Academic literature on the topic 'Catholic Church. Diocese de Toul (France)'

This paper outlines the changes in the organisation of the Catholic Church in Istria, Kvarner and Dalmatia after World War II. A detailed analysis of the circumstances that lead to the establishment of the Rijeka Diocese, Archdiocese and Metropolitan Archdiocese, ecclesiastical union of the Istrian region in Croatia, the abolition of the Zadar Metropolitan Archdiocese, the raising of the Split-Makarska Diocese to an Archdiocese, and the establishment of the Split Metropolitan Archdiocese. The principles upon which the Church reorganisation in the spatial sense are considered, and presents new insights, particularly for the Croatian dimension. The second part of the paper gives a comparative analysis of the spatial organisation of the Catholic Church on the Croatian coast of the Adriatic Sea, with other countries. Examples were selected based on compatibility of different factors, with consideration to the historical context of events and their causes. To that aim, specific examples of the church administration in France and Italy are given. Using these examples and documents of church archives and official records and documents of the Catholic Church, this paper gives a final overview of the possibilities for the reorganisation of the church administration on the Croatian Adriatic coast.

This paper outlines the changes in the organisation of the Catholic Church in Istria, Kvarner and Dalmatia after World War II. A detailed analysis of the circumstances that lead to the establishment of the Rijeka Diocese, Archdiocese and Metropolitan Archdiocese, ecclesiastical union of the Istrian region in Croatia, the abolition of the Zadar Metropolitan Archdiocese, the raising of the Split-Makarska Diocese to an Archdiocese, and the establishment of the Split Metropolitan Archdiocese. The principles upon which the Church reorganisation in the spatial sense are considered, and presents new insights, particularly for the Croatian dimension. The second part of the paper gives a comparative analysis of the spatial organisation of the Catholic Church on the Croatian coast of the Adriatic Sea, with other countries. Examples were selected based on compatibility of different factors, with consideration to the historical context of events and their causes. To that aim, specific examples of the church administration in France and Italy are given. Using these examples and documents of church archives and official records and documents of the Catholic Church, this paper gives a final overview of the possibilities for the reorganisation of the church administration on the Croatian Adriatic coast.

Mathew's varied ecclesiastical progress presents a fascinating case study of an episcopate detached from a main-stream Christian community and alerts us to the danger of solely considering ‘episcopal lineage‘ as the litmus test for apostolicity. Mathew was born in France in 1852 and baptised a Roman Catholic; due to his mother's scruples he was soon re-baptised in the Anglican Church. He studied for the ministry in the Episcopal Church of Scotland, but sought baptism again in the Church of Rome, into which he was ordained as a priest in Glasgow in 1877. He became a Dominican in 1878, but only persevered a year, moving around a number of Catholic dioceses: Newcastle, Plymouth, Nottingham and Clifton. Here he came across immorality, and became a Unitarian. He next turned to the Church of England and the Diocese of London, but was soon in trouble for officiating without a licence. In 1890 he put forward his claim to Garter King of Arms for the title of 4th Earl of Llandaff of Thomastown, Co. Tipperary. He renounced the Church of England in 1899 because of vice. After founding a zoo in Brighton, which went bankrupt, he appeared in court in connection with a charge of embezzlement. He then became a Roman Catholic again, now as a layman.

Cette thèse vise à analyser dans la contemporanéité (1980-2013) la trajectoire du catholicisme, dans le sillage de la microhistoire, par l’étude de ses acteurs, de ses territoires et de ses communautés, des modes de gouvernement ecclésial. Nous mettrons en lumière le paradoxe du tissu de l’Eglise locale qui se dilate et se morcelle, mais aussi se contracte et se polarise, obligeant l’Ordinaire, dans son gouvernement, à penser un changement de paradigme : passer du défi de la proximité à celui de l’unité, compte tenu de la pluralité des communautés et des territoires associés. Nous étudierons, pour appuyer nos analyses, les diocèses de Rennes, Autun et Fréjus-Toulon. Un glissement de la logique d’enclos à la dynamique de pôles centralisateurs sera appréhendé, parfois en tensions, par les acteurs d’Eglise, à la lumière de quatre enjeux structurant l’argumentation : le « biotope » (rural/urbain), la diversité communautaire, le militantisme et la question de l’identité (statuts des clercs, coresponsabilité, modalités de l’évangélisation, communautarisme…).L’histoire et la géographie sociale permettront de renouveler les problématiques de l’appartenance spatiale et religieuse en partant d’interrogations sur le territoire selon des indicateurs précis : réseaux de fidèles et des militants, apport des nouvelles communautés (effectifs, choix pastoraux, gouvernement), options épiscopales en faveur de tel territoire ou tel groupe ecclésial… Pour l’historien, l’espace peut être considéré comme un outil heuristique, dans lequel des changements d’échelle se sont imposés dans le temps court. En délimitant nos recherches (1980-2013), nous voulons nous attarder à l’intérieur d’espaces qui ne possèdent plus la relative homogénéité que l’histoire leur prêtait avant le XXème siècle.Nos recherches s’inscrivent dans une structure en trois parties. La première partie se veut avant tout contextuelle, à la lumière de la postmodernité et de la sécularisation qui modifient les modes d’appartenance à une religion déclarée par beaucoup en soins palliatifs. Nous analyserons les liens étroits entre le catholicisme et ses modes d’insertion territoriale (rural/urbain) à partir de nos diocèses de référence. Nous présenterons les dé/recompositions des formes de militantisme dans le diocèse de Rennes, terreau d’Action catholique de plus en plus stérile et laissant la place à une militance familialiste très urbaine.La seconde partie de la thèse abordera les enjeux de la gouvernance ecclésiale dans les trois diocèses d’étude. Nous étudierons, dans le temps court, l’évolution du « munus regendi » des évêques et des prêtres avec le croisement des générations, avec le principe de coresponsabilité et le développement différencié selon les diocèses du diaconat permanent et des laïcs en mission ecclésiale. Nous développerons tout particulièrement le cas toulonnais pour lequel peu d’études approfondies ont été réalisées.Enfin, la troisième partie mettra l’accent sur la problématique du développement croissant d’un catholicisme attestataire polarisé en quête de visibilité. Nous analyserons la genèse du Renouveau et sa trajectoire dans le diocèse de Rennes. Nous nous pencherons particulièrement sur la communauté de l’Emmanuel, sur sa promotion de la nouvelle évangélisation et l’intégralisme de ses modes pastoraux. Ensuite, fort d’une certaine fécondité sacerdotale et d’un dialogue chaotique avec Rome (Motu proprio en 1988 et 2007), la galaxie traditionaliste très hétéroclite reste le cadre de mutations contemporaines que nous étudierons dans les diocèses de Rennes et d’Autun. Enfin, nous changerons d’échelle en nous focalisant sur la ville-sanctuaire de Paray-le-Monial, pôle militant et laboratoire incubateur d’un « nouveau catholicisme », sur l’articulation entre les différents territoires (ville, sanctuaire, paroisse) et les acteurs en place<br>This thesis aims at analysing, in the contemporary world (1980-2013), the trajectory of catholicism, in the wake of microhistory, through the study of its actors, its territories and its communities, the modes of ecclesial government. We will highlight the paradox of the fabric of the local Church which expands and fragments, but also contracts and polarizes, forcing the Ordinary, in his government, to think of a paradigm shift: from the challenge of proximity to the one of unity, taking into account the plurality of communities and associated territories. To support our analyses, we will study the dioceses of Rennes, Autun and Frejus-Toulon. A shift from the logic of enclosures to the dynamics of a centralizing pole will be apprehended, sometimes in tension, by Church actors, in the light of four issues structuring the argument: « biotope » (rural/urban), community diversity, activism and the question of identity (status of clerics, co-responsibility, modalities of evangelization, communautarism...).History and social geography will enable us to renew the problems of spatial and religious belonging by starting from questions about the territory according to precise indicators: networks of the faithful and militants, the contribution of new communities (numbers, pastoral strategies, government), episcopal options in favour of a particular territory or ecclesial group... For the historian, space can be considered as a heuristic tool, in which changes of scale have been imposed in short time. By delimiting our research (1980-2013), we want to focus on the interior of aeras that no longer possess the relative homogeneity that history lent them before the 20th century.Our research are presented in a three-part structure. The first part is intended above all to be contextual, in the light of postmodernity and secularization, which modify the modes of belonging to a religion declared by many in palliative care. We will analyse the close links between Catholicism and its modes of territorial integration (rural/urban) from our dioceses of reference. We will present the recompositions of the forms of militancy in the diocese of Rennes, a breeding ground for Catholic Action that is increasingly sterile and leaving room for very urban familyist militancy.The second part of this thesis will address the issues of ecclesial governance in our three dioceses of study. We will study, in the short time, the evolution of the « munus regendi » of bishops and priests with the crossing of generations; with the principle of co-responsibility and the differentiated development according to the dioceses of the permanent diaconate and of the laity in ecclesial mission. We will particularly develop the Toulon case for which few in-depth studies have been carried out.Finally, the third part will focus on the problem of the growing development of a polarized Catholic witness in search of visibility. We will analyze the genesis of the Renewal and its trajectory in the diocese of Rennes. We will look particularly at the Emmanuel community, its promotion of the new evangelization and the fundamentalism of its pastoral modes. Then, with a certain priestly fruitfulness and a chaotic dialogue with Rome (Motu proprio in 1988 and 2007), the very heterogeneous traditionalist galaxy remains the framework of contemporary mutations that we will study in the dioceses of Rennes and Autun. Finally, we will change scale by focusing on the city-sanctuary of Paray-le-Monial, militant pole and laboratory incubator of a « new Catholicism », on the articulation between the various territories (city, sanctuary, parish) and the actors in place<br>La modernidad desafía "parroquia civilización". Los cambios en espacial e institucional llevada a cabo por la Iglesia católica, entre ellos diócesis, son simples adaptaciones renovadas o por el contrario, inauguran un proceso de desarrollo en el centro de nuevas áreas de distribución, en particular con el creciente impacto de los nuevos jugadores? Las iglesias se vacían todas partes en Francia, pero las comunidades y diócesis han recuperado algunos lugares para hacer los pilares de las nuevas formas de práctica religiosa, si es posible, la supervivencia no sólo de la institución, sino también la transmisión de la fe. ¿Cuál es el proceso? ¿Es sostenible en el tiempo? ¿Con qué herramientas?

The CIC/83, the living law (ius vigens) of the Latin Catholic Church, contains 110 canons on marriage in cc. 1055 – 1165. [The 1990 Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches contains a similar section, cc. 776 – 866]. The sacred canons, in general, are a compilation of theological statements that are presented in juridical terms. The canons on marriage, like those of the other sacraments, commence with a theological statement defining the essence of the sacrament. The first canon, c. 1055, states that (§1) the marriage covenant, for the baptized, has been raised to the dignity of a sacrament by Christ the Lord and that (§2) a valid marriage contract cannot exist between baptized persons without being a sacrament. A requirement of c. 1099 is that one must not be in error (error iuris) concerning the unity, indissolubility, or the sacramental dignity of marriage. Additionally, c. 1101, §2 states that when by a positive act of the will one excludes marriage itself or an essential element or an essential property, that marriage is invalid. The expectation of cc. 1099 and 1101, therefore, is that sacramentality be included at the time of exchange of consent. From the time of the scholastics, contract and sacrament have been identified as one for the baptized, hearkening to a time when civil legislation attempted to subvert the authority and oversight of the Church regarding (sacramental) marriage. At the Second Vatican Council, the constitution Gaudium et spes reinterpreted marriage as a covenantal relationship between man and woman. A covenant and a contract are not identical terms. More importantly, marriage was again seen as a covenant, and as a covenant, for the baptized, it Father Glen J. Pothier 2 is sacramental. Sacrosanctum Concilium, which set forth principles for the reform of the sacramental and liturgical life of the Latin Church, stated that sacraments presuppose faith. The International Theological Commission identified that there are members of the baptized faithful, Catholic or non- Catholic, who are unbelievers, who may have been baptized as children but have had no further faith elucidation, or, as members of non-Catholic ecclesial communities, do not believe in the seven sacraments of the Catholic Church, or, in particular, that marriage is a sacrament. Such persons would not, then, understand that sacramentality must be exchanged on the day of marriage. Rotal jurisprudence has reflected this change. In addition to the presumption that sacraments require faith, another presumption exists when the Church expects that the baptized marry according to the mind of the Church (the mens Ecclesiae), that is, facere quod facit Ecclesia, ([by] doing what the Church does). But in a society that is weakened by divorce, secularism, and a lack of understanding of what the Catholic Church understands by the sacrament of marriage, this presumption needs to be reexamined. Through research on the historical development of theological and canonical principles, and by means of independent studies of large groups of baptized Catholics and non-Catholics, it becomes increasingly clear that the theologico-juridico principles of c. 1055 and the sacramentality of marriage must be revisited.<br>Systematic Theology & Theological Ethics<br>D. Th. (Systematic Theology & Theological Ethics)