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1

Fritze, Ronald H. "Root or Link? Luther's Position in the Historical Debate over the Legitimacy of the Church of England, 1558–1625." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37, no. 2 (April 1986): 288–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900033029.

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The beginning of Elizabeth i's reign was a happy and confident time for committed English Protestants in spite of their doubtful and precarious position in the world. They had almost miraculously survived both the death of their Protestant king, Edward vi, and the reign of the Catholic queen, Mary, and her foreign husband, Philip n of Spain. It seemed that God was testing Protestantism in England. Since he allowed Elizabeth to succeed to the throne, Protestantism, it seemed, had passed the test. As a result early English Protestants confidently began to formulate their place in both the world and history while attacking the established positions of their Catholic opponents. English Catholics defended themselves from these attacks and replied with some of their own. This debate over the historical situation of the Church of England continued through the reign of James i and beyond. During the course of the debate both sides commented frequently and necessarily on what they thought was Martin Luther's place in church history.
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2

Landry, Stan M. "That All May Be One? Church Unity and the German National Idea, 1866–1883." Church History 80, no. 2 (May 13, 2011): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640711000047.

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Despite the political unification of the German Empire in 1871, the longstanding confessional divide between German Catholics and Protestants persisted through the early Wilhelmine era. Because confessional identity and difference were pivotal to how Germans imagined a nation, the meaning of German national identity remained contested. But the formation of German national identity during this period was not neutral—confessional alterity and antagonism was used to imagine confessionally exclusive notions of German national identity. The establishment of a “kleindeutsch” German Empire under Prussian-Protestant hegemony, the anti-Catholic policies of the Kulturkampf, and the 1883 Luther anniversaries all conflated Protestantism with German national identity and facilitated the marginalization of German Catholics from early Wilhelmine society, culture, and politics. While scholars have recognized this “confessionalization of the German national idea” they have so far neglected how proponents of church unity imagined German national unity and identity. This paper examines how Ut Omnes Unum—an ecumenical group of German Catholics and Protestants—challenged the conflation of Protestantism and German national identity and instead proposed an inter-confessional notion of German national identity that was inclusive of both Catholics and Protestants.
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3

Barnett, S. J. "Where Was Your Church before Luther? Claims for the Antiquity of Protestantism Examined." Church History 68, no. 1 (March 1999): 14–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170108.

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During and after the Reformation, one of the most pressing issues for Protestants was to locate an appropriate answer to a disarmingly simple Catholic question: where was your church before Luther? Catholic propagandists hoped to undermine the legitimacy of Protestantism by contrasting its evident novelty against the relative antiquity of Roman Catholicism. Implicit in the charge of novelty was the accusation that Protestantism represented only a counterfeit religion. The Reformed religion was considered to be but an invention of iniquitous religious charlatans who—in league with monarchs and aristocrats—were exploiting religious credulity for material and sexual ends. Under cover of religion, they were advancing their own political power, plundering the wealth of the church and turning their backs upon the moral code of Christianity. Catholic apologists usually designated Luther and Calvin as Manichean heretics—from the thirdcentury dualist heresy of Manes.
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4

Kirk, James. "The ‘Privy Kirks’ and their Antecedents: The Hidden Face of Scottish Protestantism." Studies in Church History 23 (1986): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400010597.

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The history of Scottish protestantism as a clandestine, underground movement can be traced, albeit unevenly, over three decades from parliament’s early ban on Lutheran literature in 1525 to the protestant victory of 1560 when, in disregard of the wishes of its absent queen then resident in France, parliament finally proscribed the Latin mass and the whole apparatus of papal jurisdiction in Scotland and adopted instead a protestant Confession of Faith. Out of a loosely-defined body of beliefs in the 1530s, ranging from a profound dissatisfaction at ecclesiastical abuse (shared by those who remained Catholic), to a recognition of the need for a reformation in doctrine (less readily conceded by orthodox Catholics), Scottish protestantism by the 15 50s had developed a cellular organisation, enabling it to survive periodic persecution. Early protestants, themselves brought up within the Catholic church as baptised and communicating members, by the 1550s had taken the agonising and momentous step of separating themselves from the fellowship of the established church by forming their own separate communities of believers, worshipping in secret and centred on the privy kirks which arose in the years immediately preceding the Reformation.
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Paddison, Joshua. "Anti-Catholicism and Race in Post-Civil War San Francisco." Pacific Historical Review 78, no. 4 (November 1, 2009): 505–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2009.78.4.505.

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In San Francisco during the 1870s, conflicts over public schools, immigration, and the bounds of citizenship exacerbated long-simmering tensions between Protestants and Catholics. A surging anti-Catholic movement in the city——never before studied by scholars——marked Catholics as racially and religiously inferior. While promising to unite, anti-Catholicism actually exposed splits within Protestant San Francisco as it became utilized by opposing sides in debates over the place of racially marked groups in church and society. Considered neither fully white nor fully Christian, many Irish Catholics in turn demonized Chinese immigrants to establish their own credentials as patriotic white Christians. By the early 1880s the rising anti-Chinese movement had eclipsed tensions between Catholics and Protestants, creating new coalitions around Christian whiteness rather than broad-based interracial Protestantism.
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Tamm, Ditlev. "Law and Protestantism in Denmark." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 102, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 406–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.26498/zrgka-2016-0116.

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Abstract This contribution deals with the influence of the Reformation on the law in Denmark. The Reformation was basically a reform of the church, but it also affected the concept of law and state in general. In 1536, King Christian III dismissed the catholic bishops and withheld the property of the church. The king, as custos duarum tabularum, guardian of both the tablets of law, also took over the legislation for the church. Especially in subjects of morals and criminal law new principles and statutes were enacted. Copenhagen University was reformed into a protestant seminary even though the former faculties were maintained. For that task Johannes Bugenhagen was summoned who also drafted the new church ordinance of 1537. In marriage law protestant principles were introduced. A marriage order was established in 1582.
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7

Willsky-Ciollo, Lydia. "Henry Whitney Bellows and “A New Catholic Church”." Church History and Religious Culture 98, no. 2 (July 12, 2018): 265–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09801001.

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Abstract This article examines the evolution of Bellow’s proposal for a newly reformed Unitarian “catholic” church during the 1850s and 1860s. For Bellows in particular, political, cultural, and ecclesiastical matters collided in his efforts to transform a diffuse set of liberal Christian churches in fellowship into a denomination of national, even global, caliber. The creation of this “new catholic church” would, in turn, help to heal an ailing nation. There are two questions driving this narrative. First, how did Bellows arrive at the conclusion that Unitarianism was the future of Christendom, the more “Protestant-Protestantism,” or even more boldly, the “more Catholic-Catholicism?” Secondly, how did Bellows arrive at the conclusion that uniting Christendom under a “catholic” Unitarian banner could unite a fractured country? During the early 1860s, the language of nationalism and catholicity merged in Bellows’ organization of the National Convention.
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8

RUOTSILA, MARKKU. "The Catholic Apostolic Church in British Politics." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, no. 1 (January 2005): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904002155.

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This article looks at a largely neglected aspect of nineteenth- and twentieth-century religio-political activism and public doctrine, the conservative politics of premillennialist Protestantism. It approaches this subject through a case study of the doctrines and activities of the Catholic Apostolic Church, a relatively small premillennialist and Pentecostal faith-community extant from the 1830s through to the mid-twentieth century. The translation of these doctrines into Conservative party politics by Henry Drummond MP and by the seventh and eighth dukes of Northumberland is given especial attention.
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Cassone, Alberto, and Carla Marchese. "Indulgenze religiose: un’analisi economica*." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 12, no. 2 (October 1, 1994): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569298x15668907539969.

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Abstract Indulgences played an important role in the history of Catholic Church that, in spite of the opposition by the Protestantism, never rejected them.The aim of this article is to show, on the basis of economic theory, that an indulgences system, rather than relaxing moral behavior, is fully consistent with the preservation of a good conduct.For this purpose, it is convenient to apply to the Catholic Church the economic theory of clubs. In this case, however, the club is not homogeneous, because of the ecclesiastic hierarchy whose monopolistic power controls the incentives system.The analysis shows the positive consequences of the indulgences: the «good” catholics don’t leave the club.A similar approach can be applied to tax amnesties and pardon for malfeasance.
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Sappia, Caroline. "De “l’angoisse” à l’œcuménisme: La perception catholique du protestantisme en Amérique latine." Social Compass 58, no. 2 (June 2011): 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768611402619.

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In the early 1950s, Latin America represented as much a hope as a challenge for the Catholic Church. The continent sheltered the largest number of baptized people in the world, while Protestantism and communism were making rapid advances, accelerating the desertion of churches. Faced with this phenomenon, the Holy Seat created a network of training institutions and dispatched priests to Latin America. The Belgian institution was the Collège pour l’Amérique latine (COPAL) of Louvain, founded in 1953. In this context, the author analyzes the evolution of the Catholic relationship with Protestantism through papal speeches as well as through fieldwork, via COPAL’s bulletin and three books on Latin America published between 1959 and 1969 whose authors were connected with the Louvain institution.
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Wells, Paul. "FRENCH PROTESTANTISM AND ITS AMBIVALENT ATTITUDE TOWARD CULTURE." VERBUM CHRISTI: JURNAL TEOLOGI REFORMED INJILI 6, no. 2 (October 14, 2019): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.51688/vc6.2.2019.art1.

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Protestantism in France has an ambiguous attitude to the surrounding culture, because of its position as a small minority. The other forces present are Roman Catholic authoritarianism and the liberal free-thinking of Enlightenment humanism, represented by the likes of Voltaire and Rousseau. The paradox is that since the Revolution in 1789, which was anti-royal and anti-religious, when Protestantism has sided with the majority Roman Church it has undermined its Reformed identity, and when it has sided with libertarian free-thinking it has undermined its Christian identity. This remains a feature of French Protestantism until the present day. As a result of this tension, the thought of one of France’s greatest thinkers, John Calvin, became virtually unknown, not only in French culture and society as a whole, but also within French Protestantism itself. KEYWORDS: Protestant, Reformed, French, Catholic
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12

Widmann, Peter. "Reformation og deformation." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 73, no. 4 (December 31, 2010): 243–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v73i4.106439.

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The aim of the Reformation movement was to overcome the destructive developments of the Western Catholic Church, not to establish a different Church or independent communities. The Reformers, however, were from the beginning confronted with the charge of deforming rather than reforming the Church, and this led to the split of Western Christianity and the emergence of Protestantism. The development of Protestantism was driven by different attempts to renew Christianity but the outcome thereof was often criticised as a destruction of the entire Christian tradition. The Protestant theology of the 20th century in the wake of Karl Barth regarded itself as opposed to two deformations, one represented by Roman Catholicism, another by “neo-protestantism” respectively. This makes it clear that the threat of Christianity’sdeformation cannot be overcome by turning back to something original but demands a quest for new Christian realizations.
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13

Langlois, John. "Freedom of Religion and Religion in the UK." Religious Freedom, no. 17-18 (December 24, 2013): 54–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2013.17-18.984.

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Britain has a long history of fighting for religious freedom. In the Middle Ages, the official church was the Roman Catholic Church, which dominated both spiritual and political life. During the Protestant Reformation, Protestantism prevailed and the (Protestant) Anglican Church became the official state church in England. The Presbyterian Church of Scotland became the official state church in Scotland. In England, the Anglican Church discriminated against members of other Christian churches, in particular, such as Baptists and Methodists (usually called dissidents or independent). Roman Catholicism was banned. Only at the beginning of the 19th century he was given the right to exist. Since then, in the United Kingdom, for almost 200 years, there has been freedom of religious faith and practice.
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14

Păvălucă, Vasilică Mugurel. "Some of Martin Luther‘s Written References to the Eastern Church." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 360–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ress-2017-0025.

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Abstract In his honest desire to reform the Catholic Church, Martin Luther looked up sometimes to Eastern Christianity and its Ancient Fathers. Especially in the context of his debates with Catholic theologians, Luther tried to accomplish a theological norm through quotes and arguments from the spiritual thesaurus of the Eastern Church. In spite of the fact that Luther‘s references to the Eastern Church show a certain ambiguity and are not as extensive as one would wish today, these are of particular importance and carry undeniable weight for the Reformation period and the Reformers’ knowledge of Eastern Christianity. Luther’s mentions of the Eastern Church constitute until today the basic points of modern ecumenism between Protestantism and Orthodoxy.
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Krauze, Łukasz. "The mission of an evangelist in anglosasc protestantism." Annales Missiologici Posnanienses, no. 23 (January 5, 2019): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/amp.2018.23.8.

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The service of an evangelist is an important element of anglosasc protestantism. An evangelist has a huge influence on believers in shaping the awareness of their experience of God. He can do it by his zeal in calling for conversion and reminding about the meaning of the cross. Thanks to a style of his preaching he provides an audience to emotions that are necessary in a progress of the faith. The office of an evangelist was forgotten in a reality of the Catholic Church, although it has biblical roots. For this reason, it is to worth to pay attention to the mission of the evangelist in a catholic context.
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Raedts, Peter. "Prosper Guéranger O.S.B. (1805-1875) and the Struggle for Liturgical Unity." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 333–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840001411x.

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One of the strongest weapons in the armoury of the Roman Catholic Church has always been its impressive sense of historical continuity. Apologists, such as Bishop Bossuet (1627-1704), liked to tease their Protestant adversaries with the question of where in the world their Church had been before Luther and Calvin. The question shows how important the time between ancient Christianity and the Reformation had become in Catholic apologetics since the sixteenth century. Where the Protestants had to admit that a gap of more than a thousand years separated the early Christian communities from the churches of the Reformation, Catholics could proudly point to the fact that in their Church an unbroken line of succession linked the present hierarchy to Christ and the apostles. This continuity seemed the best proof that other churches were human constructs, whereas the Catholic Church continued the mission of Christ and his disciples. In this argument the Middle Ages were essential, but not a time to dwell upon. It was not until the nineteenth century that in the Catholic Church the Middle Ages began to mean far more than proof of the Church’s unbroken continuity.
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MacCulloch, Diarmaid. "The Birth of Anglicanism." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no. 35 (July 2004): 418–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005603.

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The paper surveys the English Reformation in the wider European context to demonstrate that the concept of ‘Anglicanism’ is hardly appropriate for the post-Reformation English Church in the sixteenth century: it was emphatically Protestant, linked to Reformed rather than Lutheran Protestantism. Henry VIII created a hybrid of a Church after breaking with Rome, but that was not unique in northern Europe. There were widespread attempts to find a ‘middle way’, the model being Cologne under Archbishop Hermann von Wied. Wied's efforts failed, but left admirers like Albert Hardenberg and Jan Laski, and their Reformations gradually moved towards those of central Europe—the first Reformed theologians. Edward VTs Reformation aligned itself with this new grouping, and produced prototypes of liturgy and theological formulary which endure to the present day—with the exception of a proposed reform of canon law, with its provisions for divorce. Elizabeth Ts 1559 religious settlement fossilised Edward's Church from autumn 1552. It made no concessions to Catholics, despite later A nglo- Catholic myth-making: minor adjustments were probably aimed at Lutherans. There is nevertheless a ‘Nicodemite’ association among the leading figures who steered the Settlement through its opening years. Important and unlikely survivals were cathedrals, uniquely preserved in a Protestant context and a source of future ideological Catholic ‘subversion’. Nevertheless the theological tone of the Elizabethan Church was a broadly-based Reformed Protestantism, aligned to Zürich rather than to Geneva. Early seventeenth-century Arminianism or Laudianism represented a new direction, and the Puritanism of New England may better represent the English Reformation than the ‘Anglican’ synthesis which came to fruition in the English Church after Charles II's restoration in 1660. In any case, Anglicanism continues to represent in uneasy but useful tension the two poles of theology contending for mastery in the century after Elizabeth Is coming to power.
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Boissevain, Katia. "Dilemmas of Sharing Religious Space." Common Knowledge 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 290–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-8188892.

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Christianity has a long presence in the Maghreb, dating back to Roman imperial times. Eventually it became a mostly Muslim region, but in the late nineteenth century, the Roman Catholic Church embarked on a vast mission of church building, in part to assist the French colonial endeavor. In Tunisia, political independence in 1956 was accompanied by a further reinvigoration of Christianity, and, over the last twenty years, conversion to Christianity (mainly in the form of evangelical and neo-evangelical Protestantism) has been on the rise. Beginning in 2003, workers and students from sub-Saharan Africa have contributed to the growth of both Catholic and Protestant churches in Tunis. This article analyzes the ways in which various Christian groups organize and articulate their religious practice and proselytization in ritual spaces that are sparse and must be shared in contemporary Tunisia.
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Lindberg, Carter. "Historical Scholarship and Ecumenical Dialogue." Horizons 44, no. 2 (November 7, 2017): 420–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2017.120.

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I am honored to participate in this theological roundtable on the five-hundredth anniversary of the Protestant Reformation. I do so as a lay Lutheran church historian. In spite of the editors’ “prompts,” the topic reminds me of that apocryphal final exam question: “Give a history of the universe with a couple of examples.” “What do we think are the possibilities for individual and ecclesial ecumenism between Protestants and Catholics? What are the possibilities for common prayer, shared worship, preaching the gospel, church union, and dialogue with those who are religiously unaffiliated? Why should we commemorate or celebrate this anniversary?” Each “prompt” warrants a few bookshelves of response. The “Protestant Reformation” itself is multivalent. The term “Protestant” derives from the 1529 Diet of Speyer where the evangelical estates responded to the imperial mandate to enforce the Edict of Worms outlawing them. Their response, Protestatio, “testified” or “witnessed to” (pro testari) the evangelical estates’ commitment to the gospel in the face of political coercion (see Acts 5:29). It was not a protest against the Roman Catholic Church and its doctrine. Unfortunately, “Protestant” quickly became a pejorative name and then facilitated an elastic “enemies list.” “Reformation,” traditionally associated with Luther's “Ninety-Five Theses” (1517, hence the five-hundredth anniversary), also encompasses many historical and theological interpretations. Perhaps the Roundtable title reflects the effort in From Conflict to Communion: Lutheran-Catholic Common Commemoration of the Reformation in 2017 (2013) to distinguish Luther's reformational concern from the long historical Reformation (Protestantism), so that this anniversary may be both “celebrated” and self-critically “commemorated.”
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Duffy, Eamon. "The Shock of Change: Continuity and Discontinuity in the Elizabethan Church Of England." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no. 35 (July 2004): 429–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005615.

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This paper questions accounts of the English Reformation which, in line with sometimes unacknowledged Anglo-Catholic assumptions, present it as a mere clean-up operation, the creation of a reformed Catholicism which removed medieval excesses but left an essentially Catholic Church of England intact. It argues instead that the Elizabethan reformers intended to establish a Reformed Church which would be part of a Protestant international Church, emphatic in disowning its medieval inheritance and rejecting the religion of Catholic Europe, with formularies, preaching and styles of worship designed to signal and embody that rejection. But Anglican self-identity was never simply or unequivocally Protestant. Lay and clerical conservatives resisted the removal of the remains of the old religion, and vestiges of the Catholic past were embedded like flies in amber in the Prayer Book liturgy, in church buildings, and in the attitudes and memories of many of its Elizabethan personnel. By the early seventeenth century influential figures in the Church of England were seeking to distance themselves from European Protestantism, and instead to portray the Church of England as a conscious via media between Rome and Geneva. In the hands of the Laudians and their followers, this newer interpretation of the Reformation was to prove potent in reshaping the Church of England's self-understanding.
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Ward, Kevin. "Series on Church and State: Eating and Sharing: Church and State in Uganda." Journal of Anglican Studies 3, no. 1 (June 2005): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1740355305052827.

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ABSTRACTThe article explores the complexities of church-state relations in Uganda, with particular reference to the two dominant churches: the Anglican Church of Uganda (the Protestants) and the Roman Catholic Church. Together the two churches include some 80 per cent of Ugandans. Since the beginnings of Christianity in the late nineteenth century, the rivalry between the two communions has had political implications, with the Anglican Church perceived as constituting a quasi-establishment and the Catholics as lacking political clout. In local discourse, ‘eating’ refers to the enjoyment of political power; ‘sharing’ to the expectation of inclusion. The article looks at the attempt to overcome sectarian politics, and the Christian witness of both churches in the face of state oppression and violence.
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Yarotskiy, Petro. "The multiplier nature of the European Reformation and the peculiarities of its perception in Ukraine." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 83 (September 1, 2017): 80–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2017.83.772.

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The 500th anniversary of theReformation (1517 - 2017), which is celebrated in Ukraine at the state level, gives an opportunity to evaluate this event in various dimensions of its foundation, development and transformation in the context of the European transition from feudal relations and their citadel - the Catholic Church to the establishment of protestantism as an innovation faith and ideologiy of a new social formation. The process of the spread of early protestantism in Ukraine an its perception by the Ukrainian mentality and modern functionality in independent Ukraine are researched
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Purcell, Stephen. "Not Wholly Communion: Skepticism and the Instrumentalization of Religion in Stoker’s Dracula." Christianity & Literature 67, no. 2 (February 18, 2018): 294–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0148333117708257.

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A recurring theme in Dracula criticism is the assumption that, because Stoker’s protagonists rely on Catholic sacraments and symbols, they represent Catholicism, High Church Protestantism, or a perverse variation thereof. The protagonists’ adoption of Catholic sacramentality, however, lacks any accompanying moral or epistemological shift—Stoker’s protagonists never adopt Christian morality, nor do they transition from skepticism to faith. Rather, the protagonists instrumentalize Catholic sacramental objects, making them tools with which to exterminate vampires and to justify the hatred that underpins that task. The protagonists’ relationship to the Communion wafer encapsulates their disregard for theology and their willingness to manipulate sacrament.
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Fessenden, Tracy. "From Romanism to Race: Anglo-American Liberties inUncle Tom's Cabin." Prospects 25 (October 2000): 229–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036123330000065x.

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Simon Legree's taunting invitation to “join [his] church” reminds us that the novel routinely credited with abolishing slavery relied for part of its force on anxieties surrounding religious conversion. Although conversion as the emotional surrender to faith under one or another form of Protestantism remained the norm when Harriet Beecher Stowe was writingUncle Tom's Cabin, as many as 700,000 Americans did join the Roman Catholic Church as converts in the 19th century. The middle third of the century also saw the arrival of nearly 3 million Catholic immigrants, whose perceived intemperance, sexual license, and conspiratorial designs on American institutions animated white Protestant preaching and political action more consistently than did the evils of slavery or racism.
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Hillenbrand, Rainer. "KONTROVERSTHEOLOGISCHE BILDINTERPRETATIONEN VON FISCHART UND NAS." Daphnis 42, no. 1 (May 1, 2013): 93–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-90001128.

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The images of a church service with animal figures — in Strasbourg cathedral —, later destroyed, are characteristically interpreted by the Protestant Fischart and the Catholic Nas in favour of their own denomination, although they agree in their misunderstanding of the actual meaning of the images. The view of Nas that heretical dissenters are criticized through the animals, is more convincing than the attempt by Fischart to see the medieval sculptors as critics of the church and thus as precursors of Protestantism.
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Nowakowski, Przemysław. "Kościół rzymskokatolicki w poszukiwaniu interkomunii z Kościołami odmiennych tradycji liturgicznych." Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny 60, no. 2 (June 30, 2007): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21906/rbl.340.

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After the Second Vatican Council the Roman Catholic Church recapitulated all his teaching on the Holy Eucharist, coming back to its biblical and patristic roots. At the same time Church was looking for the best way to common Eucharistic Table with different Christian communities – eastern and western. The intercommunion exists just between Catholics and Orthodox in the very special situations. The intercelebration is not possible yet in the absence of ecclesiological and doctrinal communion. The lack of apostolic succession and the other interpretation of the sacraments causes more difficulties on the way to intercommunion with Protestants. A lot of popular initiatives are taken recently in order to make the common Eucharist closer. Protestant Churches regards the practice of intercommunion as one of the means to the complete union among Christians. The Roman Catholic Church emphasizes that intercommunion is just to be an ultimate aim of the Churches union.
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Cipta, Samudra Eka. "100% KATOLIK 100% INDONESIA: Suatu Tinjauan Historis Perkembangan Nasionalisme Umat Katolik di Indonesia." Jurnal Sosiologi Agama 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsa.2020.141-07.

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Since the arrival of the Portuguese to Indonesia, many missionaries have spread Catholicism in Indonesia. The Maluku region became the beginning of the Catholicsm process in Indonesia, when a Portuguese missionary Francis Xavier came to the largest spice producing region in the world at that time. Previously, the arrival of the Portuguese in Indonesia in addition to their trade also brought religious interests in it. In 1546-1547 when he arrived in Maluku, he had succeeded in baptizing thousands of people also building schools for the indigenous population. When the VOC, which incidentally was a follower of Protestantism, tried to protest the population in the archipelago. They also sought to monopolize religion by mastering Catholic churches from Portuguese Spanish heritage, bearing in mind that in Europe there had been a strong push by Protestants against Catholics so that the impact of the Protestant-Catholic feud reached the Archipelago. Apparently, the era of Colonial Government began to be implemented after the fall of the VOC has had a tremendous impact on the development of Catholicism in Indonesia with the emergence of a spirit ‘'Catholic Awakening Indonesia'’ in line with the period of the emergence of Indonesian movement organizations in achieving Free Indonesia. This is inseparable from the role and emergence of several Indonesian Catholic figures in the political field including Ignasius Kasimo, and M.G.R Soegijapranata, even military fields such as Adi Sucipto and Slamet Riyadi who are among the leaders among Indonesian Catholics who defend for the sake of the nation and state of Indonesia.
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DeStefano, Michael T. "DuBourg's Defense of St. Mary's College: Apologetics and the Creation of a Catholic Identity in the Early American Republic." Church History 85, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 65–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715001353.

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When the Baltimore Presbytery of the Presbyterian Church issued a pastoral letter critical of St. Mary's College in 1811 it provided an opportunity for Louis DuBourg, the college's president, to respond with an apologetic defense of the college and of Catholicism more generally. In doing so he synthesized several strands of Catholic apologetics, including the via notarum, the utilitarianism that came to dominate French Catholic apologetics in the eighteenth century, the emphasis upon beauty and emotion that characterized Chateaubriand's Genuius of Christianity, and the earlier work of Bishop Bossuet critical of the doctrinal instability of protestantism. Aimed at a popular audience, DuBourg's apologetics created an identity for the American Catholic Church that emphasized its place within the largest part of worldwide Christianity, its role as educator of the best minds of Western civilization, and the beauty of its worship.
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Nockles, Peter B. "‘The Difficulties of Protestantism’: Bishop Milner, John Fletcher and Catholic Apologetic against the Church of England in the era from the First Relief Act to Emancipation, 1778–1830." Recusant History 24, no. 2 (October 1998): 193–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002478.

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‘It is an old theory of ours, that there are very few of the positions assumed by the antagonists of the Catholic church, which may not be turned against each other, with far more effect than they carry against the common adversary whom they all seek to assail. A skilful use of the weapons employed against each other by various sects of Protestantism, in their internecine warfare, would supply one of the most curious, and we will venture to say, one of the most solid and convincing arguments of the truth of the Catholic religion to be found in the whole range of polemical literature’.(Dublin Review, 1855).Anti-Catholicism, represented in the era of the eve of Emancipation by a rich genre of polemical literature focusing on the supposed ‘difficulties of Romanism’, has been the subject of much recent study; notably for the eighteenth century by Colin Haydon, and for the nineteenth, by Walter Amstein, Edward Norman, D. G. Paz, Walter Ralls, F. M. Wallis and John Wolffe. In contrast, English Catholic controversial writing against the Church of England, focusing on what one Catholic writer (in a conscious reversal of the stock Anglican polemical title) called the ‘difficulties of Protestantism’, with notable exceptions such as Sheridan Gilley, Leo Gooch and Brian Carter, 5 has been comparatively neglected for the half century prior to the dawn of the Oxford Movement in 1833.
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Dodds, Gregory D. "An Accidental Historian: Erasmus and the English History of the Reformation." Church History 82, no. 2 (May 20, 2013): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640713000024.

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When post-Reformation English authors sought to describe pre-Reformation Catholicism, they turned to the writings of Desiderius Erasmus for historical evidence to back up their arguments justifying the break from Rome. For many later English schoolboys, Erasmus was one of the only Catholic authors they read and the depictions of Catholicism found in the Praise of Folly and, especially, in the Colloquies, became their picture of Catholic clergy, as well as foundational imprints for their mental image of relics, pilgrimages, and other Catholic practices. References to Erasmus as a historical authority for his times appear in dozens, if not hundreds, of texts from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Ignoring the literary and fictitious nature of Erasmus's satirical texts, they used Erasmus to justify their depictions of Catholic corruption, superstition, and irrationality. Over time, these descriptions became an almost uncritically accepted portrayal of the Catholic world prior to the rise of Protestantism. This constructed reality thus became the worldview of English speaking Protestants from the mid-sixteenth century up to nearly the present. Examining how later English authors used Erasmus helps us understand the subsequent nature of English historical consciousness and the development of English and Protestant narratives of Church history.
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MacCulloch, Diarmaid. "The Myth of the English Reformation." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 1 (January 1991): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385971.

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The myth of the English Reformation is that it did not happen, or that it happened by accident rather than design, or that it was halfhearted and sought a middle way between Catholicism and Protestantism; the point at issue is the identity of the Church of England. The myth was created in two stages, first in the middle years of the seventeenth century, and then from the third decade of the nineteenth century; and in either case it was created by one party within the church, largely consisting of clergy, with a particular motive in mind. This was to emphasize the Catholic continuity of the church over the break of the Reformation, in order to claim that the true representative of the Catholic church within the borders of England and Wales was not the minority loyal to the bishop of Rome, but the church as by law established in 1559 and 1662. In the seventeenth century the group involved was called Arminian by contemporaries, and in later days it came to be labeled High Church, or Laudian, after its chief early representative William Laud. In the nineteenth century the same party revived was known variously as Tractarian, Oxford Movement, High Church, Ritualist, and, most commonly in the twentieth century, Anglo-Catholic. Here are two characteristic quotations from one of the most distinguished of this nineteenth-century group, John Henry Newman, before his departure for Rome and a cardinal's hat. First, when defending himself against the charge of innovation: “We are a ‘Reformed’ Church, not a ‘Protestant’ … the Puritanic spirit spread in Elizabeth's and James's time, and … has been succeeded by the Methodistic. …We, the while, children of the Holy Church, whencesoever brought into it, whether by early training or after thought, have had one voice, that one voice which the Church has had from the beginning." Second, introducing the characteristic Anglican expression of the idea of continuity, the notion of the via media: “A number of distinct notions are included in the notion of Protestantism; and as to all these our Church has taken a Via Media between it and Popery.
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LE COUTEUR, HOWARD. "Upholding Protestantism: The Fear of Tractarianism in the Anglican Church in Early Colonial Queensland." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 62, no. 2 (March 4, 2011): 297–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046909991254.

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Gender ideologies have been shown to be an important element in creating national identity. The settler population of early colonial Queensland was largely drawn from Protestant England and Scotland, and Catholic Ireland. In the process of social formation, Anglican men contributed to building a Protestant hegemony that strove to marginalise the Irish Catholic part of the population. In doing so they bracketed Tractarianism with Catholicism in an attempt to assert the essentially Protestant nature of Anglicanism. This paper explores three debates that took place in the public domain in the period 1855–65, and their impact on the local Anglican community and on social formation in the fledgling colonial society.
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Questier, Michael C. "English Clerical Converts to Protestantism, 1580–1596." Recusant History 20, no. 4 (October 1991): 455–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005550.

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It is proposed in this article to discuss the English Catholic seminarists who apostatised between 1582 and 1596—that is, after the date when Catholics in England were required unequivocally to separate themselves totally from the Established Church but before the beginning of the Appellant Controversy. P. McGrath in a recent article has set out the basic biographical details of a number of the Elizabethan apostates. T. H. Clancy has dealt with Jesuit defectors from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries and gives interesting and useful statistics on apostates in general. Neither of them, however, makes any extensive attempt to assess the development or significance of these apostates’ changes of religion. McGrath expressed the hope that his ‘survey… of an important section of the Elizabethan clergy’ would ‘draw attention to the variety of motives influencing these men’ and ‘the need for further examination of their strange careers’. It is the intention of this article to explore further the importance of apostasy among the Elizabethan seminarists (seminary priests and students for the priesthood who never got as far as being ordained). Instead of concentrating, as McGrath and Clancy do, upon establishing who the apostates were, a comparative approach over a shorter period will be employed, using a wider range of source material, including the books of ‘motives’. The aim is to challenge the view that all clerical apostates were basically of similar significance, distinguished mainly by whether they remained with the Established Church or not. It will be argued here that the phenomenon grew more serious between 1580 and 1596. It is not enough to say of these apostates merely that there were bound to be ‘deviationists’ from the Allen-Persons line, or that they had the example of the Marian priests before them.
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Bays, Daniel H. "Chinese Protestant Christianity Today." China Quarterly 174 (June 2003): 488–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903000299.

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Protestant Christianity has been a prominent part of the general religious resurgence in China in the past two decades. In many ways it is the most striking example of that resurgence. Along with Roman Catholics, as of the 1950s Chinese Protestants carried the heavy historical liability of association with Western domination or imperialism in China, yet they have not only overcome that inheritance but have achieved remarkable growth. Popular media and human rights organizations in the West, as well as various Christian groups, publish a wide variety of information and commentary on Chinese Protestants. This article first traces the gradual extension of interest in Chinese Protestants from Christian circles to the scholarly world during the last two decades, and then discusses salient characteristics of the Protestant movement today. These include its size and rate of growth, the role of Church–state relations, the continuing foreign legacy in some parts of the Church, the strong flavour of popular religion which suffuses Protestantism today, the discourse of Chinese intellectuals on Christianity, and Protestantism in the context of the rapid economic changes occurring in China, concluding with a perspective from world Christianity.
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Okafor, Eddie E. "Francophone Catholic Achievements in Igboland, 1883-–1905." History in Africa 32 (2005): 307–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0020.

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When the leading European powers were scrambling for political dominion in Africa, the greatest rival of France was Britain. The French Catholics were working side by side with their government to ensure that they would triumph in Africa beyond the boundaries of the territories already annexed by their country. Thus, even when the British sovereignty claim on Nigeria was endorsed by Europe during the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, the French Catholics did not concede defeat. They still hoped that in Nigeria they could supplant their religious rivals: the British Church Missionary Society (CMS) and the other Protestant missionary groups. While they allowed the British to exercise political power there, they took immediate actions to curtail the spread and dominion of Protestantism in the country. Thus some of their missionaries stationed in the key French territories of Africa—Senegal, Dahomey, and Gabon—were urgently dispatched to Nigeria to compete with their Protestant counterparts and to establish Catholicism in the country.Two different French Catholic missions operated in Nigeria between 1860s and 1900s. The first was the Society of the African Missions (Société des Missions Africaines or SMA), whose members worked mainly among the Yoruba people of western Nigeria and the Igbos of western Igboland. The second were the Holy Ghost Fathers (Pères du Saint Esprit), also called Spiritans, who ministered specifically to the Igbo people of southeastern Nigeria. The French Catholics, the SMA priests, and the Holy Ghost Fathers competed vehemently with the British Protestants, the CMS, for the conversion of African souls. Just as in the political sphere, the French and British governments competed ardently for annexation and colonization of African territories.
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Gilley, Sheridan. "Popular and Elite Religion: the Church and Devotional Control." Studies in Church History 42 (2006): 337–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000406x.

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Popular and elite are imprecise terms, but it may be possible to give them a closer definition by relating them to categories in the work of John Henry Newman. In 1877, Newman was growing old. He was republishing his Anglican writings, both to preserve what they contained of value and to draw what poison remained. A particular difficulty attached to hisLectures on the Prophetical Office of the Church, published forty years before, in 1837, which classically defined the peculiar merit of the Church of England as occupying a middle way orvia mediabetween Romanism and popular Protestantism. The work contained some sharp attacks on Rome, which Newman had retracted even before his Roman conversion. There remained, however, a particular matter which had long been an obstacle to his submission to Rome, his conviction that the honours which Roman Catholics paid to the Virgin and saints derogated from the unique worship due to Christ, which Newman combined with a fastidious distaste for the more ‘unmanly’ and sentimental or sugary aspects of modern Catholic devotion.
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37

Fleming, Peter. "Book Review: The Catholic Church in Modern China: Perspectives, Protestantism in Contemporary China." Theological Studies 56, no. 1 (February 1995): 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056399505600120.

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38

Davidson, Christina Cecelia. "Black Protestants in a Catholic Land." New West Indian Guide 89, no. 3-4 (2015): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-08903053.

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The African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, a black Church founded in the United States in 1816, was first established in eastern Haiti when over 6,000 black freemen emigrated from the United States to Hispaniola between 1824 and 1825. Almost a century later, the AME Church grew rapidly in the Dominican Republic as West Indians migrated to the Dominican southeast to work on sugar plantations. This article examines the links between African-American immigrant descendants, West Indians, and U.S.-based AME leaders between the years 1899–1916. In focusing on Afro-diasporic exchange in the Church and the hardships missionary leaders faced on the island, the article reveals the unequal power relations in the AME Church, demonstrates the significance of the southeast to Dominican AME history, and brings the Dominican Republic into larger discussions of Afro-diasporic exchange in the circum-Caribbean.
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39

HAWLEY, SUSAN. "Protestantism and Indigenous Mobilisation: The Moravian Church among the Miskitu Indians of Nicaragua." Journal of Latin American Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1997): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x96004658.

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This article examines the role of the Protestant Moravian Church in the politicisation of Miskitu ethnic identity, and on the mobilisation of the Miskitu against the Sandinistas during the 1980s. It argues that changes in the institution of the Church during the 1960s and 70s, as a result of state policy, socio-economic context and internal conflicts within Miskitu society, led to Moravianism becoming a cultural marker of Miskitu ethnicity. At the same time, the encounter with and appropriation of the pastoral tactics of a Catholic priest resulted in a radicalisation of Miskitu Moravian pastors on indigenous issues. When the Miskitu came to mobilise against the Sandinistas, the Moravian Church was the expressive vehicle and the institutional means through which the mobilisation took place. The article reveals how politicised ethnic identities find their expression in religious institutions.
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40

Kadi, Fabiola, and Helona Pani. "THE ALBANIAN EVANGELICAL CHURCH – A POWERFUL SYMBOL OF RESISTANCE IN THE TRANSMISSION OF KNOWLEDGE." Knowledge International Journal 34, no. 6 (October 4, 2019): 1749–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34061749k.

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It is a fact that Christianity is deeply rooted in the history of the Albanian nation, but, unfortunately, such a fact has opened the gate to endless discussions. This paper aims to highlight an important event in the history of Albania, which will influence the future history of this nation. During the nineteenth century, Protestants contributed significantly to the Albanian national issue through performing translations of several books of the Bible, at a time when books in Albanian language were very rare. Different foreign missionaries came to Albania to spread their religious views. They strongly influenced the opening of Albanian schools while Albanians, under Turkish rule, were forbidden to use their language, to learn to write, or read it. Gradually, the foreign missionaries were attended by Albanian intellectuals, who insist on the opening of the Albanian school and the education of Albanians in Albanian language. Interestingly, Protestantism was the only religious belief that supported Albanian writing and reading, while other religious beliefs exercised in Albania were the fiery opponents of every Albanian component. The Albanian language on one hand was opposed by the Greek Orthodox Church, on the other hand, by the Latin Catholic Church and above all, Ottoman rule opposed the teaching of the Albanian language in order to keep the Albanian people as subordinate as possible. It seems that Protestantism has emerged in all the countries where it has spread, supporting various national identities, but especially in Albania, it has played an important role in supporting the national identity of Albanians and the education of generations, especially of girls. The opening of the first Albanian girls' school in the city of Korça keeps the seal of the Protestant church and it has had a great impact in the future for the emancipation of Albanian society, of women and girls who are oppressed and printed in many directions. Sevasti Qiriazi, as a representative of the Protestant church in Korça, and the first teacher in Albania, will protect the school and try to support the spread of the Albanian language at all costs. Through the spread of faith in Albanian, the first Protestants in Albania conveyed not only knowledge, but also great human, moral, and educational values to people who were suffering, but eager for knowledge and development. The Protestant Albanian movement was actually an 'Albanian spiritual movement' with religious, educational, national and cultural values and purposes. For several decades, during the communist regime in Albania, a good part of the influence of protestants in the country was denied and all efforts were made to overshadow the influence of Protestantism towards education and emancipation of Albanians in this period. Today, after many years of shadow, Protestantism is again one of the religions that are practiced in Albania and numerous efforts are being made to discover many of the unknown elements of the positive influence that this belief had in educating Albanians over the years.
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41

Price, Andre L. "Mothers in the Spirit: A Pneumatic Reflection on Mary the Mother of the Church and Church Mothers in the Sanctified Tradition." Journal of Pentecostal Theology 25, no. 2 (September 10, 2016): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-02502008.

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Some Protestants consider Catholic Mariology to be problematic due to perceived excesses in the Catholic tradition. This theological reflection argues that church mothers in the sanctified tradition are a pentecostal variation of Catholic thought and understanding of Mary the Mother of Jesus. Particular attention is given to church mothers in the sanctified tradition and Mary the Mother of Jesus. The goals are to bring pentecostals and Catholics into dialogue around Mariology, to connect Pentecostal spirituality to the broader theological tradition, and to tell the story of an underrepresented group that is instrumental to the life of the church. Paying particular attention to Luke 1.26–38 and Acts 2.1–12. Special consideration is given to the commonalities between church mothers in the sanctified tradition and Mary the Mother of Jesus revolving around pneumatic themes. A pneumatic lens opens space to show the continuity between mothers in the essential areas of holiness, exemplars to their communities, and mothers of the Kingdom.
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Bárány, Zsófia, and Tibor Klestenitz. "Synode, Katholikentage und die protestantische Minderheit im langen 19. Jahrhundert in Ungarn." Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 49, no. 2 (August 17, 2020): 352–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-04902006.

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Abstract The study explores how Catholic prelates, priests and politicians evaluated the connections of their Church with the Protestants. It investigates the documents of the last national synod of Hungary (1822), the provincial synod of Kalocsa (1863), and the regional and national Catholic Congresses (1893–1913). In the first part of the century, some intellectuals aimed to create a union between Catholics and Protestants to strengthen the Hungarian nation, and their ideas had some influence even on the preparation work on the synods of the period. At the end of the century, the question of the mixed marriages overshadowed the relations between the denominations, but the Catholic leaders of the People’s Party tried to preserve the opportunity of the political cooperation with the Protestants.
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43

Fleischer, Manfred. "Lutheran and Catholic Reunionists in the Age of Bismarck." Church History 57, S1 (March 1988): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070006296x.

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Religious division has determined Germany's destiny. In the Middle Ages, it was the struggle between Emperor and Pope which doomed the Holy Roman Empire. During the Reformation, and the Thirty Years' War, it was Protestantism as well as the anti-Imperial diplomacy of the Pope and the French cardinals, which prevented the emergence of a national state and a centralized government. “From the split of the church dates all our misfortune,” complained in 1846 the Lutheran historian Johann Friedrich Böhmer, editor of a major medieval source collection. “It is a pity that the nation in the heart of Europe was drawn away from its political profession by quarrels with the church, that the development of strong political institutions was interrupted, that they eroded under the acids of religious passion and negation, so that the German people finally got into a stage of the disease where they are either seized by violent fever, or rot in apathy and despair. All our inner ferment which soon will erupt in a revolutionary outburst, all our political impotence and lethargy were, in the final analysis, caused by the split of the church, which tore us apart, and which no one can bridge. Only a new St. Boniface who would restore ecclesiastical unity could help us.”
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44

Root, Michael. "Ecumenism in a Time of Transition." Horizons 44, no. 2 (November 7, 2017): 409–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2017.118.

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To assess the present state and future possibilities of personal and ecclesial ecumenism between Protestant and Catholic Christians is a difficult task. On the one hand, the diversity among Protestants is so great few generalities hold for all of them. The challenges involved in Catholic relations with the Church of England are quite different than those involved in relations with the Southern Baptist Convention, and different in yet other ways from those involved in relations with a Pentecostal church in South Africa. In a broad sense, one can think of a spectrum of Protestant churches, some with whom Catholic relations might be close, and then a series of churches at a greater distance from Catholicism with whom relations would be more limited. That picture is only partially true, however. On many social issues, Catholics can work more closely with Evangelicals, with whom there are deep differences over sacraments and ecclesiology, than they can with more socially liberal representatives of, say, the Lutheran or Anglican traditions. In this brief reflection, I will be concerned with the Protestant communities with whom the greatest possibilities of a wide spectrum of closer relations seem to exist, such as the Anglican, Lutheran, and Reformed churches.
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45

Clarke, Aidan. "Varieties of Uniformity: The First Century of the Church of Ireland." Studies in Church History 25 (1989): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008615.

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The historiographical background to this paper is provided by a recent dramatic change of perspective in the study of the Reformation in Ireland. Traditionally the failure of Protestant reform has been explained in ways that amounted to determinism. In its crudest expression, this involved the self-sufficient premise that the Catholic faith was so deeply ingrained in the Irish as to be unshakable. More subtly, it assumed a set of equations, of Protestantism with English conquest and Catholicism with national resistance, that acted to consolidate the faith. In the 1970s, these simplicities were questioned. Dr Bradshaw and Dr Canny argued that religious reform had made sufficient headway in its initial phase to suggest that the replacement of Catholicism by Protestantism was at least within the bounds of possibility, and raised a fresh question; why did this not happen? That the debate which followed was inconclusive was due in part to an inability to shake off an old habit of circular thought, so that the issue has remained one of deciding whether Protestantism failed because Catholicism succeeded, or Catholicism succeeded because Protestantism failed. Both Dr Robinson-Hammerstein, when she observed that ‘Ireland is the only country in which the Counter-Reformation succeeded against the will of the Head of State’, and Dr Bottigheimer, when he insisted that the failure of the Reformation must ‘concentrate our attention on the nature and limits of political authority’, implied that what needs to be explained is how actions were deprived of their effect. The alternative possibility is that the actions themselves were inherently ineffectual. The premise of this paper is that the failure of Protestantism and the success of Catholicism were the necessary condition, but not the sufficient cause, of each other, and its object is simply to recall attention to the existence of very practical reasons why the Church of Ireland should have evolved as it did in the hundred years or so between the first and second Acts of Uniformity, that is, from an inclusive Church, claiming the allegiance of the entire community, to one that excluded all but a privileged minority.
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46

KRIVULSKAYA, SUZANNA. "Paths of Duty: Religion, Marriage, and the Press in a Transatlantic Scandal, 1835–1858." Journal of American Studies 53, no. 3 (October 4, 2018): 636–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875818000981.

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When the Rev. Pierce Connelly denounced Protestantism and converted to Catholicism in 1835, he inadvertently started a small newspaper war among the burgeoning religious press in America. While Catholic periodicals celebrated their newest addition in print, Protestant newspapermen were scandalized. They worried about how the clerical husband's conversion might affect his marital life should he pursue ordination in the Catholic Church. Soon, the Connellys dissolved their marriage in Rome and moved to England, where Pierce became a priest, and his wife Cornelia entered a convent. When, thirteen years later, Pierce reconverted and sued Cornelia “for the restoration of conjugal rights” in an English court, the case became an international sensation – with both British and American newspapers covering the developments and using the saga to comment on larger religious and political issues of their time. The two scandals demonstrate how the transatlantic press debated contested global concerns about the limits of religious freedom, the changing nature of marriage, church–state relations, and international law.
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Kenny, Gale, and Tisa Wenger. "Church, State, and “Native Liberty” in the Belgian Congo." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 1 (January 2020): 156–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000446.

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AbstractThis essay describes a religious freedom controversy that developed between the world wars in the Belgian colony of the Congo, where Protestant missionaries complained that Catholic priests were abusing Congolese Protestants and that the Belgian government favored the Catholics. The history of this campaign demonstrates how humanitarian discourses of religious freedom—and with them competing configurations of church and state—took shape in colonial contexts. From the beginnings of the European scramble for Africa, Protestant and Catholic missionaries had helped formulate the “civilizing” mission and the humanitarian policies—against slavery, for free trade, and for religious freedom—that served to justify the European and U.S. empires of the time. Protestant missionaries in the Congo challenged the privileges granted to Catholic institutions by appealing to religious freedom guarantees in colonial and international law. In response, Belgian authorities and Catholic missionaries elaborated a church-state arrangement that limited “foreign” missions in the name of Belgian national unity. Both groups, however, rejected Native Congolese religious movements—which refused the authority of the colonial church(es) along with the colonial state—as “political” and so beyond the bounds of legitimate “religion.” Our analysis shows how competing configurations of church and state emerged dialogically in this colonial context and how alternative Congolese movements ultimately challenged Belgian colonial rule.
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Questier, Michael C. "John Gee, Archbishop Abbot, and the Use of Converts from Rome in Jacobean Anti-Catholicism." Recusant History 21, no. 3 (May 1993): 347–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001667.

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This article is concerned with one aspect of movement between religions in England at the end of the Jacobean period, namely the polemical use which could be made of the convert to Protestantism. The increasing likelihood of a successful conclusion of the Spanish Match negotiations had for some time been threatening the Protestant Establishment. In this climate, prominent changes of religion were of great interest to polemicists of both sides. As in Elizabeth’s reign, Protestants could attack the Church of Rome by focusing on the apostates from it. The point of reference from which this polemical use of conversion will be analysed is the best-selling vitriolic anti-Catholic tract written by the wavering Protestant minister John Gee, entitled The Foot out of the Snare. Gee is familiar to modern historians as a source on Roman Catholic priests in the 1620s but he is important also for the way in which he was employed as an anti-Catholic writer. His tract originated with the clerical group which gathered around Archbishop Abbot, clerics distinguished by their violent opposition to encroaching Roman Catholicism, evident in the likely success of the Spanish Marriage project and the conversions which had started to occur as the political climate changed. Gee’s tract may be used as a starting point to explore some of the politics and literature of conversion at this time.
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Barreto, Raimundo. "The Church and Society Movement and the Roots of Public Theology in Brazilian Protestantism." International Journal of Public Theology 6, no. 1 (2012): 70–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973212x617190.

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Abstract Brazilian Protestantism in its origins tended to develop a kind of pietistic and individualistic spirituality without much concern with the social structures of Brazilian society. Nevertheless, in its historical relation with a reality marked by poverty, social injustice and oppression, some Brazilian Protestants began to develop a sense of social responsibility and social justice, which has been manifest in different ways. This article is an overview of the first attempt from a Protestant viewpoint to develop a public theological discourse in Brazil, during the 1950s and early 1960s. It focuses on the Religion and Society movement, which not only preceded liberation theology in Latin America, but also dialogued with liberationist thought and influenced it, as well as other later public discourses among Catholics and Protestants in Latin America. Richard Shaull was the first significant organic intellectual who mediated the dialogue between European/North American theologies and the Latin American public theology, which was in the making.
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Escobar, Samuel. "Mission in Latin America: An Evangelical Perspective." Missiology: An International Review 20, no. 2 (April 1992): 241–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969202000208.

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Some forms of evangelical and pentecostal Protestantism that could be described as “popular” have grown significantly in Latin America during the most recent decades. Social scientists and church leaders have been studying and interpreting the phenomenon, sometimes making use of conspiracy theories. Missiologists seem to have more adequate keys to understand it. This article provides a brief historical background from an evangelical perspective, and considers the missiological lessons that can be learned from this dynamic movement, using especially the insights of three Catholic missiologists who work as missionaries in Latin America.
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