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Coranič, Jaroslav. "Legalization of Greek Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia in 1968." E-Theologos. Theological revue of Greek Catholic Theological Faculty 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2010): 192–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10154-010-0017-3.
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Legalization of Greek Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia in 1968 This study deals with the fate (history) of the Greek Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia in 1968. Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia was liquidated by communist state power in the period of 1950 - 1968. The Church did not legally existed, its priests and believers were incorporated violently into the Orthodox Church. Improving this situation occurred in 1968, when so Prague Spring took place in Czechoslovakia. The legalization of the Greek Catholic Church was one of its result. This process was stopped by invasion of Warsaw Pact to the Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Full restoration of the Greek Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia thus was occurred after the November revolution in 1989.
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CORANIČ, JAROSLAV. "The Liquidation of the Greek Catholic Church in Communist Czechoslovakia, 1948–50." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 72, no. 3 (February 9, 2021): 590–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046920001487.
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This article examines the liquidation of the Greek Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia following the Communist takeover in February 1948. The Greek Catholic Church was to be separated from the mother Catholic Church and incorporated into the Orthodox Church. The process culminated at the irregular Sobor (synod) of Prešov held on 28 April 1950. The synod was orchestrated and headed by the ruling Communist party, which enforced its conclusions. Greek Catholics were either outlawed or compelled to become Orthodox, although their situation slightly brightened during the Prague Spring of 1968 when their Church became legal again.
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Ramet, Sabrina Petra. "The catholic church in Czechoslovakia 1948–1991." Studies in Comparative Communism 24, no. 4 (December 1991): 377–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(91)90012-u.
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Borza, Peter. "Cooperation of Greek Catholics from interwar Poland and Czechoslovakia on the example of the Congregation of the Sisters of the Servants of the Immaculate Virgin Mary." Nasza Przeszłość 136 (2021): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.52204/np.2021.136.169-180.
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In the interwar period, new state units such as Czechoslovakia and Poland were formed in Central Europe. Churches and their institutions focused on education, training or social care also played an important role in shaping the loyalty and national awareness of the citizens of the new states. Among such institutions was the Congregation of the Sisters of the Servants of the Immaculate Conception (abbreviated as the Maid), which was established in the territory of interwar Poland. In a short time, it was a great success and achieved a response among Greek Catholics in Czechoslovakia. In 1928, at the invitation of the Bishop of Prešov, Pavel Gojdič, four sisters came to Prešov in cooperation with the local Greek Catholic Church to establish a monastery and devote themselves to education, training and social services. The arrival was accompanied by complications with visas from Czechoslovakia. The reason was the Ukrainian environment where the maids came from. In Poland, it was characterized by a high degree of nationalism and the idea of so-called Greater Ukraine, which also included part of Czechoslovakia. Visa permits were issued only after a clear argument from the bishop of Prešov about the apolitical nature of the service of nuns in eastern Slovakia. For his purpose, Bishop Gojdič received the support of the Pope and the Czechoslovak President. The result was the successfully developing ministry of maid sisters, which was stopped only by the onset of the communist regime. The cooperation of Greek Catholics from Poland and Czechoslovakia in the interwar period enabled the nuns to lead the apostolate in the social field of the church, and despite the forced break caused by the communist regime, they continue to do so throughout Slovakia.
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Doellinger, David. "Prayers, Pilgrimages and Petitions: The Secret Church and the Growth of Civil Society in Slovakia." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 2 (June 2002): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990220140621.
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A photograph of Pope John Paul II shaking hands with Ján Čarnogurský, First Deputy Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia, at the Vatican appeared in full color on the cover of the February 1990 issue of Rodinné spolocčenstvo. Čarnogurský symbolizes the speed of Czechoslovakia's political revolution and the important role that individuals who had gained political experience as dissidents played in Czechoslovakia's post-Communist government. Just 2 months before meeting with the Pope, Čarnogurský, a Roman Catholic activist in Slovakia, had been awaiting trial in Bratislava for editing the Slovak secret church's most politically-oriented samizdat periodical. Hundreds of demonstrators, organized by the Slovak secret church, had already been protesting his arrest for several weeks when the Velvet Revolution began in Prague on 17 November 1989.
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Lukáčova, Jana, Peter Šturák, and Martin Weis. "The Greek Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia under the pressure of normalisation in 1969 – 1989." Journal of Education Culture and Society 13, no. 2 (September 27, 2022): 631–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2022.2.631.644.
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Aim. This article presents the status of the Greek Catholic Church during a defined period. It brings the functioning of this religion in the period of normalisation of society closer. Methods. Our study is the result of archival and document-based research, as well as expert studies and monographs dealing with the above-mentioned issue. Results. Although we can define the period studied in our research as a period of relative freedom when compared with the years 1950–1967, it cannot be perceived as a total liberation of the Church. Unfortunately, the political reality was also reflected in the life and functioning of the Church itself. The Greek Catholic Church and its leaders understood that without the necessary support from the state and regime, they would lose their freedom mainly attained in the first half of 1968. Conclusion. The Greek Catholic Church had to face several important and ground-breaking tasks that were to ensure its stability for functioning and administration after 18 years of its non-existence. This involved receiving state consent for Consecrator ThDr. Basil (Vasiľ) Hopko, leadership of the Greek Catholic Church in general, consolidation of relationships and conflict resolution between the Greek Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church, or even the area of support and consent for building its own institute of theological formation.
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Tížik, Miroslav. "Struggles for the Character of the Roman Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia, 1948-1989." Eurostudia 10, no. 1 (July 28, 2015): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1033882ar.
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After the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia came to power in 1948, power struggles followed between political parties and long-running internal struggles within the country’s Roman Catholic Church over the church’s character and organizational structure. These struggles related not only to purely theological issues, but also to the ideals of communism (and, later, socialism), the Communist Party and its program. The internal plurality within the church throughout the whole period of the people’s democracy and state socialism in Czechoslovakia calls into question the dualistic image of struggles between the church and the Communist Party, and it complicates the image of the church as a victim of the Communist regime. In particular, the crucial periods from 1948 to 1952 and from 1968 to 1969 suggest that, throughout much of the communist period there persisted tensions between the higher and lower clergy and there were diverging views on how the church should function; these tensions took on a diversity of shapes and varied in intensity.
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Kichera, Viktor V. "Social history sources of the Greek-Catholic Church of Czechoslovakia (1918-1939)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 413 (December 1, 2016): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/413/18.
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Hrabovec, Emilia. "The Holy See and Czechoslovakia 1945—1948 in the Context of the Nascent Cold War." ISTORIYA 12, no. 8 (106) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016710-0.
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The spectre of Communist expansion as a result of the Second World War represented for Pope Pius XII one of the greatest concerns. The unambiguously pro-Soviet orientation of the Czechoslovak government in exile and the crucial influence of Communists in the inner architecture of the restored state convinced the Holy See that Czechoslovakia was already in 1945 fully absorbed into the Soviet sphere of influence. This fact strengthened the Pope’s conviction of the necessity to resume relations with Prague as soon as possible and to send a nuncio there who would provide reliable information and protect the interests of the Church threatened both by open persecution and by propaganda manoeuvres in favour of a “progressive Catholicism”. The importance of the relations with Czechoslovakia stood out also in the international perspective, in which Czechoslovakia, in contrast to Poland or Hungary, seemed to be the last observatory still accessible to the Vatican diplomacy in the whole East-Central Europe. The year 1947 represented a caesura in the relations between the Holy See and Czechoslovakia. In the international context, this year was generally perceived by the Vatican as a definitive reinforcement of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe. In the Czechoslovak framework, the greatest importance was ascribed to the political crisis in Slovakia in autumn 1947, during which the Communists definitively took over the political power in Slovakia. The lost struggle over the predominantly Catholic Slovakia, that for some time had been considered by the Vatican one of very few hopes for the defence of Christian interests in the Republic, was perceived by the Holy See as a dominant breakthrough on the way to the total Communist transformation of Czechoslovakia. While in the immediate post-war period the Holy See had tried to come to terms with Czechoslovakia also at the price of some compromises, in winter 1947/1948 the last hopes for a diplomatic solution vanished and were replaced by the conviction that in the confrontation with Communism not diplomatic, but spiritual weapons — prayer, testimony, martyrdom — were of crucial importance.
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Jarnecki, Michał, and Mykoła Palinczak. "Kwestie i spory religijne na terenie Rusi Zakarpackiej w czechosłowackim epizodzie jej dziejów." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 45 (December 31, 2014): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2014.025.
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The issues and religious disputes in Carpathian Ruthenia in Czechoslovak period and its echoes behind the AtlanticIn Subcarpathian Ruthenia in the interwar period – during her membership in Czechoslovakia, one of the sharper conflict was a dispute between two Christian churches. In fact, the rivalry of the two churches began even earlier, during the Hungarian reign – before 1918, but broke out with the new intensity in the interwar period. The Czech authorities, retained neutrality in the confessional disputes, unlike its predecessors, favoring the units. The dispute also had political significance – namely in the conflict between national orientations: Russophile and Ukrainian. Both churches were not monoliths and shook them as internal tensions, including politically motivated ones. Religious conflicts had also their roots and echoes on the other side of the Atlantic. Part of the Greek-Catholic immigrants Transcarpathian did not want to submit to the American Catholic hierarchy, who failed to see the specifics of this group of emigrants. During the period between the Uniate Church recorded outflow faithful to the Orthodox Church, by almost 5% (from nearly 55% to 50.2%) and Orthodox increase by approximately the same proportion – over 15% of the population. Kwestie i spory religijne na terenie Rusi Zakarpackiej w czechosłowackim epizodzie jej dziejówNa Rusi Zakarpackiej w okresie międzywojennym, podczas jej przynależności do Czechosłowacji, jednym z ostrzejszych konfliktów był spór pomiędzy dwoma chrześcijańskimi Kościołami. Faktycznie rywalizacja dwóch Kościołów zaczęła się wcześniej, za rządów węgierskich – przed 1918 rokiem, ale rozgorzała z nową intensywnością w okresie międzywojennym, kiedy władze czeskie, zachowywały neutralność w tych konfesyjnych sporach, w przeciwieństwie od poprzedników, faworyzujących unitów. Spór miał także aspekt polityczny – ocierając się o konflikt między orientacjami narodowymi: ukraińską i rosyjską. Oba Kościoły nie były monolitami i wstrząsały nimi także wewnętrzne napięcia, w tym na tle politycznym. Konflikty na tle religijnym miały też swoje zaoceaniczne korzenie i echa, gdzie część grekokatolickich emigrantów zakarpackich nie chciała się podporządkować amerykańskiej hierarchii katolickiej, nie dostrzegającej specyfiki tej grupy wychodźców. Podczas okresu międzywojennego Kościół unicki odnotował odpływ wiernych na rzecz prawosławia, o prawie 5% (z prawie 55 do 50,2%), a Cerkiew Prawosławna przyrost o mniej więcej o ten sam odsetek – do ponad 15% mieszkańców.
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Галушка, Александр. "Church-State Relations in Slovakia in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century (Legal Aspect)." Theological Herald, no. 1(36) (March 15, 2020): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2500-1450-2020-36-1-135-153.
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В статье рассматриваются особенности взаимоотношений государства и религиозных организаций в словакии с 1939 г. по настоящее время. Целью исследования стал всесторонний анализ государственных инициатив, регламентирующих церковногосударственные отношения. кроме отношений государства и православной Церкви, в исследовательскую оптику автора попадает широкая палитра религиозной жизни страны в означенный период. наблюдения автора подкрепляются анализом малодоступных отечественным исследователям словацких источников: государственных законов, статистических данных и результатов переписи населения. в работе показано, что диалог государства и церкви в значительной мере определялся политической ситуацией в стране (независимая словакия под контролем нацистской германии, словакия в составе социалистической чехословакии, независимое государство после Бархатной революции 1989 г.), и прежде всего на уровне законодательства. Этим объясняется предпринятая автором периодизация церковно-государственных отношений в словакии. подобная периодизация, в свою очередь, определила и структуру работы. The article discusses the features of relations between the state and religious organizations in Slovakia in the second half of the twentieth century. The focus is on state initiatives (laws, agreements) regulating the nature of church-state relations. Changes in the political situation in the country (independent Slovakia under the control of Nazi Germany, Slovakia as part of socialist Czechoslovakia, an independent state after the Velvet Revolution of 1989) signifi determined the dialogue between the state and the church - and, above all, at the level of legislation. This explains the periodization of church-state relations in Slovakia undertaken by the author. Such a periodization in turn determined the structure of work. So, talking about the life of religious organizations during the Second World War, the author dwells on the unrealized possibility of concluding a Concordat of Slovakia with the Holy See. In the next period, the Czechoslovak, it was shown how the state tried to use the church to its advantage, either by restricting freedoms or by allowing certain indulgences. In today’s Slovakia, church-state relations are built on the dialogue between two equal partners, and their character is determined, on the one hand, by domestic laws, and on the other, by international treaties (agreements) and domestic treaties and agreements with registered churches and religious organizations. Not limited to only the relations of the state and the Orthodox Church, the author’s research optics recreates wide panorama of religious life in the country. A special place in the work is given to the relationship of the Slovak government with the Vatican, since historically the Roman Catholic Church has occupied and continues to occupy a leading position in the life of the state. The author’s observations are supported by a wide quotation of Slovak sources inaccessible to domestic researchers: state laws, statistical data and population census results.
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McGarry, Fearghal. "Irish newspapers and the Spanish Civil War." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 129 (May 2002): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015510.
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Early in life I had noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.George Orwell (1943)The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of recent history. For many on the left, it was a struggle between democracy and fascism. In contrast, many Catholics and conservatives championed Franco as a crusader against communism. Others felt Spain was the beginning of an inevitable conflict between fascism and communism which had increasingly threatened the stability of inter-war Europe. Spain has remained a battleground of ideologies ever since. Many supporters of the Spanish Republic attribute its defeat to the failure of other democratic states to oppose fascism, a policy of appeasement which ultimately led to the Second World War; for others on the left, including Orwell, Spain came to symbolise the betrayal of socialism by the Soviet Union — a disillusioning suppression of liberty repeated in subsequent decades in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. Ireland was no less drawn to Spain than other European nations. Within months of the war breaking out, close to one thousand Irishmen were fighting among the armies of both sides on the frontlines around Madrid. But for most Irish people, influenced by the Catholic church and sensational newspaper reports of anticlerical atrocities, the ideological conflict was perceived to be between Catholicism and communism rather than left and right. The outbreak of the war was followed by an immense outpouring of popular sympathy for Franco’s Nationalists. During the autumn of 1936 the Irish Christian Front organised mass pro-Franco rallies which attracted the support of opposition politicians, clergymen and much of the public. The dissenting voices of support for the Spanish Republic emanating from the marginalised Irish left were ignored or, more often, suppressed. De Valera’s Fianna Fáil government expressed its support for Spain’s Catholics while, somewhat awkwardly, adopting a position of neutrality for reasons of international diplomacy.
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Rashid, Salim. "Religion, Economics and Social Thought." American Journal of Islam and Society 8, no. 1 (March 1, 1991): 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v8i1.2654.
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This is a wide-ranging and fascinating collection of papers dealing withthe impact of religion on what may be called the social economy. It is anecumenical volume in that it begins with the Catholic Church then considersseveraJ forms of Protestantism, then goes on to discus Judaism, and finallyconsiders Islam. It should be clear that the volume is predominantly "Christian,"but the effort to include the other monotheistic religions is very welcome.One difficulty in reviewing this volume is that many of the papers areinformative but not representative of the religious traditions they represent.Thus A. M. C. Waterman's piece describes a particular phase of Anglicansocial thought, and the same is true of the one by Paul Heyne. Perhaps anoverview is po ible only for those movements which are no longer active,a in Ronald Preston's fine contribution on Christian Socialism in Britain.I must confess some surprise on finding the vigor with which any perceiveddefect of the market was defended.For Muslims, some of the most interesting points about this volume areto be found in the instances of active politicians who took strong religiousstands. Abraham Kuyper's vision of neo-Calvinism is the outstanding examplein the paper by Bob Goudzwaard, but Waterman's presentation of PrimeMinister Margaret Thatcher's views are equally revealing. Of less practicalimport, but nonetheles equally intriguing, is the account by John Yoder ofthe "First Reformation" in Czechoslovakia as well as the reasons for the neglectof this movement-lack of political support, linguistic distance from We ternEurope, and an ab ence of shared doctrinal formulations.The description of Judaism and the Market Mechanism by Meir Tamariprovides many parallels with Islamic market supervi ion, and there is even ...
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Daněk, Petr, and Vít Štěpánek. "Territorial Distributional Religions in the Czech Lands 1930-1991." Geografie 97, no. 3 (1992): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie1992097030129.
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The article deals with territorial distribution of four basic groups - Roman Catholics, Protestants, confessors of the Church of Czechoslovakia and atheists - in 1930 and 1991, the only censuses with accessible data about religious structure of population since 1921. The stability of areas with traditionally high support of each denomination and atheists is discussed as same as regional variability of the secularization process.
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Dronov, Mikhail Yu. "Švorc P. Od pluhu do senátorského kresla. Jurko Lažo a jeho doba (1867–1929). Prešov: Universum, 2018. 271 s." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 1-2 (2020): 187–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.1-2.12.
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The review is dedicated to the recent monograph by the Slovak historian Peter Švorc on Jurij Lažo (1867–1929). The book is a meticulously researched biography of the Rusyn national political activist set against the background of the history of the Carpathian Rusyns, Austria-Hungary, and Czechoslovakia. The author pays increased attention to the issues of national and confessional identity of the Rusyn population of the Prešov region and Subcarpathian Rus’. J. Lažo went down in history primarily as a Senator who represented the interests of Rusyn villagers in the Czechoslovak Parliament, and as a fi ghter for the conversion of Greek Catholics to the Orthodox Church. Leger acted as a consistent proponent of the “all-Russian” (all-Eastern Slavic) national-language trend and a critic of the Magyarization and later Slovakization of the Rusyns. All six chapters of the monograph differ in their originality, and are based on documents from various archives in the Slovak Republic, the Czech Republic, and Austria. Despite the remain- ing gaps in the biography of Jurij Lažo, Peter Švorc’s book is a valuable contribution to the historiography of this topic.
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Nešpor, Zdeněk R. "Bez slávy i bez diskuse, aneb ordinace žen v českých církvích." Lidé města 22, no. 1 (December 5, 2022): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/12128112.2326.
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Ordination of women as ministers is an important issue of gender equality and social stratification. The liberally-oriented non-Catholic Czech churches introduced the ordination of females rather early – the Czechoslovak Hussite Church in 1947, and the Protestant Church of the Czech Brethren in 1953. In both cases, however, these were quite problematic steps, and female members of the clergy were long handicapped in comparison to their male colleagues, which the author attributes to the way this fundamental change was introduced in the churches. In the case of the Czechoslovak Hussite Church, this was a pragmatically motivated directive coming from “above”, which was not preceded by any discussion or education whatsoever. In the case of the Protestant Church, this was the assertion of a progressive theological orientation, the protagonists of which had been striving for this change for more than twenty years, however, again without adequate public discussion throughout the church. Both approaches thus caused negative consequences in the long-term. When considering the problematic acceptance of feminist theology and taking into account that when it came to ordaining women, both churches were de facto surpassed by two other – albeit socially less significant – religious groups in the Czech environment, one cannot be completely surprised by the fact that the anniversary of female ordination is not often commemorated, nor celebrated – and if so, then rather due to ignorance.
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Kolář, Pavel. "Od mateřského jazyka k českému obřadu." Lidé města 24, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 59–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/12128112.2383.
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The liturgical practice of the Czechoslovak Church (Cčs) represented a reform of the traditional ritual practices of Western Christianity. The Cčs’ reform proposals are interpreted as being similar to those launched by the contemporary modern liturgical movement in the Roman Catholic Church. The article deals with the principles of the reform set by the first Church council, interprets the Church’s eucharistic rite (the Liturgy of Karel Farský) and compares it with the Tridentine rite, briefly characterizes sacramental rites and occasional services, and presents an outline of the first missal (created by Alois Tuháček). Then, it points to the developments in the Church’s liturgical practices in the decades following the end of WW II until 1971, primarily focusing on the Church’s response to the state’s anti-clerical politics and atheist indoctrination. Finally, the article discusses the Church’s funeral rites, including the ritual provisions for cremation, and introduces the Church’s concept of the liturgical space. Occasionally, it refers to the liturgical diary notes recorded by Pospíšilová and David during their visits Prague parishes of the Church.
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Marťák, Michal. "Karol Anton Medvecký v slovenskej politike po roku 1918." Disputationes Scientificae Universitatis Catholicae in Ružomberok 22, no. 1 (2022): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.54937/dspt.2022.22.1.15-31.
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The following article is devoted to a personality important for the Slovak environment, especially in the period of the so-called revolutionary changes since 1918, but not only during them. Karol Anton Medvecký first became the secretary of the Slovak National Party, later also the secretary of the Slovak National Council, a member of the Revolutionary National Assembly, deputy minister with power of attorney for Slovak administration for Catholic Church Affairs, vice-president of the Czechoslovak People's Party in Slovakia or its deputy in the regional council. The aim of the paper is to present Medvecký, his activities, tasks and problems that he was solving in the political field. We will try to answer questions that mainly concern his political activities. We will rely primarily on periodicals and the current state of historiography in the event of a significant shortage and dispersion of preserved archival sources.
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Kichera, Victor. "GREEK-CATHOLIC CHURCH OF SUBCARPATHIAN RUS BY EYES OF DIPLOMATS (ON ARCHIVAL MATERIALS OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK REPUBLIC MFA)." Rusin, no. 51 (March 1, 2018): 233–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/51/15.
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Król, Eugeniusz Cezary. "Polska kultura i nauka w 1968 roku. Uwarunkowania i podstawowe problemy egzystencji." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 18 (March 30, 2010): 77–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2010.18.05.
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The author presents the determinants and basic problems of existence of Polish science and culture in the period preceding the turbulent year of 1968, as well as the events directly related to this key date in Poland’s history. The departure, by Mr Gomułka’s team, from the ‘achievements’ of the Polish October of ’56, that is, from certain concessions of a democratic nature, evoked deep disappointment in both institutions and the scientific, cultural and artistic milieus, and this, in time, led to attempts at protest. The PRP authorities and, most of all, the sections therein which were responsible for science, education and culture, systematically intervened in activities of the respective professional groups. The tightening of censorship, restrictions in the allocation of printing paper for books and periodicals, the closing down of newspapers, weeklies and magazines ‘inconvenient’ from the point of view of the authorities, the lack of opportunities for dialogue and constructive criticism, repressions against those who openly expressed their independent opinions, and the systematic surveillance of the scientific and creative milieus, were only a part of operations undertaken by the PRP powers-that-be in the second half of the 1960s. It was in that climate that a conflict between the state and the Roman Catholic Church was played out in the process of the Polish State Millennium celebrations in 1966, which coincided with the escalation of the party’s conflict with the intellectuals and men and women of letters, as well as with intra-party infighting between factions within the PUWP. It was the shortcomings of the centralised, command economy and the growing shortages in the shops which resulted in Poland’s situation becoming unstable and threatening to explode. The role of the fuse was performed by the events of March 1968, which were enacted in the cultural and scientific milieus: the turbulent meetings of Warsaw’s men and women of letters, the removal of Adam Mickiewicz’s Dziady (Forefathers’ Eve) from the National Theatre’s repertoire, the manifestation in protest against the removal which followed the last performance, and finally, the students’ rally in the courtyard of Warsaw University, as well as the strikes on the part of students and the personnel of higher education institutions in Warsaw and other Polish cities as the continuation of that rally. It was after these events, when the party had launched an anti-intelligentsia campaign, supplemented with an anti-Semite witch hunt and smear campaign, unleashed by the ‘partisans’ faction around Mieczysław Moczar and by Mr Władysław Gomułka himself. An ‘ethnic criterion’ was applied to the Polish scientific and cultural milieus, eliminating, in the climate of a media witch hunt, renowned academic teachers, scholars, film-makers, publishers, journalists, men and women of letters of Jewish extraction and, finally, driving them to emigrate from Poland. The Polish Armed Forces’ participation in the aggression against Czechoslovakia in 1968 evoked another wave of protests in Poland. The world of culture and science and its representatives living in the West expressed solidarity with the Czech and Slovak nations. This resulted in new arrests and the further emigration of the intellectual elites. It was the most dogmatic and anti-liberal faction of the party apparatchiks, supported by secret and overtcollaborators with the security structures, who came from different professional groups that were also related to science, culture and education, which became highly vocal and obtained wide access to the mass media. It was in this period that Polish culture and science toughened up and delivered itself of illusions; however, it also suffered losses, the recouping of which would be a painful process and, subsequently, would subsequently take its full toll of years.
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Minarik, Pavol. "The persistence of opposition in an oppressive regime: The case of the Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia." Rationality and Society, April 5, 2022, 104346312210927. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10434631221092759.
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When faced with oppression from the state, some groups and individuals choose costly opposition rather than a compromise. This may be caused by the cost of compromise being higher than the cost of opposition. However, it is also possible that the persistent opposition is due to some past decisions. The paper proposes a model explaining persistent opposition as a result of group-specific investment in human capital that traps individuals in an opposition group even when she would be better off outside the group. The model is illustrated with the case of the Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia, the largest group opposing the Communist regime. Within that context, the model contributes to the explanation of the persistence and growth of the underground church under Communist rule as well as the post-Communist religious revival. The same model may also be applied to malign opposition groups, such as terrorist and criminal organizations, and it provides clues about how to deal with them.
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Jemelka, Martin. "Being a Modern Christian and Worker in the Czechoslovak National State (1918–1938)." Contributions to Contemporary History 57, no. 3 (November 23, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.57.3.06.
Full textAbstract:
The declaration of the new Czechoslovak national state in October 1918 brought revolutionary changes not only to the political, social, economic and cultural scene, but also to the religious life of the country. The new Czechoslovak national church created thirteen months later combined national orientation, the reformed clerical movement, theological modernism, the Hussite and reformation tradition and protest against the Catholic Church, definitively discredited in World War I. The newly established Czechoslovak Church received support from various authorities and was seen as the proper option for the good Czechoslovak citizen, primarily the worker. At the same time, it produced a violent conversion movement (1921, 1930) and many local conflicts (1920s). The paper will focus on the workers’ religious and national identification and changes in today’s Ostrava region – an industrial region (the centre of Czechoslovak heavy industry) situated on the ethnic borderline and in the melting pot of many nationalities (Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Germans and Jews). It will analyse the interactions between class and the religious and national identification of workers. It will try to clarify the process and the motivation to convert between different churches. Special attention will be given to conversions among the working class population in the 1920s and 1930s. This analysis will be based on conversion protocols, census documents from 1921 and 1930 and ecclesiastical files of the Roman Catholic and Czechoslovak church.