Academic literature on the topic 'Catholic emancipation. Great Britain'

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Journal articles on the topic "Catholic emancipation. Great Britain"

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Kochetkova, M. V. "O'Connell and the struggle for the emancipation of the catholics." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/20-4/03.

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The aim of the study was to examine the most significant achievement in Irish Nationalism, which was embodied in the trend of moral force, the Emancipation of Catholics and the role of D. O'Connell in this process. After the introduction of the Union between Ireland and Great Britain in 1801, after the suppression of the 1803 uprising among the Irish nationalists, the apologists of the constitutional way of achieving self-government remained only one way, granting Catholics equal political rights. Automatically, Catholics were not prohibited from being elected as deputies or holding public office. But due to the fact that when entering these positions it was required to give the Crown a double oath, secular and religious, Anglican, Catholics could not give such a second oath. Consequently, Emancipation meant the liberation of Catholics from the religious part of the oath to the Crown. All attempts to pass a law on emancipation within the framework of Westminster ended in the defeat of the initiative of the Irish commoners, it became obvious that a different method of achieving the goal was needed. It was developed by the leader of the Nationalists D. O'Connell. The essence of the new system of struggle was to create a massive, regulated movement of the entire Nation for the political rights of Catholics. It included holding rallies, setting up a press of its own, and the introduction of a Catholic Rent designed to fund the movement from donations. Thus, for the first time in European history, a massive, nationwide, controlled movement was created. As a result of these innovations, Westminster passed the Catholic Emancipation Act in 1829. O'Connell's role in this victory was decisive.
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Keogh, Richard A. "‘from education, from duty, and from principle’: Irish Catholic loyalty in context, 1829-1874." British Catholic History 33, no. 3 (March 30, 2017): 421–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2017.5.

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The passage of the Emancipation Act in 1829 presented an opportunity for Catholics to reimagine their loyalty as equal subjects for the first time under the union between Great Britain and Ireland. This article explores the way Catholic loyalty was conceived in the decades that followed the act of 1829 through to the mid 1870s, when there was renewed focus on the civil allegiance of Catholics following the declaration of Papal infallibility. Historians are increasingly exploring a range of social, political and religious identities in nineteenth century Ireland, beyond the rigid binary paradigm of Catholic nationalisms and Protestant loyalisms that has dominated Irish historiography. However, Catholic loyalty in particular remains an anachronism and lacks sufficient conceptual clarity. Our understanding of a specifically Catholic variant of loyalty and its public and associational expression, beyond a number of biographical studies of relatively unique individuals, remains limited. By providing an exposition of episodes in the history of Catholic loyalty in the early and mid-Victorian years this article illuminates the phenomenon. It demonstrates that Irish Catholic loyalty took on different expressive forms, which were dependent on the individuals proclaiming their loyalty, their relationship to the objects of their loyalty, and its reception by the British state and Protestant establishment.
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Vaughan, Géraldine. "‘Britishers and Protestants’: Protestantism and Imperial British Identities in Britain, Canada and Australia from the 1880s to the 1920s." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.20.

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This article explores the links between the assertion of British imperial identities and the anti-Catholic discourse and practices of a network of evangelical societies which existed and flourished in Britain and in the dominions from the halcyon days of the empire to the late 1920s. These bodies shared a broad evangelical definition of Protestantism and defended the notion that religious beliefs and their political implications formed the basis of a common British heritage and identity. Those who identified themselves as Britons in Britain and in the dominions brought forward arguments combining a mixture of pessimistic interpretations of British history since the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act with anxieties about ongoing Irish Catholic immigration and an alleged global papist plot. They were convinced that Protestantism was key to all civil liberties enjoyed by Britons. Inspired by John Wolffe's pioneering work, the article examines constitutional, theologico-political and socio-national anti-Catholicism across Britain and its dominions.
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Drury, Marjule Anne. "Anti-Catholicism in Germany, Britain, and the United States: A Review and Critique of Recent Scholarship." Church History 70, no. 1 (March 2001): 98–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654412.

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The past two decades have seen an efflorescence of works exploring cultural anti-Catholicism in a variety of national contexts. But so far, historians have engaged in little comparative analysis. This article is a first step, examining recent historical literature on modern British and American anti-Catholicism, in order to trace the similarities and distinctiveness of the turn-of-the-century German case. Historians are most likely to be acquainted with American nativism, the German Kulturkampf, continental anticlericalism, and the problems of Catholic Emancipation and the Irish Question in Britain. Many of the themes and functions of anti-Catholic discourse in the West transcended national and temporal boundaries. In each case, the conceptualization of a Catholic ‘other’ is a testament to the tenacity of confessionalism in an age formerly characterized as one of inexorable secularization. Contemporary observers often agreed that religious culture—like history, race, ethnicity, geography, and local custom—played a role in the self-evident distinctiveness of peoples and nations, in their political forms, economic performance, and intellectual and artistic contributions. We will see how confessionalism remained a lens through which intellectuals and ordinary citizens, whether attached or estranged from religious commitments, viewed political, economic, and cultural change.
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STEELE, BRENT J. "Ontological security and the power of self-identity: British neutrality and the American Civil War." Review of International Studies 31, no. 3 (June 13, 2005): 519–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006613.

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Why did Great Britain remain neutral during the American Civil War? Although several historical arguments have been put forth, few studies have explicitly used International Relations (IR) theories to understand this decision. Synthesising a discursive approach with an ontological security interpretation, I propose an alternative framework for understanding security-seeking behaviour and threats to identity. I assess the impact Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation had upon the interventionist debates in Great Britain. I argue that the Proclamation reframed interventionist debates, thus (re)engendering the British anxiety over slavery and removing intervention as a viable policy. I conclude by proposing several issues relevant to using an ontological security interpretation in future IR studies.
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NESWALD, ELIZABETH. "Science, sociability and the improvement of Ireland: the Galway Mechanics' Institute, 1826–51." British Journal for the History of Science 39, no. 4 (November 10, 2006): 503–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087406008739.

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Irish mechanics' institutes have received little attention from historians of science, but their history presents intriguing questions. Whereas industrialization, Protestant dissent and the politics of liberal social reformers have been identified as crucial for the development of mechanics' institutes in Britain, their influence in Ireland was regionally limited. Nonetheless, many unindustrialized, provincial, largely Catholic Irish towns had mechanics' institutes in the first half of the nineteenth century. This paper investigates the history of the two mechanics' institutes of Galway, founded in 1826 and 1840, and analyses how local and national contexts affected the establishment, function and development of a provincial Irish mechanics' institute. Situating these institutes within the changing social and political constellations of early and mid-nineteenth-century Ireland, it shows how Catholic emancipation, the temperance movement and different strands of Irish nationalism affected approaches to the uses of science and science education in Ireland.
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D'Auria, Eithne. "Sacramental Sharing in Roman Catholic Canon Law: A Comparison of Approaches in Great Britain, Ireland and Canada." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 9, no. 3 (August 28, 2007): 264–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x07000361.

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Faced with difficulties of communication between separated churches, the Roman Catholic Church has attempted to provide a framework for sacramental sharing between Christians genuinely prevented from receiving the sacraments in their respective churches and ecclesial communities. This paper first considers the Roman Catholic canonical requirements for sacramental sharing. It then addresses the approach taken in the ecclesiastical jurisdictions in Great Britain and Ireland, and compares it with that of Canada. Finally, suggestions for reform are considered.
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Ombresop, Robert. "The Canon Law Society of Great Britain and Ireland and its Newsletter." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 5, no. 25 (July 1999): 284–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00003641.

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The organisation now known as the Canon Law Society of Great Britain and Ireland was founded in 1957, and its Newsletter was first published in 1969. The activities, publications and achievements of the Society within the Roman Catholic Church are manifold, and were acknowledged by Pope John Paul II when he granted an audience to participants of the 1992 annual conference held in Rome. This papal address is printed at the beginning of The Canon Law: Letter & Spirit (London 1995), the full commentary on the 1983 Code of Canon Law prepared by the Society.
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O'LEARY, PAUL. "When Was Anti-Catholicism? The Case of Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Wales." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, no. 2 (April 2005): 308–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904002131.

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Anti-Catholicism was a pervasive influence on religious and political life in nineteenth-century Wales. Contrary to the views of Trystan Owain Hughes, it mirrored the chronology of anti-Catholic agitation in the rest of Great Britain. Welsh exceptionalism lies in the failure of militant Protestant organisations to recruit in Wales, and the assimilation of anti-Catholic rhetoric into the frictions between the Church of England and Nonconformity over the disestablishment of the Church. Furthermore, whereas the persistence of anti-Catholicism in twentieth-century Britain is primarily associated with cities like Liverpool and Glasgow, its continuing influence in Wales was largely confined to rural areas and small towns.
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Thomas, Janet. "Women and Capitalism: Oppression or Emancipation? A Review Article." Comparative Studies in Society and History 30, no. 3 (July 1988): 534–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001536x.

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In the last few years, work in social history and the history of women has centred on the transition to capitalism and the great bourgeois political revolutions—also variously described as industrialization, urbanisation, and modernisation. Throughout this work runs a steady debate about the improvement or deterioration brought about by these changes in the lives of women and working people. On the whole, sociologists of the 1960s and early 1970s and many recent historians have been optimistic about the changes in women's position, while feminist and Marxist scholars have taken a much more gloomy view.1 There has been little debate between the two sides, yet the same opposed arguments about the impact of capitalism on the status of women crop up not only in accounts of Britain from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, but also in work on women in the Third World, and cry out for critical assessment.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Catholic emancipation. Great Britain"

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Hegenbarth, Carly Louise. "Catholic emancipation and British print cultures, 1821-9." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6857/.

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During the course of the Parliamentary debates about Catholic emancipation in 1829, around 120 original, single sheet prints were published in London on the topic of Catholic Relief, at which point it was almost the sole subject of visual satire. This was the first time in living memory that a debate around toleration and the relationship between temporal and spiritual authority had been conducted on such a wide reaching scale. On 3 February 1829 the King, George IV, the head of the Anglican Church, had introduced Roman Catholic Relief in his speech for the opening of the 1829 Parliamentary session. By 13 April 1829 an Act to grant Roman Catholics civil liberty was given Royal Assent, revoking laws that prevented non-Anglicans from holding public office. This had followed four failed attempts to introduce Catholic Relief in the 1820s which had also prompted satirical image making, but never on the same scale. This thesis analyses for the first time the extensive body of prints produced in 1821-9 that relate to debates around Relief and addresses the questions: why were images produced, why were they predominately single sheet etchings, and who was so interested in Catholic emancipation as to be buying them in such quantities?
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Clark, Michael. "Identity and equality : the Anglo-Jewish community in the post-emancipation era 1858-1887." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:75c397e5-552a-4308-817a-b7328bcf004e.

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This thesis examines the Anglo-Jewish community in the three decades following its so-called emancipation as legally equal citizens. Beginning with Lionel de Rothschild's entry into Parliament in 1858 and concluding with the Anglo-Jewish Exhibition's encomium to Jewish life of 1887, this era witnessed the reconceptualisation of Anglo-Jewish identity as the minority completely entered British society after centuries of marginalisation. This thesis focuses upon three interlinked case-studies of different strands of Jewish leadership as they experienced their new identity and numerous practical issues regarding everyday interaction: the first Jewish MPs; the representative Board of Deputies of British Jews; and the community's religious infrastructure. Through analysis and comparison of these elite groups this work explores questions of inter-faith and inter-ethnic dialogue, minority-majority relationships, acculturation, and subculture formation in late nineteenth-century Britain. It argues that Anglo-Jewry's emancipation was ambiguous; British acceptance was not neutral but carried reciprocal expectations. The community thus felt the dichotomy of Diasporic Jewish existence - being particularist in a universalist society - acutely in these years. Moving in tandem with British society forced many concessions from Jews' sectarian identity, the form and extent of which remained indeterminate as a result. The expected acculturation was forthcoming and the community fashioned itself a distinctive British variant of Jewish existence. However, this thesis contends that this was not always a forced or unpleasant experience. Many Jews willingly embraced aspects of British identity they appreciated. There were also numerous instances of the community being able to preserve its exceptionality. The British state and wider society showed a remarkable willingness to accommodate cases of Jewish particularity. This thesis demonstrates the tolerant nature of Britain's civil society (and indicates some of the boundaries to this), whilst also revealing the remarkable level of confluence between Anglo-Jewish and British ideals at this time. Fundamentally, it suggests, with some reservations, that Anglo-Jewry be viewed as an example of successful integration.
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Hodges, Sushmita. "Women and education : social feminism and intellectual emancipation in England and America." Virtual Press, 1989. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/720136.

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Social Feminism, as influenced by the Enlightenment, manifested itself between 1780 and 1860. An important aspect of social feminism was intellectual emancipation for women. Such intellectual emancipation came about through the blending of ideas emanating from prominent cultural and social centers in the western world. Women had been absorbing the reformist ideas of the Enlightenment philosophies, incorporating them into their own lines of thinking, and producing a social theory aiming at educational freedom for women. The individual efforts to initiate change in time reached beyond national boundaries through the pioneer social feminists' literary works and word of mouth. It is the intent of this dissertation to examine and analyze the linkage between the concept of social feminism and educational emancipation.The purpose of this research is to establish the significance of education as a major branch of social feminism within the context of the women's movement. To overcome language barriers that prevented research into other countries' women's movements, I have restricted this study to England and America and developed the concept of transatlantic feminism.Between 1780 and 1860 the women's "question" in England and America gained its theoretical foundations. Although there was no organized feminist movement, societies in both countries were being made conscious of the problems stemming from the subordinate status of women. This social awareness resulted from the tracts and discussions of certain male philosophers and of various exceptional females who focused on the question of women's rights and other related issues.The major emphasis during this early stage of the women's "question" was the issue of education as a vehicle for elevating the position of women. The education of available to women at that time was limited in nature. Training caring mothers was what social feminists protested against in their writings and discourses. Yet they understandably differed in their aims and formulas for change. Some spokeswomen, while accepting the societal status quo, promoted education as a means for women to recognize their moral superiority. There were yet others who demanded a "separate but equal" education so that women could exploit their full potential and, in some cases, assert their economic independence. All these social reformers, through their own unique experiences, also set examples for their contemporaries and future generations to follow.Despite some inconsistencies in their approaches to educational reform for women, almost all of the individual feminists discussed in this dissertation felt that intellectual emancipation would pave the way for improved social standing for women.
Department of History
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Stanbridge, Karen A. "British Catholic policy in eighteenth-century Ireland and Quebec." Ottawa : Library and Archives Canada, 1999. http://www.nlc-bnc.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq31132.pdf.

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Pizzoni, Giada. "Economic and financial strategies of the British Catholic community in the age of mercantilism, 1672-1781." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/7783.

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This dissertation examines the British Catholic community during the Age of Mercantilism. It opens with John Aylward's trade in the early 1670s and closes with the death of Bishop Richard Challoner in the late eighteenth century. By investigating the economic and financial strategies of these individuals, this work dispels the stereotype of idle Catholicism and shows how the Catholic community played a relevant role in the emerging Atlantic economy. The work starts with an analysis of John Aylward's dealings during outbreaks of international warfare. His papers prove that Catholicism was crucial in his business, allowing the adoption of various strategies and access to diverse markets. As a merchant Aylward defies the stereotype of religious minorities' communality in trade, by moving beyond religious and national borders. Moreover, he challenges the stereotype of Catholicism as estranged from capitalism. The dissertation further continues with an analysis of his widow Helena Aylward, as merchant and financier. Her skills and strategies allow the extension of the narrative of enterprise and Catholicism to women as well, by challenging the prevailing role of Catholic women as patrons or nuns. Finally, the last chapter analyses the business accounts of Bishop Richard Challoner, Vicar Apostolic of the London Mission. His dealings exemplify how Catholicism played a relevant role in finance, both individually and institutionally. In fact, the British Catholic Church fundamentally sustained itself through the stock market. Therefore, this work proves that Catholics were entrepreneurs: they built coherent trading zones and through a broad range of Atlantic connections, moved beyond the borders of the European Empires. They disregarded religious affiliations and nationalities, suggesting that the new economic and financial opportunities of the Age of Mercantilism allowed the Catholic Community to integrate into the British economy and eventually to achieve toleration.
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Jezierski, Rachael A. "The Glasgow Emancipation Society and the American Anti-Slavery Movement." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2641/.

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This study reinterprets the history of the Glasgow Emancipation Society and its relationship to the American anti-slavery movement in the nineteenth century. It examines the role of economics, religion and reform, from Colonial times up to the US Civil War, in order to determine its influence on abolition locally and nationally. This thesis emphasizes the reformist tendencies of the Glasgow abolitionists and how this dynamic significantly influenced their adherence to the original American Anti-Slavery Society and William Lloyd Garrison. It questions the infallibility of the evangelical response to anti-slavery in Scotland, demonstrating how Scottish-American ecclesiastical ties, and the preservation of Protestant unity, often conflicted with abolitionist efforts in Glasgow. It also focuses on the true leaders of GES, persons often ignored in historical accounts concerning Scottish anti-slavery, which explains the motivation and rational behind the society’s zealous attitude and proactive policies. It argues that similar social, political and religious imperatives that affected the American movement likewise mirrored events in Scotland influencing Glaswegian anti-slavery. Lastly, it resurrects the legacy of the Glasgow Emancipation Society from its provincial role, showing it was, in fact, a leader in the British campaign against American slavery.
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Wheeler, Carol Ellen. "Every man crying out : Elizabethan anti-Catholic pamphlets and the birth of English anti-Papism." PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3959.

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To the Englishmen of the sixteenth century the structure of the universe seemed clear and logical. God had created and ordered it in such a way that everyone and everything had a specific, permanent place which carried with it appropriate duties and responsibilities. Primary among these requirements was obedience to one's betters, up the Chain of Being, to God. Unity demanded uniformity; obedience held the universe together. Within this context, the excommunication of Elizabeth Tudor in 1570 both redefined and intensified the strain between the crown and the various religious groups in the realm. Catholics had become traitors, or at least potential traitors, with the stroke of a papal pen.
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Flegg, Columba Graham. "The Catholic Apostolic Church : its history, ecclesiology, liturgy and eschatology." Thesis, n.p, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/.

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James, Serenhedd. "Archbishop George Errington (1804-1886) and the battle for Catholic identity in nineteenth-century England." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669952.

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Taouk, Youssef, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "The Roman Catholic church in Britain during the First World War : a study in political leadership." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Taouk_Y.xml, 2003. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/758.

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The political influence of British Catholics in First World War Britain has been a neglected aspect of British history. This thesis aims to address this deficiency by focusing precisely on the political role played by leading Roman Catholics in Britain during the conflict. This work concentrates on leading Catholic clergy, laymen and the British Catholic press. It demonstrates that the majority of leading Catholics were guided by an excessive nationalism which had two consequences. Firstly, British Catholics supported the war effort and the British government almost unquestionably. Secondly, most leading Catholics failed to give their full support to the Pope and repudiated his efforts to facilitate a negotiated peace. The thesis is based upon research into a wide array of primary material located in archives in the United Kingdom and Ireland. It depends heavily on the private correspondence of the Catholic hierarchy and leading Catholic politicians and publicists. In addition, it includes a survey of the Catholic press of the period, since it manifested the relationship between the leading Catholic clergy and laity, and the rest of British society.
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Books on the topic "Catholic emancipation. Great Britain"

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Brian, Jenkins. Era of Emancipation: British Government of Ireland, 1812-1830. Kingston & Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1988.

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Liberal intellectuals and public culture in modern Britain, 1815-1914: Making words flesh. Woodbridge: Boydell, 2010.

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British romanticism and the Catholic question: Religion, history, and national identity, 1778-1829. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

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French reaction to British slave emancipation. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988.

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Gerzina, Gretchen. Black London: Life before emancipation. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press, 1995.

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Gerzina, Gretchen. Black London: Life before emancipation. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University, 2004.

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Quest for justice: Towards homosexual emancipation. London: Sinclair-Stevenson, 1992.

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Fontana, Velmo J. L. Some aspects of Roman Catholic service in the land forces of the British crown, c.1750 to c.1820. Portsmouth: University of Portsmouth, School of Social, Literary and Historical Studies, 2002.

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Mary I: England's catholic queen. [S.l.]: Yale University Press, 2013.

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McCrone, Kathleen E. Playing the game: Sport and the physical emancipation of English women, 1870-1914. Lexington, Ky: University Press of Kentucky, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Catholic emancipation. Great Britain"

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Szechi, Daniel. "Negotiating Catholic Kingship for a Protestant People: ‘Private’ Letters, Royal Declarations and the Achievement of Religious Detente in the Jacobite Underground, 1702–1718." In Debating the Faith: Religion and Letter Writing in Great Britain, 1550-1800, 107–22. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5216-0_7.

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Wolffe, John. "The Anti-Catholic Frame of Mind." In The Protestant Crusade in Great Britain 1829–1860, 107–44. Oxford University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201991.003.0004.

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Wolffe, John. "The Decline of the Early Victorian Anti-Catholic Movement." In The Protestant Crusade in Great Britain 1829–1860, 247–89. Oxford University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201991.003.0007.

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Pugh, Martin. "The Impact of the Reformation." In Britain and Islam, 40–61. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300234947.003.0003.

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This chapter focuses on the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century. Following Henry VIII's break with Rome in 1531, the English Reformation led Britain into a protracted struggle with the two great Catholic powers, Spain and France, for the next 300 years. The long-term effect was to define Britain as the leading Protestant power; but more immediately, it posed a far greater threat to England than Islam, and effectively destroyed the rationale for crusading activities. In this situation, the Islamic empires actually became a valuable balancing factor in European diplomacy. Henry's readiness to deal with the Muslim powers was far from eccentric during the sixteenth century. Both King Francis I of France and Queen Elizabeth I of England took the policy of collaboration much further.
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Singha, Radhika. "Making the Desert Bloom?" In The Coolie's Great War, 95–158. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197525586.003.0004.

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World War one witnessed the first dense flow of Indian labor into the Persian Gulf. To reconstruct the campaign in Mesopotamia/Iraq after the reverses of 1915-16, the Indian Army demanded non-combatants for dock-work, construction labor and medical and transport services. This chapter explores the Government of India’s anxious deliberations about the choice of legal form in which to meet this demand. The sending of labor for military work overseas had to be distanced conceptually from the stigmatized system of indentured labor migration. There was a danger of disrupting those labor networks across India and around the Bay of Bengal which maintained the supply of material goods for the war. Non-combatant recruitment took the war into new sites and spaces. Regimes of labor servitude were tapped but some form of emancipation had to be promised. The chapter focusses on seven jail- recruited Indian Labor and Porter Corps to explore the work regime in Mesopotamia. Labor units often insisted on fixed engagements rather than ‘duration of war’ agreements, but had to struggle for exit at the conclusion of their contract. After the Armistice, Britain still needed Indian labor and troops in Mesopotamia but sought to prevent the emergence of a settler population.
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O’Leary, Brendan. "Overlooked by the Tall Kingdom before Dying of Political Economy." In A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume I, 217–62. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199243341.003.0004.

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This chapter examines Ireland’s political experience during the first half of the Union. Among the subjects surveyed are the long delay in Catholic emancipation, the continuation of administrative colonialism, and the emergence of fiscal dependence and highly uneven economic development that culminated in the Great Famine. The latter’s significance is assessed. The author argues that, just as manslaughter should be distinguished from homicide, so “geno-slaughter” better accounts for what occurred than genocide. The limitations of efforts to make Ireland British are assessed, and the development of state–church relations critically evaluated. Protestant Ulster’s resistance to O’Connell’s movement for Repeal of the Union is assessed, as is the return of Presbyterians toward a pan-Protestant coalition against reenergized Irish Catholicism.
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Bullivant, Stephen. "The Demographics of Disaffiliation." In Mass Exodus, 25–55. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837947.003.0002.

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This chapter shows what light the quantitative sociology of religion can shed on Catholic disaffiliation. Drawing on recent data from high-quality survey programmes—the British Social Attitudes (BSA) and the General Social Survey (GSS)—it presents a detailed portrait of Catholic disaffiliates in Britain and America across a broad range of demographic indicators (region, age, sex, birth year, birth cohort, race, immigrant status). Illuminating comparisons are also drawn to the retention, disaffiliation, and conversion rates in other major British and American denominations (Lutheran, Anglican/Episcopalian, Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian). Among other important findings, these analyses provide a great deal of evidence for regarding the post-war Baby Boomers as a watershed generation with regard to the following decades’ steady declines in Catholic practice and identity.
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Loughlin, James. "The British Union of Fascists and Northern Ireland (II)." In Fascism and Constitutional Conflict, 95–140. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786941770.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the emergence and activities of the BUF- sponsored Ulster Fascists, a regional formation heavily influenced by the great surge of support for the BUF in Britain when Lord Rothermere threw his support behind Mosley in 1933, encouraging the belief that a Mosley Government would soon be in power. The chapter demonstrates the problems the UF faced in a largely hostile environment, with opposition from the Unionist authorities and labour and socialist organisations; and eventually by the Irish News, the main organ of nationalist and Catholic opinion in Northern Ireland and which had given it a high degree of publicity. It was affronted by UF defence of Nazi repression in Germany, especially denial of persecution of the Catholic Church, and by differences on moral issues between the BUF and Catholic teaching. Failing to prosper in a political context offering little space for externally inspired parties, the UF suffered internal divisions and collapsed in early 1935.
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9

Kirk, Neville. "‘True Womanhood’." In Transnational Radicalism and the Connected Lives of Tom Mann and Robert Samuel Ross. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781786940094.003.0006.

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This chapter reveals the attitudes and practices of Mann and Ross towards the issues of women and gender. It argues both that they welcomed women into the labour and socialist movements and also valued women’s contributions in the domestic, reproductive and productive spheres. As such they did not articulate the patriarchal attitudes so common among their male labour-movement contemporaries. Rather they embraced the cause of ‘full’ or ‘true’ emancipation for women. Yet at the same time they did not advocate either the abolition of the nuclear family or ‘free love’. Ross, in common with most Australian labour activists, articulated a highly racialised and racist view of ‘womanhood’. During the interwar period Mann continued to advocate the full emancipation of women and opposed racism. But he was also a member of an organisation, the Communist Party of Great Britain, which, despite its professed goals to ‘transcend the division of the sexes’, was dominated by men and ‘masculinist’ attitudes and practices. For both men women’s and feminist concerns played second fiddle to those of class. This chapter makes a new contribution to the literature on gender, class and race.
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10

Steward, Gary L. "“No Bishop, No Tyrant!”." In Justifying Revolution, 52–70. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197565353.003.0004.

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This chapter discusses the apprehensions many American clergy felt over the issues of religious liberty on the eve of the American Revolution. The clergy in America were concerned about a rising political absolutism in England that threatened both their civil and religious liberties, and concern over religious issues played a significant role in the final break between the colonies and Great Britain. The plans to impose Episcopal bishops upon the colonies generated great concern, even as the British Parliament adopted an increasingly absolutist posture toward the colonies. The fear of a rising Roman Catholic presence in North America also put the colonies and clergymen on edge, provoking further calls for resistance and vigilance against these growing religious threats.
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