kali on the island of Ugljan. The sculptures which the author of the article attributes to the Bonazza family and to Giovanni Bonazza’s teacher, l’Ongaro, demonstrate that the oeuvres of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Venetian masters are far from being closed and that we are far from knowing the final the number of their works. Moreover, it has to be said that not much is known about Giovanni’s works in wood which is why every new addition to his oeuvre with regard to this medium is important since it fills the gaps in a complex and stylistically varied production of this great Venetian sculptor.

The architect and carver Ivan Hreljić of Šibenik is one of the lesser known master builders from the circle of Giorgio Dalmata, whose activity can be followed during the third quarter of the fifteenth century. Although he is mentioned relatively frequently in the known documents, even in relation to specific projects, he has remained, like some other master builders from Šibenik, on the margin of scholarly interest, while different transcriptions of his surname resulted in a situation where even the pieces of information the scholars have had at their disposal have remained scattered and unconnected, meaning that there have been no attempts to examine his activity in more detail.Ivan Hreljić was a member of an active family of architects and stone-cutters who were originally from Žirje. Apart from his individual undertakings, he frequently took on specific commissions together withhis younger brother Luka, while their sons and nephews continued the family tradition in the stone-cutting business which was subsequently carried on into the third generation.The earliest mention of the stone-cutter Ivan Hreljić is that of 19 December 1448 when he acted as a witness at the signing of a document by which the carpenter Matej Naradinić took Matej Ratković as an apprentice. In this, he is mentioned as a builder from Žirje but a resident of Šibenik. The following year is that of his marriage and freedom from his father’s authority, and after that, he appears in a number of documents from the archives at Šibenik that portray his life and activity relatively well, as well as his connections with numerous other stonecutting masters of Šibenik.The first record of substantial work associated with him is that of 19 December 1449 when Giorgio Dalmata contracted him and Vukašin Marković to work on the town walls of Pag, and designated Ivo Stjepanov Franulović as their collaborator. It seems that he spent the next few years at Pag; he is again mentioned at Šibenik only on 25 February 1455 when, together with his brother Luka and the stone-cutter Disman Banjvarić, they committed themselves to supply the equivalent of thirty fathoms of wall in dressed stones to the representatives of the monastery of Holy Saviour. On 10 June 1458, the brothers Ivan and Luka Hreljić were contracted by Martin Ostojić, the parish priest of Uzdolje, to make six three-feet wide pilasters along the exterior wall of the Church of St. John at Uzdolje, up to the height of the wall itself, but also to plaster the exterior and interior of the church, cover the roof with slates and wall up an old door. The two brothers obviously collaborated well and on 13 January 1459, they werecontracted by the representatives of the village of Široke to build them a church dedicated to St. Jerome which would be as large as the one of St. Michael at Mitlo. They also committed to vault the church, make an altar with a base carved from white stone, cover the roof with slates, erect a bell-tower similar to the one at Mitlo, and plaster the entire church on the inside and the outside.On 3 March 1462, Ivan took on the commission of the Guardian of the Franciscan monastery of St. Mary at Vranduk to accompany him to Bosnia and work for him there for three months for the monthly payment of three ducats. It seems that he remained in Bosnia for much longer than the anticipated three months; after his return to Šibenik, he is frequently mentioned in the archival records from the autumn of 1464 onwards, more as an entrepreneur and intermediary, or an interested party in disputes, and as the owner of a ship, than with regard to specific stone-cutting jobs. Only on 23 October 1469 is Ivan mentioned as committing himself to supply a fixed amount of white stone for the building of theChurch of St. Mary at Fermo, an obligation confirmed in a document which features Radmil Ratković, another master who was active in the circle of Giorgio Dalmata, as his guarantor. The last document that mentions Ivan as being alive is that of 21 January 1474, but it is only on 8 December 1477 that he 4was referred to as dead, and so it is not possible to establish the exact year of his death.Not a lot remains from Ivan Hreljić’s documented works and it is difficult to identify his contribution to the extant works with certainty, let alone any specific morphological elements which might point to the idiosyncrasies of his architectural or stone-cutting expression. Although the remains of the town walls at Pag are best preserved exactly in the portions for which Hreljić may have been responsible together with otherbuilders, their character is such that it prevents any assessment of specific artistic abilities and skills. Apart from the extremely simple wall surface, the north-west section of the fortifications at Pag is marked by a striking semicircular tower which has been identified as one of Giorgio Dalmata’s projects. The job on the Church of St. John at Uzdolje consisted of the strengthening and stabilization of the building through the addition of six strong exterior supports. The remains of all six pilasters built by the Hreljić brothers have been preserved only in their foundations, and these demonstrate that this specific architectural task was carried out professionally and solidly.The Church of St. Jerome in the village of Široke is the only relatively well-preserved work on which it is possible to note at least some details which reveal the achievements of Ivan Hreljić’s craftsmanship as a carver. Unfortunately, this church was significantly remodelled and then transformed into the sanctuary of the new, much larger church, and its original façade was completely demolished. In addition, the originalframes of the doors and windows, which might have demonstrated Ivan’s carving skills to a certain degree, have also been lost. The only original carved element which still survives is a tabernacle niche in the shapeof a small Gothic window, which was carved into a block of stone next to the triumphal arch of the church. This modest and somewhat clumsily executed carving reveals that Ivan Hreljić was not a particularlysuccessful carver, and far from a sculptor. It is likely that his stone-cutting skills sufficed only for a solid dressing of stone blocks which were to be used by builders and, up to a certain degree, for the carving ofsimple mouldings. His involvement with the Franciscan monastery of St. Mary at Vranduk is more important as a testimony about the reputation of the builders who belonged to Giorgio Dalmata’s circle at Šibenik, than as a concrete building task, especially since the monastery at Vranduk has only been preserved in its archaeological remains, which makes it impossible to establish Ivan’s possible contribution to its building.Equally so, the supply of stone for the building of the Cathedral of St. Mary at Fermo still cannot be connected to specific parts of this structure.Apart from information about Ivan’s life and business, archival records bear evidence of his frequent and numerous contacts with other stone-cutting masters of Šibenik. Regardless of whether these documents referto some sort of collaboration, assessment of the quality of someone else’s work, usage of a ship, or merely feature stone-cutters as witnesses for each other’s job contracts, such documented contacts reveal strong mutual links in the developed community of stonecutting masters at Šibenik. The list of names which appear in the documents mentioning Ivan Hreljić (Giorgio Dalmata, Lorenzo Pincino, Vukašin Marković,Ivo Stjepanov Franulović, Disman Banjvarić, Ivan Obertić, Juraj Radeljić, Matej Radeljić, Andrija Butčić, Ivan Pribislavljić, Matko Stoislavljić, Martin Krešulov from Korčula, Blaž Dianišević, Antun Oštričić, Radmil Ratković, Pavao, Grgur and Petar Pripković, Radoslav Dragčić, Pavao Spauleta, Martin Pavlinović, Petar Berčić) provides a representative cross-section ofarchitectural and stone-cutting circles in Šibenik from the time when Giorgio Dalmata played the leading role in them. And, it was Ivan Hreljić and men like him who enabled Giorgio Dalmata to execute individualcommissions efficiently and realize specific ideas, but also to operate in that entrepreneurial approach so characteristic of him, through which he used the services of the masters who entered his circle according to how well they fitted into his designs and projects.

A painting of the Virgin and Child, signed as “OPVUS P. PETRI”, from the former Fareham Collection (today at the Courtauld Institute of Art), has been known in the scholarly literature for a long time but has only been subject to tangential analyses. These studies attempted to attribute it to painters meeting relatively dubious criteria: that their name was Peter (Petar) and that they could be linked to the painting circle of Squarcione or, more specifically, to that of Carlo Crivelli with whose early works, especially the Virgin and Child (the Huldschinsky Madonna) at the Fine Arts Gallery in San Diego, the Courtauld painting shares obvious connections. Roberto Longhi ascribed it to the Paduan painter Pietro Calzetta in 1926, while Franz Drey, in 1929, considered it to be the work of Pietro Alemanno, Crivelli’s disciple, who worked in the Marche region during the last quarter of the fifteenth century. After the Second World War, the Courtauld painting was almost completely ignored by the experts. The only serious judgement was that expressed by Pietro Zampetti, who established that it was an almost exact copy of Crivelli’s Huldschinsky Madonna, meaning that if Calzetti had painted it, he would have done it while Carlo was still in the Veneto, before he went to Zadar.The search for information which can shed more light on the attribution of the Virgin and Child from the Courtauld is aided by the valuable records in the Fondazione Federico Zeri at the Università di Bologna. The holdings of the Fototeca Zeri include three different photographs of the Courtauld painting with brief but useful accompanying notes. Of particular importance is the intriguing inscription on the back of one of the photographs, which points to the painting’s Dalmatian origin. In a certain way, this opens the possibility that it might be linked to another painter who was close to the Crivelli brothers: the Zadar priest and painter Petar Jordanić. That he may have been the one who painted it is indicated by the signature itself, which could be read as “OPVUS P(RESBITERI) PETRI”.Archival records about Petar Jordanić provide almost no information about his work as a painter. Apart from his signature of 1493 on a no-longer extant polyptich from the Church of St Mary at Zadar, the only record of his artistic activities is one piece of information: that in 1500 he took part in a delegation which was sent from Zadar to its hinterland charged with the task of making drawings of the terrain which could be used to help defend the town against the Ottoman Turks. However, more than thirty documents which mention him do paint a picture of his life’s journey and his connection with Zadar. The most important basis for any consideration of a possible connection between Petar Jordanić and Carlo Crivelli can be found in the will of his father Marko Jordanov Nozdronja (in late 1468) where Petar was named as the executor, meaning that at this point he was of age. Therefore, it can be concluded that he was born between 1446 and 1448. This makes him old enough to have been taught by Carlo during his stay in Zadar from c. 1460 to 1466. Although relatively modest, the oeuvre of Petar Jordanić demonstrates striking connections with the paintings of Carlo and Vittore Crivelli, and Ivo Petricioli has already put forward a hypothesis that he may have been taught by one of the brothers.The comparison between the painting from the Courtauld Institute of Art in London and the known works of Petar Jordanić (the Virgin and Child from a private collection in Vienna; the Virgin and Child from the Parish Church at Tkon; fragments of a painted ceiling from Zadar Cathedral; the lost polyptich from the Church of St Mary at Zadar) reveals a multitude of similar features. Apart from the general resemblance in the physiognomies of the Virgin and Christ Child which represent the most conspicuous analogies, a number of very specific “Morellian” elements can also be noted in the manner in which the faces were painted. These similarities are particularly apparent when one compares the head of the Christ Child on the painting from London and his head on the one from Tkon, which are almost identically depicted. Further similarities between the London painting and the one at Vienna can be seen in the way in which landscapes were painted and in the similar decorations of the gold fabrics in the backgrounds with their undulating scrolls and sharp almond-shaped leaves.However, with regard to visual characteristics, it is apparent at first sight that the quality of the London painting is markedly higher and that it is stylistically more advanced than those works which are attributed with certainty to Jordanić. These differences can be explained by the possibility that this was a more or less direct copy of one of Carlo Crivelli’s painting, probably not the Huldschinsky Madonna but one that was very similar to it and subsequently lost.Naturally, if the London painting is attributed to Petar Jordanić, meaning that it was produced in Zadar, then the argument on the basis of which the Huldschinsky Madonna has been dated to the time before Crivelli’s arrival in Zadar becomes a counter-argument, and, in that way, corroborates the possibility that the Huldschinsky Madonna, which shares a large number of similar elements with the painting from the Courtauld Institute of Art, was created while Carlo was in Zadar.

The phenomenon of early Christian triconchal churches on the Adriatic has already been noted in the scholarly literature. A separate study ‘Le basiliche cruciformi nell’area adriatica’ was published by S. Piussi in 1978, followed by N. Cambi with the 1984 publication ‘Triconchal churches on the Eastern Adriatic’. However, both scholars include triconchal churches in the typological group of ‘cruciform basilicas’ or treat them together with the churches which have three apses with spaces between them placed along the nave. However, because of their specific morphology consisting of the closely placed conchs and a large number of such examples in the Adriatic area, it seems justified to treat them as a separate typological group. These churches had originally been funerary chapels, but many of them subsequently grew into congregational spaces with complex liturgical functions. In addition, among the triconchal churches it is possible to discuss separately the type of a small triconchal cella without a nave, but sometimes provided with a narthex, as form which is different from similar chapels with a long entrance arm in front of the sanctuary. Based on this difference, it is possible to establish a different terminology which classifies cella trichora as the simple trefoil type, and triconchal churches as the more complex type. The latter is relatively numerous in the territory of late antique Dalmatia. The title of this paper stems from those buildings. However, they originate in cellae trichorae. Thus, in the introductory section I am discussing examples of these cellae in the Adriatic and the connection between their appearance and funerary traditions in the Mediterranean in general. The beginnings of Christian funerary architecture in Dalmatia are found in the grouping of round cellae in the cemeteries of ancient Salona, as known from N. Duval’s works, and in the presence of conchs next to the memorial chapel at Muline which was studied by M. Suić. I deem that the early Christian triconchal churches were created through the crystallisation of the forms present in the groups of funerary cellae in such complexes; cella trichora being the simplest form and triconchal church a more complex one. However, both are generically tied to the Roman tradition in pagan and early Christian funerary architecture. On the other hand, early Christian trefoil structures in the majority of examples stand next to the rustic villa which in itself speaks in favour of a private funerary function. Thus, it is important to assume that cellae trichorae and triconchal churches in the beginning represent early Christian memorial chapels, independent of the subsequent development of the complexes which enveloped them.Thus, the memorial chapel at Muline on the island of Ugljan is part of a larger funerary complex. It is still the most thoroughly researched group of early Christian buildings erected next to a Roman rustic villa in Dalmatia. Apart from a similar example at Brijuni, the Muline complex is crucial for the consideration and interpretation of the origins and development of Christianity in late antique rural areas on the Croatian coast of the Adriatic. It reflects the developed Christianity in the urban setting of Zadar. The owner of the villa was obviously a rich citizen who had a memorial chapel erected on his estate for a deceased person about whom we know nothing. The chapel nave is square. Two deep semicircular apses are found at the back; in the southern one was a sarcophagus. The second sarcophagus was buried under the pavement in the nave. Next to the façade was a protyron, a vestibule with a porch resting on two columns. A courtyard was subsequently added in front of the façade and provided with additional cellae around it. According to Suić’s analysis, it seems that the first layer of the memorial chapel was built in the fourth century. At that time it lacked a crystallized form of somewhat later triconchal churches on the Adriatic. Two original conchs at the back stand slightly apart. The third cella next to the back was subsequently added to the north wall. It has a rectangular ground plan similar to those around the courtyard. All this speaks in favour of a gradual multiplication of cellae around the original memorial, a process similar to that at the cemeteries in Salona. In this paper, I am discussing the phenomenon of early Christian and early medieval triconchal churches on the Adriatic. In doing so, I am only considering those which have three conchs along the sanctuary wall. Based on their form, function and date, I classify them into five groups.The first group one consists of relatively early, small cellae trichorae. They had originally been funerary chapels on private estates. The remains of these memorial chapels have been preserved in various locations along the Adriatic coast: from those at Concordia Sagittaria near Aquileia, Betika near Pula, to those at Gata near Salona and Doljani near Duklja. Older examples have been dated to the late fourth or to the first half of the fifth century, which seems to be the date of the formation of this type of Christian memorial.In the second group are somewhat more complex triconchal churches which, unlike the cellae, have a long nave in front of the sanctuary. They are found in the territory of the Roman Dalmatia and therefore referred to by the author as Dalmatian. Unlike the cellae trichorae, which in their original form do not have a long entrance arm preceding the sanctuary conchs like a nave, triconchal churches are characterised by this very element in the front part of the chapel. In this respect they are spatially more developed than the basic, cella trichora type, and thus probably represent a somewhat later variants of trefoil memorial chapels. It seems that the triconchal churches at Dalmatia were mostly built by the late fifth century or in the early sixth century.The third group consists of those churches from the second group which were transformed from the initial funerary chapels into complex triconchal basilicas. Similar to other types of original memorial chapels which were subsequently transformed into congregational churches in Dalmatia, these too were remodelled in mid-sixth century. Thus, by being enveloped by a ring of subsequently added rooms, some triconchal churches were transformed from the original memorial chapels into public congregational churches furnished with liturgical annexes, among which were baptisteries. Baptisteries in particular witness about the nature of the remodelled triconchal churches and newly created complexes, with a trefoil structure at the core. They indicate an increase in conversion of the population which probably caused the building of such structures. Of course, a similar development was shared by other types of originally private chapels in the time when churches were being built after the model of complex basilicas. However, in Dalmatia, there are no examples of such buildings before the age of Justinian i.e. before the second third of the sixth century. It is likely that the mentioned conversion occurred in this period. With it, many older churches, including triconchal churches, became cores of new complexes. Based on the examples of such a development, it is possible to speak convincingly of pre-Justinianic origins of the initial form of Dalmatian triconchal churches.The fourth group is formed by pre-Romanesque triconchal churches. Their morphology differs from early Christian triconchal churches, and they are represented by two subgroups of interesting early medieval churches in Dalmatia. In the first one are numerous centrally-planned buildings while in the second are two longitudinal structures. Both subgroups are characterised by a sanctuary with three semicircular apses. In the centrally-planned buildings they are placed radially and their axes originate at the centre of the rotunda. Thus, they were not arranged in a cruciform way towards the sanctuary as it had regularly been the case in early Christian cellae trichorae or triconchal churches, where the axes of the lateral apses are perpendicular to the axis of the central apse. However, the three conchs grouped at the sanctuary are a crucial spatial feature in the buildings of the first subgroup so, in principle, they can be referred to as triconchal structures. In this group are the church of Holy Trinity at Zadar and a number of Dalmatian hexaconchal churches, as well as the rotunda at Ošlje. In the second subgroup are the longitudinal churches of Holy Saviour at Vrh Rika near Cetina and the church at Lopuška glavica, both near Knin. These two churches have a long nave in front of the sanctuary, and three conchs along the sanctuary wall, as was the case with early Christian triconchal churches. However, the axes of the lateral conchs are not perpendicular to the axis of the main apse but are placed radially. The nave in the church is significantly wider than the diameter of the main apse. The original layout of the church of St Donatus at Zadar, as a free-standing rotunda, was probably created in the in the eighth century. All other pre-Romanesque triconchal churches in Dalmatia have been convincingly dated to the period between the mid-ninth century to the early decades of the tenth century.Finally, the fifth group consist of the Romanesque trefoil churches. These are small, cruciform cellae which have a short entrance arm at the front and three conchs grouped around the core at the back. The front usually rectangular and the conchs are semicircular. They are vaulted with semi-domed vaults. Above the core is a round drum with a dome. Two of those cellae are almost completely preserved and of particular interest due to the intersecting vault ribs below their domes. Stylistic characteristics of these buildings indicate the early Romanesque architectural features of the twelfth century. All other medieval triconchal churches in this group probably also belong to the wider Romanesque period.Finally, regardless of all similar spatial forms in antique and late antique secular buildings, it should be pointed out that the cellae trichorae and triconchal churches originated as Christian memorial chapels, inspired by the gglomerations of the earliest funerary a chapel installed in early Christian cemeteries. The triconchal shape of these chapels originated in these agglomerations and remained related to the funerary and memorial character. It can be concluded that the triconchal churches in Dalmatia were formed with relation to that character and that they persisted from the early Christian time to the mature middle ages. Perhaps it might be naive and mistaken to interpret the morphology of later buildings as being directly influenced by the earlier. Pre-Romanesque rotundas display a variety of triconchal forms which were not known in early Christian architecture of Dalmatia (except the hexaconchal interior of Zadar Baptistery). Nonetheless, polyconchal spaces of early medieval memorial buildings were furnished with a triconchal sanctuary of the same shape as those in early Christian triconchal buildings, and witness about the funerary function in the pre-Romanesque period. The Romanesque trefoil churches, however, recreated the original type, not as direct replicas of early Christian triconchal forms, but through their function, while their shape grew out of the reformation spirit of the great church reform in the Romanesque period. Thus, Dalmatian triconchal churches illustrate a continuous need for private memorial chapels which does not necessarily have to be triconchal but this particular shape has been discussed here because of its peculiarity. Already in the early Christian period, some trefoil structures outgrew their function of a family chapel to become churches for a larger community. That is why they were accompanied by additional liturgical functions and annexes necessary for monastic or parish churches. By this, they were transformed into complex basilicas with additional spaces while the original triconchal structure, situated at the centre, became the church, quadratum populi, sometimes surrounded by a series of interconnected rooms which served as an ambulatory. This might point to the possibility that in some cases the old funerary function of the original memorial chapel could have continued together with the new liturgical rites in the newly formed complex basilica as a congregational church. These changes did not take place in the medieval memorial structures although some hexaconchal churches and the octaconchal church at Ošlje were provided with new annexes soon after the initial building phase, and that added to the rotunda of St Donatus at Zadar included a gallery.

The baptism of one-year old Edgardo Mortara by a maid in his parental home in 1852 took place at an age when Catholics believed that salvation came only to those baptized, when the baptism of children was usually celebrated during a lengthy, complex ritual led by a priest at the parish church, yet when the church allowed and encouraged others - even laity - to perform baptism when, in their judgment, an emergency had arisen. Although the contemporary Catholic Church has modified these beliefs and practices, permissions and rules still govern the emergency baptism of children, even those of non-Christian parents.