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1

Kochetkova, M. V. "O'Connell and the struggle for the emancipation of the catholics." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/20-4/03.

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The aim of the study was to examine the most significant achievement in Irish Nationalism, which was embodied in the trend of moral force, the Emancipation of Catholics and the role of D. O'Connell in this process. After the introduction of the Union between Ireland and Great Britain in 1801, after the suppression of the 1803 uprising among the Irish nationalists, the apologists of the constitutional way of achieving self-government remained only one way, granting Catholics equal political rights. Automatically, Catholics were not prohibited from being elected as deputies or holding public office. But due to the fact that when entering these positions it was required to give the Crown a double oath, secular and religious, Anglican, Catholics could not give such a second oath. Consequently, Emancipation meant the liberation of Catholics from the religious part of the oath to the Crown. All attempts to pass a law on emancipation within the framework of Westminster ended in the defeat of the initiative of the Irish commoners, it became obvious that a different method of achieving the goal was needed. It was developed by the leader of the Nationalists D. O'Connell. The essence of the new system of struggle was to create a massive, regulated movement of the entire Nation for the political rights of Catholics. It included holding rallies, setting up a press of its own, and the introduction of a Catholic Rent designed to fund the movement from donations. Thus, for the first time in European history, a massive, nationwide, controlled movement was created. As a result of these innovations, Westminster passed the Catholic Emancipation Act in 1829. O'Connell's role in this victory was decisive.
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2

Keogh, Richard A. "‘from education, from duty, and from principle’: Irish Catholic loyalty in context, 1829-1874." British Catholic History 33, no. 3 (March 30, 2017): 421–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2017.5.

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The passage of the Emancipation Act in 1829 presented an opportunity for Catholics to reimagine their loyalty as equal subjects for the first time under the union between Great Britain and Ireland. This article explores the way Catholic loyalty was conceived in the decades that followed the act of 1829 through to the mid 1870s, when there was renewed focus on the civil allegiance of Catholics following the declaration of Papal infallibility. Historians are increasingly exploring a range of social, political and religious identities in nineteenth century Ireland, beyond the rigid binary paradigm of Catholic nationalisms and Protestant loyalisms that has dominated Irish historiography. However, Catholic loyalty in particular remains an anachronism and lacks sufficient conceptual clarity. Our understanding of a specifically Catholic variant of loyalty and its public and associational expression, beyond a number of biographical studies of relatively unique individuals, remains limited. By providing an exposition of episodes in the history of Catholic loyalty in the early and mid-Victorian years this article illuminates the phenomenon. It demonstrates that Irish Catholic loyalty took on different expressive forms, which were dependent on the individuals proclaiming their loyalty, their relationship to the objects of their loyalty, and its reception by the British state and Protestant establishment.
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3

Vaughan, Géraldine. "‘Britishers and Protestants’: Protestantism and Imperial British Identities in Britain, Canada and Australia from the 1880s to the 1920s." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.20.

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This article explores the links between the assertion of British imperial identities and the anti-Catholic discourse and practices of a network of evangelical societies which existed and flourished in Britain and in the dominions from the halcyon days of the empire to the late 1920s. These bodies shared a broad evangelical definition of Protestantism and defended the notion that religious beliefs and their political implications formed the basis of a common British heritage and identity. Those who identified themselves as Britons in Britain and in the dominions brought forward arguments combining a mixture of pessimistic interpretations of British history since the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act with anxieties about ongoing Irish Catholic immigration and an alleged global papist plot. They were convinced that Protestantism was key to all civil liberties enjoyed by Britons. Inspired by John Wolffe's pioneering work, the article examines constitutional, theologico-political and socio-national anti-Catholicism across Britain and its dominions.
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4

Drury, Marjule Anne. "Anti-Catholicism in Germany, Britain, and the United States: A Review and Critique of Recent Scholarship." Church History 70, no. 1 (March 2001): 98–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654412.

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The past two decades have seen an efflorescence of works exploring cultural anti-Catholicism in a variety of national contexts. But so far, historians have engaged in little comparative analysis. This article is a first step, examining recent historical literature on modern British and American anti-Catholicism, in order to trace the similarities and distinctiveness of the turn-of-the-century German case. Historians are most likely to be acquainted with American nativism, the German Kulturkampf, continental anticlericalism, and the problems of Catholic Emancipation and the Irish Question in Britain. Many of the themes and functions of anti-Catholic discourse in the West transcended national and temporal boundaries. In each case, the conceptualization of a Catholic ‘other’ is a testament to the tenacity of confessionalism in an age formerly characterized as one of inexorable secularization. Contemporary observers often agreed that religious culture—like history, race, ethnicity, geography, and local custom—played a role in the self-evident distinctiveness of peoples and nations, in their political forms, economic performance, and intellectual and artistic contributions. We will see how confessionalism remained a lens through which intellectuals and ordinary citizens, whether attached or estranged from religious commitments, viewed political, economic, and cultural change.
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5

STEELE, BRENT J. "Ontological security and the power of self-identity: British neutrality and the American Civil War." Review of International Studies 31, no. 3 (June 13, 2005): 519–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006613.

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Why did Great Britain remain neutral during the American Civil War? Although several historical arguments have been put forth, few studies have explicitly used International Relations (IR) theories to understand this decision. Synthesising a discursive approach with an ontological security interpretation, I propose an alternative framework for understanding security-seeking behaviour and threats to identity. I assess the impact Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation had upon the interventionist debates in Great Britain. I argue that the Proclamation reframed interventionist debates, thus (re)engendering the British anxiety over slavery and removing intervention as a viable policy. I conclude by proposing several issues relevant to using an ontological security interpretation in future IR studies.
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6

NESWALD, ELIZABETH. "Science, sociability and the improvement of Ireland: the Galway Mechanics' Institute, 1826–51." British Journal for the History of Science 39, no. 4 (November 10, 2006): 503–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087406008739.

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Irish mechanics' institutes have received little attention from historians of science, but their history presents intriguing questions. Whereas industrialization, Protestant dissent and the politics of liberal social reformers have been identified as crucial for the development of mechanics' institutes in Britain, their influence in Ireland was regionally limited. Nonetheless, many unindustrialized, provincial, largely Catholic Irish towns had mechanics' institutes in the first half of the nineteenth century. This paper investigates the history of the two mechanics' institutes of Galway, founded in 1826 and 1840, and analyses how local and national contexts affected the establishment, function and development of a provincial Irish mechanics' institute. Situating these institutes within the changing social and political constellations of early and mid-nineteenth-century Ireland, it shows how Catholic emancipation, the temperance movement and different strands of Irish nationalism affected approaches to the uses of science and science education in Ireland.
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7

D'Auria, Eithne. "Sacramental Sharing in Roman Catholic Canon Law: A Comparison of Approaches in Great Britain, Ireland and Canada." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 9, no. 3 (August 28, 2007): 264–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x07000361.

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Faced with difficulties of communication between separated churches, the Roman Catholic Church has attempted to provide a framework for sacramental sharing between Christians genuinely prevented from receiving the sacraments in their respective churches and ecclesial communities. This paper first considers the Roman Catholic canonical requirements for sacramental sharing. It then addresses the approach taken in the ecclesiastical jurisdictions in Great Britain and Ireland, and compares it with that of Canada. Finally, suggestions for reform are considered.
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8

Ombresop, Robert. "The Canon Law Society of Great Britain and Ireland and its Newsletter." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 5, no. 25 (July 1999): 284–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00003641.

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The organisation now known as the Canon Law Society of Great Britain and Ireland was founded in 1957, and its Newsletter was first published in 1969. The activities, publications and achievements of the Society within the Roman Catholic Church are manifold, and were acknowledged by Pope John Paul II when he granted an audience to participants of the 1992 annual conference held in Rome. This papal address is printed at the beginning of The Canon Law: Letter & Spirit (London 1995), the full commentary on the 1983 Code of Canon Law prepared by the Society.
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9

O'LEARY, PAUL. "When Was Anti-Catholicism? The Case of Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Wales." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, no. 2 (April 2005): 308–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904002131.

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Anti-Catholicism was a pervasive influence on religious and political life in nineteenth-century Wales. Contrary to the views of Trystan Owain Hughes, it mirrored the chronology of anti-Catholic agitation in the rest of Great Britain. Welsh exceptionalism lies in the failure of militant Protestant organisations to recruit in Wales, and the assimilation of anti-Catholic rhetoric into the frictions between the Church of England and Nonconformity over the disestablishment of the Church. Furthermore, whereas the persistence of anti-Catholicism in twentieth-century Britain is primarily associated with cities like Liverpool and Glasgow, its continuing influence in Wales was largely confined to rural areas and small towns.
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10

Thomas, Janet. "Women and Capitalism: Oppression or Emancipation? A Review Article." Comparative Studies in Society and History 30, no. 3 (July 1988): 534–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001536x.

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In the last few years, work in social history and the history of women has centred on the transition to capitalism and the great bourgeois political revolutions—also variously described as industrialization, urbanisation, and modernisation. Throughout this work runs a steady debate about the improvement or deterioration brought about by these changes in the lives of women and working people. On the whole, sociologists of the 1960s and early 1970s and many recent historians have been optimistic about the changes in women's position, while feminist and Marxist scholars have taken a much more gloomy view.1 There has been little debate between the two sides, yet the same opposed arguments about the impact of capitalism on the status of women crop up not only in accounts of Britain from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, but also in work on women in the Third World, and cry out for critical assessment.
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11

Nir, Roman. "The Activities of the Polish Section “War Relief Services-National Catholic Welfare Conference” in Great Britain from 10.12.1943 to 31.07.1946." Studia Polonijne 39 (July 30, 2019): 213–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp.2018.10.

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WRS-NCWC Polish Projects activities in Great Britain started at the very moment of the arrival 30 November 1943 of the Rev. A. Wycislo, Delegate of WRS-NCEC, nominated by Executive Committee as Field Director, Polish Projects. Very Bishop J.F. Gawlina immediately created in London an NCWC Polish Projects in Great Britain Committee. Rev. Canon R. Gogolinski-Elston was nominated Secretary of this Central Committee. The common aims of NCWC activities all over the world were directing aims of NCWC Polish Projects in Great Britain Central Committees. The especial aim to have care about the Polish Soldier, his spiritual and moral welfare, and to ensure his cultural and educationall development in a truly Catholic and Polish atmosphere. Rev. Gogolinski-Elston was ordered to start work immediately and already on the 10th of December 1943 the Polish Hearth in Blackpool was taken over, as the first NCWC Centre for Poles in Gt. Britain. On the 12th of December 1943 NCWC Rest and Recreational Centre for Polish University Students was opened in Edinburgh, 15th December an NCWC Polish Air Force Canteen in Blackpool was opend, 24th of December 1943 an NCWC Rest and Recreational Centre for Polish Convalescent Airmen in Blackoop and NCWC Rest and Recreational Centre in Special Secret Duty Detachment in “X” (military secret) were created. Polish Projects in Gt. Britain will be an excellent testimonial to American Catholics with their Bishops, to War Relief Services-National Catholic Welfare Conference, organization with its so effective Executive and Field Director.
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12

Taylor, Kieran D. "The relief of Belgian refugees in the archdiocese of Glasgow during the First World War: ‘A Crusade of Christianity’." Innes Review 69, no. 2 (November 2018): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2018.0173.

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The relief of Belgian refugees in Britain is an emerging area of study in the history of the First World War. About 250,000 Belgian refugees came to Great Britain, and at least 19,000 refugees came to Scotland, with the majority hosted in Glasgow. While relief efforts in Scotland were co-ordinated and led by the Glasgow Corporation, the Catholic Church also played a significant role in the day-to-day lives of refugees who lived in the city. This article examines the Archdiocese of Glasgow's assistance of Belgian refugees during the war. It considers first the Catholic Church's stance towards the War and the relief of Belgian refugees. The article then outlines the important role the Church played in providing accommodation, education and religious ministry to Belgian refugees in Glasgow. It does this by tracing the work of the clergy and by examining popular opinion in Catholic media. The article establishes that the Church and the Catholic community regarded the relief and reception of Belgian refugees as an act of religious solidarity.
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13

Тетяна Коляда. "SOCIAL CONDITIONS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECONDARY EDUCATION IN GREAT BRITAIN." Social work and social education, no. 5 (December 23, 2020): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2618-0715.5.2020.220814.

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The article considers the social conditions for the development of secondary education in Great Britain (XIX – first half of the XX century). It was founded that an important factor in the formation of the British education system was the influence of the ruling class of aristocrats (landlords) and the petty nobility. It was founded that education of the majority of the population depended on the area, financial status of the family and religion. It was emphasized that religion played a significant role in the field of mass education. It has been shown that in the early nineteenth century, English society was engulfed in a movement of evangelical revival, as a result of which the Anglican Church could not control all its faithful, unlike the Catholic Church in Europe. It is determined that industrialization, urbanization and democratization have created conditions for social, political and economic transformations that required educated personnel. As a result, a number of laws were passed initiating reforms in primary and secondary education.
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14

Stunt, Timothy C. F. "‘Trying the Spirits’: The Case of the Gloucestershire Clergyman (1831)." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 39, no. 1 (January 1988): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900039087.

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The political turmoil which characterised the decade from 1825 to 1835 is interestingly reflected in a religious crisis, as a result of which Established Church and traditional nonconformity alike were found by seceders to be spiritually wanting. Millenarian and charismatic movements are often, in part, an expression of social uncertainty. Any analysis of such movements as the Plymouth Brethren or the self-styled ‘Catholic Apostolic Church’ must take into account their social milieu which, at that time, included a great deal of political agitation - for causes like Roman Catholic Emancipation, parliamentary reform, currency reform and nascent socialism - as well as anxiety arising from the outbreak of cholera and social unrest, with several European revolutions in the background. It may not be entirely fortuitous that, when Edward Irving was expelled from his church in Regent Square in 1832, his congregation (not without some misgivings) met for a while in Robert Owen's socialist Rotunda in the Gray's Inn Road.
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15

Nir, Roman. "The Activities of the Polish Catholic Caritas in Great Britain, Italy and Denmark 1956–1962." Studia Polonijne 41 (November 27, 2020): 197–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2041-11.

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Działalność polskiego Caritas katolickiego w Wielkiej Brytanii, Włoszech i Danii w latach 1956–1962 W 1945 r. ks. Rafał Gogoliński-Elston nawiązał kontakt z arcybiskupem krakowskim księciem Adamem Stefanem Sapiehą i krajową konferencją NCWC w celu niesienia pomocy przez NCWC Polakom w kraju za pośrednictwem Caritas w Polsce. W latach 1946–1948 z magazynów NCWC w Wielkiej Brytanii wysłano do Polski lekarstwa, odzież, żywność o wartości 80 000 dolarów. Do Polski wysłano sześć ciężarówek z darami dla Caritasu, domy dziecka otrzymały koce, pościel, sprzęt kuchenny, artykuły piśmiennicze i biurowe, takie jak papier, ołówki, tusz i maszyny do pisania.W latach 1950–1951 dostarczono do Polski 80 pudeł z lekarstwami i sprzętem medycznym o wartości ponad 10 000 dolarów. W 1952 r. ks. R. Gogoliński-Elston założył w Wielkiej Brytanii polski oddział Caritas. W latach 1952–1957 oddział ten wysłał do Polski 4000 paczek żywnościowych CARE za sumę 40 000 dolarów, 6000 paczek żywnościowych z Departamentu Rolnictwa USA na kwotę 30 000 dolarów. W latach 1950–1960 polska Caritas wsparła paczkami świątecznymi polskich księży, którzy znaleźli się w trudnych warunkach finansowych. Każdego roku w okresie Bożego Narodzenia wysyłano ponad 100 paczek o łącznej wartości ponad 4000 dolarów. Caritas pomagała dzieciom i młodzieży w polskich szkołach katolickich w Wielkiej Brytanii, udzielając także stypendiów uczniom. Sfinansowała 106 obozów letnich dla 2650 dzieci. W listopadzie 1956 r. ks. Gogoliński-Elston założył oddziały polskiej Caritas w Danii i Szwecji. Dania otrzymała środki finansowe na dwie szkoły dla dzieci polskich, 3 ośrodki polonijne, 6 mobilnych bibliotek polskich, na teatr młodzieżowy, a także na działalność polskiego księdza (łącznie 4780 dolarów). Szwecja otrzymała pieniądze na dofinansowanie jedenastu polskich szkół sobotnich, sześciu obwoźnych bibliotek z polskimi książkami, jednego klubu młodzieżowego (łącznie 3890 dolarów).
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16

Curry, Lisa. "`My Dear Nephew': letters to a student priest." Innes Review 59, no. 1 (May 2008): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0020157x08000152.

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The following compilation of letters date from between 1845 and 1854; they form part of a larger collection of papers relating to Christina Gordon and her descendants, which are currently in the author's possession.1 The bulk of the letters included in this article were written by a Scottish priest, Donald Carmichael, to his great-nephew and namesake whilst the latter was a seminarian in Europe and are full of kindly advice and news from home for the young student.2 also offer a fascinating snapshot of Scottish religious and social history in the 1840s and 1850s. The correspondence is fundamentally a personal and family based one, reflecting as it does the mentoring relationship of great-uncle to his protégé. However, there is also much to interest historians in the post-emancipation but pre-reestablishment of the Scottish Catholic hierarchy era.
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17

Smith, John T. "The Priest and the Elementary School in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century." Recusant History 25, no. 3 (May 2001): 530–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320003034x.

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The Report of a Select Committee in 1835 gave the total of Catholic day schools in England as only 86, with the total for Scotland being 20. Catholic children had few opportunities for day school education. HMI Baptist Noel reported in 1840: ‘very few Protestant Dissenters and scarcely any Roman Catholics send their children to these [National] schools; which is little to be wondered at, since they conscientiously object to the repetition of the Church catechism, which is usually enforced upon all the scholars. Multitudes of Roman Catholic children, for whom some provision should be made, are consequently left in almost complete neglect, a prey to all the evils which follow profound ignorance and the want of early discipline.’ With the establishment of the lay dominated Catholic Institute of Great Britain in 1838 numbers rose to 236 in the following five years, although the number of children without Catholic schooling was still estimated to be 101,930. Lay control of Catholic schools diminished in the 1840s. In 1844, for example, Bishop George Brown of the Lancashire District in a Pastoral letter abolished all existing fund-raising for churches and schools and created his own district board which did not have a single lay member. The Catholic Poor School Committee was founded in 1847, with two laymen and eight clerics and the bishops requested that the Catholic Institute hand over all its educational monies to this new body and called for all future collections at parish level to be sent to it. Government grants were secured for Catholic schools for the first time in 1847. The great influx of Irish immigrants during the years of the potato famine (1845–8) increased the Catholic population and church leaders soon noted the great leakage among the poor. The only way to counteract this leakage was to educate the young under the care of the Church.
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18

Campbell Ross, Ian. "‘Damn these printers … By heaven, I'll cut Hoey's throat’: The History of Mr. Charles Fitzgerald and Miss Sarah Stapleton (1770), a Catholic Novel in Eighteenth-Century Ireland." Irish University Review 48, no. 2 (November 2018): 250–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2018.0353.

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The History of Mr Charles Fitzgerald and Miss Sarah Stapleton (Dublin, 1770) is a satirical marriage-plot novel, published by the Roman Catholic bookseller James Hoey Junior. The essay argues that the anonymous author was himself a Roman Catholic, whose work mischievously interrogates the place of English-language prose fiction in Ireland during the third-quarter of the eighteenth century. By so doing, the fiction illuminates the issue, so far neglected by Irish book historians, of how the growing middle-class Roman Catholic readership might have read the increasingly popular ‘new species of writing’, as produced by novelists in Great Britain and Ireland. The essay concludes by reviewing the question of the authorship of The History and offering a new attribution to the Catholic physician and poet, Dr Dominick Kelly, of Ballyglass, Co. Roscommon.
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19

Wendling, Karina Bénazech. "“The priests do their best to inflame the people.” Religious actors in Ireland, 1800–1845: Instigators of violence or peacemakers?" Violence: An International Journal 2, no. 1 (April 2021): 106–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/26330024211004611.

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After the 1801 Act of Union uniting Ireland and Great Britain, and the broken promises made to Catholics, Daniel O’Connell founded the Catholic Association which combined religious and political demands. Despite the pacifying dimension of the movement, the decades preceding the Great Hunger (1845–1851) saw several episodes of violence, before reaching a climax during the revolutionary movement of 1848. Relying on Philippe Braud’s definition of political violence and the study of British and Catholic authorities’ correspondence among other sources, this article intends to shed light on the different dynamics at work in the rise in violence. It also examines the various attempts to readjust to and withdraw from acts of violence, to move beyond ambiguities and better assess the role played by religious agents.
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20

Racine, Karen. "“This England and This Now”: British Cultural and Intellectual Influence in the Spanish American Independence Era." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 3 (August 1, 2010): 423–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2010-002.

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Abstract This essay argues that Great Britain provided the strongest and most relevant contemporary model for the Spanish American independence leaders. Over the course of two eventful decades, 1808 to 1826, over 70 patriot leaders made the long and difficult journey to London to seek political recognition, arms, recruits, and financial backing for their emancipation movements. Countless others remained at home in Spanish America but allied themselves with Britain through their commercial ventures, their ideological affiliation, or their enthusiastic emulation of British institutions, inventions, and practices such as the Lancasterian system of monitorial education, trial by jury, freedom of the press laws, steam engines, and mining technology. This generation of independence leaders carried on a purposeful correspondence with famous British figures such as abolitionist William Wilberforce, prison reformer Elizabeth Fry, utilitarian philosophers Jeremy Bentham and James Mill, scientist Humphrey Davy, and vaccination proponent Edward Jenner. Their conscious choice to draw closer to Great Britain, rather than Napoleonic France or the early republican United States, reveals much about the kind of cultural model the Spanish American independence leaders admired and their vision of the countries they wanted to create.
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21

Catháin, Máirtin Ó. "‘No longer clad in corduroy’? The Glasgow University Irish National Club, 1907–1917." Scottish Historical Review 99, no. 2 (October 2020): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2020.0464.

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Unique among university clubs in Britain, the Glasgow University Irish National Club emerged before the first world war among mainly second generation, Scots-born Irish students to assist in the campaign for Irish home rule. It was a useful adjunct to the home rule movement and helped the Irish and mainly catholic students at the university carve out a niche for themselves firstly within the institution and thereafter in wider society. This reflected a growing Irish catholic middle class desirous of playing a greater role in Scottish public life during a time of great transition for the Irish in Scotland.
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22

McLoughlin, David. "Paradise: Our Once and Future End:2001 Conference of the Catholic Theological Association of Great Britain." New Blackfriars 83, no. 971 (January 2002): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.2002.tb07734.x.

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23

Markovich, Slobodan. "Activities of Father Nikolai Velimirovich in Great Britain during the Great War." Balcanica, no. 48 (2017): 143–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748143m.

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Nikolai Velimirovich was one of the most influential bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the twentieth century. His stay in Britain in 1908/9 influenced his theological views and made him a proponent of an Anglican-Orthodox church reunion. As a known proponent of close relations between different Christian churches, he was sent by the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic to the United States (1915) and Britain (1915-1919) to work on promoting Serbia and the cause of Yugoslav unity. His activities in both countries were very successful. In Britain he closely collaborated with the Serbian Relief Fund and ?British friends of Serbia? (R. W. Seton-Watson, Henry Wickham Steed and Sir Arthur Evans). Other Serbian intellectuals in London, particularly the brothers Bogdan and Pavle Popovic, were in occasional collision with the members of the Yugoslav Committee over the nature of the future Yugoslav state. In contrast, Velimirovich remained committed to the cause of Yugoslav unity throughout the war with only rare moments of doubt. Unlike most other Serbs and Yugoslavs in London Father Nikolai never grew unsympathetic to the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic, although he did not share all of his views. In London he befriended the churchmen of the Church of England who propagated ecclesiastical reunion and were active in the Anglican and Eastern Association. These contacts allowed him to preach at St. Margaret?s Church, Westminster and other prominent Anglican churches. He became such a well-known and respected preacher that, in July 1917, he had the honour of being the first Orthodox clergyman to preach at St. Paul?s Cathedral. He was given the same honour in December 1919. By the end of the war he had very close relations with the highest prelates of the Church of England, the Catholic cardinal of Westminster, and with prominent clergymen of the Church of Scotland and other Protestant churches in Britain. Based on Velimirovich?s correspondence preserved in Belgrade and London archives, and on very wide coverage of his activities in The Times, in local British newspapers, and particularly in the Anglican journal The Church Times, this paper describes and analyses his wide-ranging activities in Britain. The Church of England supported him wholeheartedly in most of his activities and made him a celebrity in Britain during the Great War. It was thanks to this Church that some dozen of his pamphlets and booklets were published in London during the Great War. What made his relations with the Church of England so close was his commitment to the question of reunion of Orthodox churches with the Anglican Church. He suggested the reunion for the first time in 1909 and remained committed to it throughout the Great War. Analysing the activities of Father Nikolai, the paper also offers a survey of the very wide-ranging forms of help that the Church of England provided both to the Serbian Orthodox Church and to Serbs in by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement. general during the Great War. Most of these activities were channelled through him. Thus, by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement.
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Tosko, Mike. "Book Review: Abolition and Antislavery: A Historical Encyclopedia of the American Mosaic." Reference & User Services Quarterly 55, no. 3 (March 25, 2016): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.55n3.248.

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This encyclopedia covers the rise and proliferation of abolitionist movements in the United States and the subsequent consequences of the emancipation of the former slaves. While outside international influences on American slavery existed—particularly Great Britain—the focus here is on both the Northern and Southern United States. Of course, banishing slavery did not lead to immediate social equality, and in fact many abolitionists did not ever desire this type of equality. This work also traces the subsequent controversial issues that emerged following abolition, such as new forms of labor exploitation, the right to own land and to vote, and the use of violence and intimidation to keep African Americans in inferior social and economic positions.
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Davies, John. "‘War is a Scourge’: The First Year of the Great War 1914–1915: Catholics and Pastoral Guidance." Recusant History 30, no. 3 (May 2011): 485–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200013042.

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When Britain declared war on Germany in August 1914 few could have foreseen that it would last four years or predicted the slaughter it would bring. The parishioners of the Catholic parish of St. Peter Seel St., in the docklands of south Liverpool, along with Catholics throughout the country, on the first Sunday of the war were exhorted to pray for peace. The assumption seemed to be that the war would be a short one. The lessons of Britain's last major conflict, the South African Wars at the turn of the nineteenth-century, seemed not to have impinged on popular imagination. it would, however, be only a relatively short space of time before the news of local young men ‘killed in action’ began to appear in the notice books of St. Peter's and other Catholic parishes, bringing a growing realisation that this war was ‘different’. Perhaps it would not end quickly and certainly as the horror of events in Belgium and France began to appear in the press, national, local and ‘confessional’, the conviction grew that indeed this was no ‘ordinary’ war. How did the leaders of the Catholic community respond? What guidance and comfort were offered to the community, which was largely working class, whose sons found themselves in the front line?
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Whatmore, Richard. "Vattel, Britain and Peace in Europe." Grotiana 31, no. 1 (2010): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607510x540231.

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AbstractThis paper underlines Vattel's commitment to maintaining the sovereignty of Europe's small states by enunciating the duties he deemed incumbent upon all political communities. Vattel took seriously the threat to Europe from a renascent France, willing to foster an equally aggressive Catholic imperialism justified by the need for religious unity. Preventing a French version of universal monarchy, Vattel recognised, entailed more than speculating about a Europe imagined as a single republic. Rather, Vattel believed that Britain had to be relied upon to prevent excessive French ambition, and to underwrite the independence of the continent's smaller sovereignties. Against those who saw Britain as another candidate for the domination of Europe, Vattel argued that Britain's commercial interests explained why it was a different kind of state to the great empires of the past. The paper goes on to consider the reception of Vattel's ideas after the Seven Years War. Although further research is required into readings of Vattel, especially in the smaller states of Europe in the later eighteenth century, the paper concludes that by the 1790s Vattel was being used to justify war to defeat the gargantuan imperialist projects of newly republican France, in order to maintain Europe itself, and the smaller states within it.
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Tyrrell, Alex. "Samuel Smiles and the Woman Question in Early Victorian Britain." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 2 (April 2000): 185–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386216.

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When Samuel Smiles (1812–1904) looked back over his career from the vantage point of old age he saw himself as one who had labored for “the emancipation and intellectual improvement of women.” His self-description will surprise those who know him, either through his famous book, Self-Help (1859), where women make fleeting appearances as maternal influences on the achievements of great men, or through the attempts that have been made during the Thatcher years to offer him as an exemplar of a highly selective code of “Victorian Values.” Nonetheless, there is much to be said for Smiles's interpretation: not only was he a prolific author on the condition of women, but his writings on this subject from the late 1830s to the early 1850s were radical in tone and content.By directing attention to these writings, this article makes three points about early Victorian gender relations, radicalism, and Smiles's own career. First, it challenges the lingering notion that this was a time when patriarchal values stifled debate on gender issues. For some historians who write about the women's movement, the early Victorian era has the status of something like a dark age in the history of the agitation for women's rights; this period is overshadowed on the one side by the great debates initiated by Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) and on the other by the new feminist movements that developed after the 1850s. Barbara Caine, for example, has written recently that the exclusion of women from the public sphere was “absolute” in the mid-century years; few women had the financial resources necessary to set up a major journal even if they had been bold enough to do so, and the sort of man who wrote sympathetically about women was concerned primarily with his own needs.
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Van Osselaer, Tine. "Catholic Patriotism and Suffering in the Wartime Letters of the Belgian Mystic Berthe Petit." Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 161–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.2.003.vano.

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Abstract This article focuses on the use of patriotic feelings and shared experiences of suffering to promote a new devotion. Studying her wartime letter-writing campaign, we examine the strategies that the Belgian mystic Berthe Petit (1870-1943) adopted to promote the devotion of the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary. By examining the letter writing of Petit and her father confessor during the Great War, we will show how, in 1909, the campaign initially focused on her own mystical experiences and corporeal suffering, but shifted during the war to emphasize that the future of Belgium, France and Britain, was linked to their consecration to the Sorrowful and Immaculate Heart of Mary. Stressing the historicity of the mystic, we show how the war (1) provided new opportunities for mystically inspired, non-approved devotions; and (2) how the uncertainties and sorrows of the Great War offered female mystics new openings and lines of thought to explore.
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Haydon, C. M. "The Anti-Catholic Activity of the S.P.C.K., C. 1698–1740." Recusant History 18, no. 4 (October 1987): 418–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268419500020699.

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THE SOCIETY for Promoting Christian Knowledge was established in 1698. From its inception, one of its aims was to combat the spread of Catholicism in Britain and elsewhere. At the end of the seventeenth century, the Counter-Reformation seemed to be enjoying great successes: as one of the Society's memorials noted, ‘the progress of Popery … by little and little ruins the Reformed Religion all over Europe’. This occurred, the memorial went on, because the Protestants had little regard for their own defence. The remedy was to form a ‘union of Protestants’, with a council to organize its correspondence among those of the reformed faith in all parts of the continent; and to put a stop the activity of Popish priests, though ‘without Persecution and violence’. A bulwark, it was argued, was unquestionably needed against so formidable and zealous a body as the Congregation de Propaganda Fide. The Crown was to be informed of these designs and the Society was soon given a watching brief on ‘the practices of priests to pervert His Majesty's subjects’.
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30

Read, Geoff, and Todd Webb. "“The Catholic Mahdi of the North West”: Louis Riel and the Metis Resistance in Transatlantic and Imperial Context." Canadian Historical Review 102, s1 (June 2021): s265—s284. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-s1-020.

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The authors examine the transatlantic press coverage of the Metis resistance in Saskatchewan in 1885. The article documents that there was extensive international coverage of this ostensibly Canadian conflict and traces the evolution of narratives about it from their origins in French and English Canada to the United States, Great Britain, and France. The article resituates Riel and the Metis resistance within this international framework, demonstrating how the story of Riel and the Metis was reshaped by commentators in the transatlantic world to suit local, national, and imperial contexts.
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Apryshchenko, V. Yu, and N. A. Lagoshina. "Features of State Institutions of Ireland of XVIII Century." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 6 (June 29, 2020): 386–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-6-386-400.

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The expansion of Great Britain in the 18th century greatly strengthened its influence both on the European continent and throughout the world. The nearby existence of Catholic Ireland, which had developed trade and socio-political ties with European countries, threatened the national security of Great Britain and determined the religious orientation of restrictive politics. In the first half of the 18th century, political, economic and religious struggles both within Ireland and between the British and Irish led to the fact that Ireland actually turned into an English colony. There are still disputes among foreign scholars about the status of Ireland in the 18th century, since the powers of the parliament in Dublin were limited, and most of the country's population did not have civil and political rights. Nevertheless, in the 1760s, the Irish parliament implemented a number of bills in the field of social policy and local self-government, which indicates the significant independence of this legislative body. The legal status of the Irish state in the 18th century, its powers are compared with some widespread definitions of the term state are examined in the article.
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Devlin, Carol A. "The Eucharistic Procession of 1908: The Dilemma of the Liberal Government." Church History 63, no. 3 (September 1994): 407–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167537.

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In September 1908 the British Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith, offended Roman Catholics by cancelling the procession of the Blessed Sacrament, which was to have been the climax of the 1908 international Eucharistic Congress. This incident illustrates the persistence of religious extremism as a disruptive force in British politics and the muddled manner in which Asquith's government dealt with crises. As early as 1900 social and economic issues had become the dominant focus of British politics, and Great Britain had established a reputation for religious toleration. In spite of the growing trend toward secularism, militant Protestants continued to agitate against Catholicism by resurrecting archaic laws restricting Catholic rituals.
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Norfolk, J. C. Gallagher, and I. M. Jessiman. "Submission to the Committee on the Ethics of Gene Therapy by the Joint Ethico-Medical Committee of the Catholic Union of Great Britain and the Guild of Catholic Doctors." Linacre Quarterly 57, no. 4 (November 1990): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00243639.1990.11878077.

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34

Kiessling, Nicolas. "Anthony Wood and the Catholics." Recusant History 30, no. 1 (May 2010): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200012656.

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Anthony Wood (1632–1695), the Oxford biographer and historian, was accused of being a ‘papist’ from the early 1670s until his death on 29 November 1695. These accusations were given credence because Wood had many Catholic friends and acquaintances; had a genuine affection for manuscripts and monuments of the pre-reformation past; wrote bio-bibliographies of many noteworthy Catholics who were graduates of Oxford colleges or were associated with the university; had a view of the reformation that Gilbert Burnet, later the bishop of Salisbury, saw as ‘unseemly’; and never joined any campaign against Catholics before or after James II reigned in Great Britain. This essay deals with Wood's relationships with Catholics and his attitude towards Catholicism.
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35

Kane, Paula M. "‘The Willing Captive of Home?’: The English Catholic Women's League, 1906–1920." Church History 60, no. 3 (September 1991): 331–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167471.

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Henry Cardinal Manning wrote in 1863 that he wanted English Catholics to be “downright, masculine, and decided Catholics—more Roman than Rome, and more ultramontane than the Pope himself.” Given this uncompromising call for militant, masculine Roman Catholicism in Protestant Victorian England, frequently cited by scholars, it may seem surprising that a laywomen's movement would have emerged in Great Britain. In 1906, however, a national Catholic Women's League (CWL), linked closely to Rome, to the English clergy, and to lay social action, emerged in step with the aggressive Catholicism outlined by Manning 40 years earlier. The Catholic Women's League was led by a coterie of noblewomen, middle-class professionals, and clergy, many of them former Anglicans. The founder, Margaret Fletcher (1862–1943), and the league's foremost members were converts; the spiritual advisor, Rev. Bernard Vaughan, was the son of a convert. A short list of the clergy affiliated with the CWL reveals an impressive Who's Who in the Catholic hierarchy and in social work in the early twentieth century: Francis Cardinal Bourne (Archbishop of Westminster from 1903 to 1935), Monsignor Robert Hugh Benson (a convert and well-known author), and influential Jesuits Bernard Vaughan, Charles Plater, Cyril Martindale, Joseph Keating, Leo O'Hea and Joseph Rickaby. The CWL was born from a joining of convert zeal and episcopal-clerical support to a tradition of lay initiative among English Catholics.
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Gallagher, Brigid. "Father Victor Braun and the Catholic Church in England and Wales, 1870–1882." Recusant History 28, no. 4 (October 2007): 547–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011663.

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Nineteenth century London, like many towns and cities in Britain, experienced phenomenal population growth. At the centre of the British Empire, and driven by free trade and industry, it achieved extraordinary wealth, but this wealth was confined to the City and to the West End. East London, however, consisted of ‘an expanse of poverty and wretchedness as appalling as, and in many ways worse than the horrors of the industrial North’. There was clear evidence of the lack of urban planning, as factories were established close to the immense dock buildings constructed near Stratford. Toxic materials such as paint and varnish were produced in large chemical works owned by the German chemist, Rudolf Hersel, as were matches by the firm Bryant and May, and rubber, tar and iron for the building trade by various industrialists. Social historians have viewed the poverty of mid-nineteenth century London's East End as a symbol of urban disintegration in which skilled artisans were reduced to sweated, lowly-paid, labourers. Their homes, built close to the industrial sectors, were erected hastily and cheaply, and lacked proper hygienic and sanitary facilities, so that slum conditions prevailed. Moreover, this housing had to be demolished frequently to make way for new roads and railways, thus creating great hardship for an already destitute people.
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Kerr, Donal A. "England, Ireland, and Rome, 1847-1848." Studies in Church History 25 (1989): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008731.

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In the spring of 1848 a number of respected English vicars-general, William Bernard Ullathorne of the Western District, John Briggs of the Northern District, and Thomas Brown of Wales decided that one of them, together with Fr Luigi Gentili, the Rosminian missioner, should proceed immediately to Rome. Their object would be to support, by personal intervention with Pius IX, a memorial drawn up by Briggs, signed by twenty Irish and three or four bishops in Great Britain, which was solemnly presented to the Pope by Thomas Grant, President of the English College in Rome. This memorial ran: we most... solemnly declare to Your Holiness that British Diplomacy has everywhere been exerted to the injury of our Holy Religion. We read in the public Papers that Lord Minto is friendly received... by Your Holiness At this very time, however,... the first Minister of the British Government, the Son in Law of Lord Minto is publicly manifesting in England, together with his fellow Ministers, his marked opposition to the Catholic Religion and the Catholic Church. Another cause of our serious alarm is the very general hostile and calumnious outcry now made in both houses of our Parliament and throughout Protestant England against the Catholic Priests of Ireland, falsely charging them with being the abettors of the horrible crime of murder whilst as true Pastors they are striving t o . . . console their... perishing people and like good shepherds are in the midst of pestilence giving their lives for their flocks.
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Verbytskyi, Volodymyr. "Main Vectors of International Activity of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church." Roczniki Kulturoznawcze 12, no. 2 (June 17, 2021): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rkult21122-4.

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During the 1950s and 1980s, the Eastern Catholic Church (sharing the Byzantine tradition) was maintained in countries with a Ukrainian migrant diaspora. In the 1960s, this branched and organized church was formed in the Ukrainian diaspora. It was named the Ukrainian Catholic Church (UCC). The Galician Metropolitan Department was headed by Andriy Sheptytskyi until 1944, and after that Sheptytskyi was preceded by Yosyp Slipiy, who headed it until 1984. In addition to the Major Archbishop and Metropolitan Yosyp, this church included two dioceses (in the United States and Canada), a total of 18 bishops. It had about 1 million believers and 900 priests. The largest groups of followers of the union lived in France, Yugoslavia, Great Britain, Brazil, Argentina, and Australia. Today, the number of Greek Catholics in the world is more than 7 million. The international cooperation of denominations in the field of resolving historical traumas of the past seems to be quite productive. An illustrative example was shared on June 28, 2013. Preliminary commemorations of the victims of the 70th anniversary of the Volyn massacres, representatives of the UGCC and the Roman Catholic Church of Poland signed a joint declaration. The documents condemned the violence and called on Poles and Ukrainians to apologize and spread information about the violence. This is certainly a significant step towards reconciliation between the nations. The most obvious fact is that the churches of the Kyiv tradition—ОCU and UGCC, as well as Protestant churches (All-Ukrainian Union of Evangelical Churches—Pentecostals, Ukrainian Lutheran Church, German People’s Church)—are in favor of deepening the relations between Ukraine and the European Union. A transformation of Ukrainian community to a united Europe, namely in the European Union, which, in their view, is a guarantee of strengthening state sovereignty and ensuring the democratic development of countries and Ukrainian society.
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39

Waelkens, Marc, Edwin Owens, Ann Hasendonckx, and Burcu Arikan. "The Excavations at Sagalassos 1991." Anatolian Studies 42 (December 1992): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642953.

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During 1991 large-scale excavations at Sagalassos continued for their second season from 13 July until 5 September. The work was directed by Professor Marc Waelkens (Dept. of Archaeology, Catholic University of Leuven). A total of 42 scientists from various countries (Belgium, Turkey, Great Britain, Germany and Portugal) as well as 25 local workmen (supervised by Mr. Ali Toprak) carried out the work. The team included 20 archaeologists, 4 illustrators (supervised by G. Evsever and R. Kotsch), 4 architect-restorers (directed by Prof. R. Lemaire and Dr. K. Van Balen), 3 cartographers (directed by Prof. F Depuydt), 2 geologists (directed by Prof. W. Viaene), 2 geomorphologists (Prof. J. De Ploey and Prof. E. Paulissen), 1 archaeozoologist (Dr. W. Van Neer), 1 anthropologist (Dr. Chr. Charlier), 2 restorers for the small finds (directed by Miss K. Norman) and 1 photographer (P. Stuyven). The Turkish Antiquities Department was represented by Muhammet Alkan from the Sivas Museum, whom we thank for his help. Financial support came from the Research Council of the Catholic University of Leuven, the Belgian Fund for Collective Fundamental Research (F.K.F.O.), the Belgian Programme on Interuniversity Poles of Attraction (I.U.A.P. no 28), the National Bank of Belgium, the ASLK/CGER Bank, the tour operator ORION, the car rental company Interleasing, the restoration company E. G. Verstraete & Vanhecke N. V., Agfa-Gevaert films and the association “Friends of Sagalassos”.
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40

Hind, John. "Papal Primacy: An Anglican Perspective." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no. 33 (July 2003): 112–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005159.

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I am grateful to the Ecclesiastical Law Society and the Canon Law Society of Great Britain and Ireland for their invitation to address this theme, although I have to confess, as a non-lawyer, I do feel rather a fraud standing here. I take comfort, however, first from the fact that, albeit welcome, your invitation was unsought, and second from my understanding that the purpose of canon law is to give legal expression to the theology of the church and that the purpose of the theology of the Church (in its positive and articulated aspects) is to explain the purposes and the work of God. In other words, the ultimate point of canon law is and must be pastoral, as is well expressed by the last canon, Canon 1752, of the 1983 Code of Canon Law for the Roman Catholic Church, with its reference to ‘the salvation of souls, which in the Church must always be the supreme law’.
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41

Sloan, Robert. "O’Connell’s liberal rivals in 1843." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 117 (May 1996): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400012578.

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In 1843 Daniel O’Connell’s campaign for repeal of the Act of Union won the support of millions of Irish Catholics. This movement, of which the famous ‘monster meetings’ were the most striking feature, greatly alarmed adherents to the union in both Britain and Ireland. This article is concerned with the response of those M.P.s who supported the union but repudiated ‘Protestant ascendancy’ and advocated removal of the grievances of Ireland’s Catholic majority. There were about forty such ‘liberal-unionist’ members then in parliament, their landed influence and popular sympathies having enabled them to emerge relatively unscathed from the Whig electoral disaster of 1841. They were a mixed bag of Protestants and Catholics, Whigs and liberals, and they had as little idea of party unity as the stereotypical independent member of nineteenth-century fame. This picture of unco-ordinated individual activity was to change dramatically in response to the momentous events of what O’Connell called ‘the great Repeal Year’.
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ACLE-KREYSING, ANDREA. "A Neglected Religious Thinker: José María Blanco White (1775-1841)." Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 98, no. 6 (June 1, 2021): 561–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bhs.2021.32.

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‘Dissent is the great characteristic of liberty’ was the central tenet in the life of José María Blanco White (1775-1841), a Spanish exile in Britain, whose fame as a man of letters often obscures the fact that he was first and foremost a religious thinker. The milestones of his life were set by his conversions, from Catholicism to Anglicanism (1814), and finally to Unitarianism (1835). Yet his theological ideas continue to be the least researched part of his oeuvre, mostly due to the problematic reception of his work, so that the ex-Catholic Blanco White - rather than the Protestant Blanco White - continues to occupy centre stage. This article reconstructs the spiritual biography of Blanco White, showing how skilfully he navigated through the world of European Protestantism, arguing that it was in Observations on Heresy and Orthodoxy (1835) that he reached the peak of his creative powers as an original religious thinker.
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Depaepe, Marc. "Colonial education in the Congo - a question of “uncritical” pedagogy until the bitter end?" Encounters in Theory and History of Education 18 (December 2, 2017): 2–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/eoe-ese-rse.v18i0.6859.

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Our approach is a historical, and not a theoretical or a philosophical one. But such an approach might be of help to understand the complexities and ambiguities of the pedagogical mentalities in the course of the twentieth century. As is usually the case in historical research the groundwork has to precede the formulation of hypotheses, let alone theories about the nature of pedagogical practices. Therefore, since the 1990s, “we” (as a team) have been busy studying the history of education in the former Belgian Congo. Of course since then we have not only closely monitored the theoretical and methodological developments in the field of colonial historiography, but have ourselves also contributed to that history. This article tries to give an overview of some of our analyses, concentrating on the question to what extend the Belgian offensive of colonial (i.e. mainly Catholic) missionary education, which was almost exclusively targeted at “paternalism”, contributed to the development of personal life, individual autonomy and/or emancipation of the natives. From the rear-view mirror of history we are, among other things, zooming in on the crucial 1950s, during which decade thoughts first turned to the education of a (very limited) “elite”. The thesis we are using in this respect is that the “mental space” of colonialism was not of a nature as to have a very great widening of consciousness among the local population as its effect.
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Stefanchuk, Ruslan O., and Mykola O. Stefanchuk. "Features of legal regulation of the legal capacity of minors and problems of their emancipation." Journal of the National Academy of Legal Sciences of Ukraine 28, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 160–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37635/jnalsu.28(2).2021.160-170.

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This study investigated and established the specific features of the legal capacity of minors, as well as cases of granting them full civil legal capacity. The purpose of this study was to cover certain features of the implementation and protection of subjective civil rights of minors within their legal capacity, their emancipation and to develop specific proposals for improving the private law regulation of these relations. The study analysed the provisions of the current Ukrainian legislation on the legal regulation of relations on determining the scope of civil legal capacity of minors, as well as the legislative experience of foreign countries, in particular, France, Germany, Great Britain, the United States, etc. The authors of this study concluded that Ukrainian legislation is heterogeneous in nature, as well as that there are different legislative approaches to determining the age of majority of an individual, and to the scope of powers granted to minors. The study examined the foreign experience of legislative provision of minors with the opportunity to dispose of their property in case of their death, as well as the approach of the Ukrainian legislator in terms of governing these legal relations. Based on the analysis of Article 1234 of the Civil Code of Ukraine (hereinafter referred to as “the CCU”), the authors identified specific features of the right to make a will in terms of determining its subjects and concluded on the absence of legislative prohibition of making a will by a minor who has acquired full civil legal capacity in accordance with the procedure established by law. The position of scientists on the need for statutory consolidation of the ability of minors to make a will was supported, but with certain reservations conditioned by the provisions of the current civil legislation; the authors developed specific proposals for amendments to the CCU. It was concluded that a minor receives the status of a fully capable person in two ways – by granting and acquiring. At the same time, the granting of full civil legal capacity is interpreted as the adoption of an appropriate decision by the competent authority (in this case, the guardianship and custodianship authority or the court) provided the availability of grounds stipulated by law. Therewith, the acquisition of full civil legal capacity in the context of Part 2, Article 34 of the CCU is perceived as the result of independent performance of a legal action by a minor (in this case, marriage), which is stipulated by law and entails legal consequences in the form of obtaining full civil legal capacity without additional authorisation from other persons or the state
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45

Roesch, Claudia. "Pro Familia and the reform of abortion laws in West Germany, 1967–1983." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 3 (June 20, 2019): 297–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419854659.

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This article investigates the role of the West German family planning association Pro Familia in the abortion reform of the 1960s and 1970s. It examines the question of legal abortion from the perspective of reproductive decision-making and asks who was to make a decision about having an abortion in the reform process—the woman, her doctor, or a counsellor. During the early reform suggestions of §218 in the 1960s, Pro Familia supported the West German solution of allowing legal abortion only in medical emergencies. Opinions within the organization changed as leading members witnessed legalization in Great Britain and New York. The feminist movement and the Catholic opposition to legal abortion influenced positions in the reform phase of the 1970s. Meanwhile, Pro Familia put emphasis on compulsory pregnancy crisis counselling as aid in decision-making for individual women and a tool for putting a decision into practice. Throughout the reform process, Pro Familia continued to perceive legal abortion not as way to enable women to make their own decision but as a pragmatic solution to emergencies.
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Riches, Daniel. "The Rise of Confessional Tension in Brandenburg's Relations with Sweden in the Late-seventeenth Century." Central European History 37, no. 4 (December 2004): 568–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569161043419262.

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Thediplomatic and religious climate in Protestant Northern Europe during the era of Louis XIV was filled with competing and at times contradictory impulses, and the repercussions of Louis's expansionist and anti-Protestant policies on the relations between the Protestant states were varied and complex. Taken in conjunction with the ascension of Catholic James II in Britain in February 1685 and the succession of the Catholic House of Neuburg in the Palatinate following the death of the last Calvinist elector in May of that year, Louis's reintroduction of the mass ins the “reunited” territories and his increasing persecution of the Huguenots in France added to an acute sense among European Protestants that the survival of their religion was threatened. It is a well-established theme in the standard literature on seventeenth-century Europe that the culmination of Louis's attack on the Huguenots in his revocation of the Edict of Nantes in October 1685 galvanized the continents Protestant powers in a common sense of outrage and united them in a spirit of political cooperation against France. Indeed, such an astute contemporary observer as Leibniz was to write in the early 1690s that it appeared now “as if all of the north is opposed to the south of Europe; the great majority of the Germanic peoples are opposed to the Latins.” Even Bossuet had to declare that “your so-called Reformation … was never more powerful nor more united. All of the Protestants have joined forces. From the outside, the Reformation is very cohesive, more haughty and more menacing than ever.”
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47

Waelkens, Marc, and Edwin Owens. "The Excavations at Sagalassos 1993." Anatolian Studies 44 (December 1994): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642990.

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During 1993 the excavations at Sagalassos continued for their fourth season from 3 July until 19 August. From 21 until 28 August a survey was carried out in the district immediately south and south-east of the excavation site. The work was directed by Professor Marc Waelkens (Dept. of Archaeology, Catholic University of Leuven). A total of 45 Turkish workmen and 62 scientists or students from various countries (Belgium, Turkey, Great Britain, Portugal, France, Austria and Greece) were involved in the project. The team included 25 archaeologists, 8 illustrators, 8 architect-restorers (supervised by T. Patricio and directed by Prof. K. Van Balen and Prof. F. Hueber), 4 cartographers (directed by Prof. F. Depuydt), 2 geomorphologists (Prof. E. Paulissen and K. Vandaele), 2 archaeozoologists from the Museum of Central Africa at Tervuren (Belgium), 6 conservators (directed by G. Hibler-Vandenbulcke), 1 photographer (P. Stuyven), 2 computer specialists and 4 people taking care of everyday logistics. The Turkish Antiquities Department was represented by Mrs. Nurhan Ülgen for the first and by Mrs. Aliye Yamancı for the second half of the season, whom we both thank for their much appreciated help and collaboration.
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48

Kadi, Fabiola, and Helona Pani. "THE ALBANIAN EVANGELICAL CHURCH – A POWERFUL SYMBOL OF RESISTANCE IN THE TRANSMISSION OF KNOWLEDGE." Knowledge International Journal 34, no. 6 (October 4, 2019): 1749–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34061749k.

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It is a fact that Christianity is deeply rooted in the history of the Albanian nation, but, unfortunately, such a fact has opened the gate to endless discussions. This paper aims to highlight an important event in the history of Albania, which will influence the future history of this nation. During the nineteenth century, Protestants contributed significantly to the Albanian national issue through performing translations of several books of the Bible, at a time when books in Albanian language were very rare. Different foreign missionaries came to Albania to spread their religious views. They strongly influenced the opening of Albanian schools while Albanians, under Turkish rule, were forbidden to use their language, to learn to write, or read it. Gradually, the foreign missionaries were attended by Albanian intellectuals, who insist on the opening of the Albanian school and the education of Albanians in Albanian language. Interestingly, Protestantism was the only religious belief that supported Albanian writing and reading, while other religious beliefs exercised in Albania were the fiery opponents of every Albanian component. The Albanian language on one hand was opposed by the Greek Orthodox Church, on the other hand, by the Latin Catholic Church and above all, Ottoman rule opposed the teaching of the Albanian language in order to keep the Albanian people as subordinate as possible. It seems that Protestantism has emerged in all the countries where it has spread, supporting various national identities, but especially in Albania, it has played an important role in supporting the national identity of Albanians and the education of generations, especially of girls. The opening of the first Albanian girls' school in the city of Korça keeps the seal of the Protestant church and it has had a great impact in the future for the emancipation of Albanian society, of women and girls who are oppressed and printed in many directions. Sevasti Qiriazi, as a representative of the Protestant church in Korça, and the first teacher in Albania, will protect the school and try to support the spread of the Albanian language at all costs. Through the spread of faith in Albanian, the first Protestants in Albania conveyed not only knowledge, but also great human, moral, and educational values to people who were suffering, but eager for knowledge and development. The Protestant Albanian movement was actually an 'Albanian spiritual movement' with religious, educational, national and cultural values and purposes. For several decades, during the communist regime in Albania, a good part of the influence of protestants in the country was denied and all efforts were made to overshadow the influence of Protestantism towards education and emancipation of Albanians in this period. Today, after many years of shadow, Protestantism is again one of the religions that are practiced in Albania and numerous efforts are being made to discover many of the unknown elements of the positive influence that this belief had in educating Albanians over the years.
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49

Griffin, John R. "Great Britain and the Holy See, The Diplomatic Relations Questions, 1846–1852. By James P. Flint. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2003. xvii + 301 pp. $39.95 cloth." Church History 73, no. 3 (September 2004): 697–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700098498.

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50

KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 65, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1991): 67–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002017.

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-A. James Arnold, Michael Gilkes, The literate imagination: essays on the novels of Wilson Harris. London: Macmillan, 1989. xvi + 180 pp.-Jean Besson, John O. Stewart, Drinkers, drummers, and decent folk: ethnographic narratives of village Trinidad. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press, 1989. xviii + 230 pp.-Hymie Rubinstein, Neil Price, Behind the planter's back. London: MacMillan, 1988. xiv + 274 pp.-Robert Dirks, Joseph M. Murphy, Santería: an African religion in America. Boston: Beacon Press, 1988. xi + 189 pp.-A.J.R. Russell-Wood, Joseph C. Miller, Way of Death: merchant capitalism and the Angolan slave trade, 1720-1830. Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1988. xxx + 770 pp.-Anne Pérotin-Dumon, Lawrence C. Jennings, French reaction to British slave Emancipation. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988. ix + 228 pp.-Mary Butler, Hilary McD. Beckles, White servitude and black slavery in Barbados, 1627-1715. Knoxville: University of Tennesse Press, 1989. xv + 218 pp.-Franklin W, Knight, Douglas Hall, In miserable slavery: Thomas Thistlewod in Jamaica, 1750-1786. London: MacMillan, 1989. xxi + 322 pp.-Ruby Hope King, Harry Goulbourne, Teachers, education and politics in Jamaica 1892-1972. London: Macmillan, 1988. x + 198 pp.-Mary Turner, Francis J. Osbourne S.J., History of the Catholic Church in Jamaica. Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1988. xi + 532 pp.-Christina A. Siracusa, Robert J. Alexander, Biographical dictionary of Latin American and Caribbean political leaders. New York, Westport, London: Greenwood Press, 1988. x + 509 pp.-Sue N. Greene, Brenda F. Berrian ,Bibliography of women writers from the Caribbean (1831-1986). Washington D.C.: Three Continents Press, 1989. 360 pp., Aart Broek (eds)-Romain Paquette, Singaravélou, Pauvreté et développement dans les pays tropicaux, hommage a Guy Lasserre. Bordeaux: Centre d'Etudes de Géographie Tropicale-C.N.R.S./CRET-Institut de Gépgraphie, Université de Bordeaux III, 1989. 585 PP.-Robin Cohen, Simon Jones, Black culture, white youth: the reggae traditions from JA to UK. London: Macmillan, 1988. xxviii + 251 pp.-Bian D. Jacobs, Malcom Cross ,Lost Illusions: Caribbean minorities in Britain and the Netherlands. London: Routledge, 1988. 316 pp., Han Entzinger (eds)
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