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Journal articles on the topic 'Catholic emancipation'
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1
Zhan, Bofeng. "The Catholic Emancipation in the 1920s in Ireland." Communications in Humanities Research 5, no. 1 (September 14, 2023): 405–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/5/20230339.
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During the period 1825-1829, the New Catholic Association was a major event in the Catholic Emancipation of Ireland. Unlike other Irish Catholic organizations in the past, the New Catholic Association was an organization led by Catholic farmers under the leadership of priests. They formed a powerful force through extensive social mobilization and finally forced the British Parliament to pass the Catholic Relief Bill, which took a big step forward in the liberation of Irish Catholics. Among them, the means by which Catholics mobilized Catholic farmers are worth studying. The article will analyze the situation of the classes before The Catholic Emancipation and try to explain why the clergy and farmers ultimately went towards cooperation.
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Geoghegan, Patrick M. "THE CATHOLICS AND THE UNION." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 10 (December 2000): 243–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440100000128.
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AbstractIN late-1800, after the passing of the Union, Lord Cornwallis wrote a carefully argued paper on Catholic emancipation in which he posed the chilling question:What then have we done? We have united ourselves to a people whom we ought in policy to have destroyed.That Cornwallis, one of the leading proponents of both the Union and Catholic emancipation, should have put the question in such stark terms is revealing. For him, Union without emancipation was worthless; the government would not secure the loyalty of the country, and there would never be a genuine uniting of the peoples on the two islands. The lord-lieutenant's analysis summed up the challenge facing the government towards the end of 1800: how to reconcile the claims of the Catholics with the fears of the Protestants before the beginning of the united kingdom on 1 January. This was a critical issue, because over the previous two years the government had tried to make the Union appear all things to all men, and all creeds. For some, the Union was supported because it seemed to be the best mechanism for securing Catholic emancipation; for others it was welcomed as a way of closing the door on the Catholics for ever. The political crisis of 1801 was a direct result of this confusion and culminated in both the collapse of the ministry and the end of Cornwallis's hopes of making the Union complete.
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Stack, John A. "Catholic Members of Parliament who Represented British Constituencies, 1829–1885: A Prosopographical Analysis." Recusant History 24, no. 3 (May 1999): 335–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002557.
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In an 1885 article on ‘Roman Catholics and Parliamentary Representation,’ The Times suggested ‘it is a strange thing that although the Catholic Emancipation Bill was passed in 1829, very few members of that faith have succeeded in holding seats for English constituencies.’ During the past few decades a number of historians have published important studies of the electoral influence of Catholics in the nineteenth century, but most of these works have paid little attention to the Catholics who were Members of Pariliament. But any attempt to understand the Catholic contribution to public life in the nineteenth century surely requires an analysis of the Catholic M.P.s.
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Kochetkova, M. V. "O'Connell and the struggle for the emancipation of the catholics." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/20-4/03.
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The aim of the study was to examine the most significant achievement in Irish Nationalism, which was embodied in the trend of moral force, the Emancipation of Catholics and the role of D. O'Connell in this process. After the introduction of the Union between Ireland and Great Britain in 1801, after the suppression of the 1803 uprising among the Irish nationalists, the apologists of the constitutional way of achieving self-government remained only one way, granting Catholics equal political rights. Automatically, Catholics were not prohibited from being elected as deputies or holding public office. But due to the fact that when entering these positions it was required to give the Crown a double oath, secular and religious, Anglican, Catholics could not give such a second oath. Consequently, Emancipation meant the liberation of Catholics from the religious part of the oath to the Crown. All attempts to pass a law on emancipation within the framework of Westminster ended in the defeat of the initiative of the Irish commoners, it became obvious that a different method of achieving the goal was needed. It was developed by the leader of the Nationalists D. O'Connell. The essence of the new system of struggle was to create a massive, regulated movement of the entire Nation for the political rights of Catholics. It included holding rallies, setting up a press of its own, and the introduction of a Catholic Rent designed to fund the movement from donations. Thus, for the first time in European history, a massive, nationwide, controlled movement was created. As a result of these innovations, Westminster passed the Catholic Emancipation Act in 1829. O'Connell's role in this victory was decisive.
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DAVIS, RICHARD W. "Wellington, the Constitution and Catholic Emancipation." Parliamentary History 15, no. 2 (March 17, 2008): 209–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1996.tb00324.x.
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Kingon, Suzanne T. "Ulster opposition to Catholic emancipation, 1828–9." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 134 (November 2004): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004260.
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The centre stage of early nineteenth-century Irish politics has long been held by Daniel O’Connell and the Catholic Association. This may be justifiable, as O’Connell created a mass constitutional movement for liberal reform out of a Catholic, peasant population on the fringe of Europe. Less justifiable is the single perspective that sees the struggle for Catholic emancipation as Catholic Ireland’s battle with the British establishment. In 1828 and 1829 there was also a massive Protestant political campaign in Ireland. This centred on the new Brunswick Clubs and Ulster. Yet anti-Catholic and Ulster politics merit few sentences in narratives of these years. Indeed, there is a general neglect of Ulster politics in the first half of the nineteenth century. Presbyterianism, the evangelical revival, Catholicism, sectarian conflict, the Orange Order, the Irish Yeomanry, the economy and the growth of Belfast as a city have all received detailed treatment, but the nuances of politics remain vague. The Catholic Association appears to have reduced Ulster’s importance in shaping political developments in the island as a whole from its high-water mark of the 1790s. This does not, however, justify simply leaving Ulster out of the story. This article aims to look at the Ulster anti-emancipation campaign and to correct the skewed picture of Ireland in these years.
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Yazykova, Ekaterina A. "Robert Southey – Protector of the Church of England." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 22, no. 3 (September 23, 2022): 329–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2022-22-3-329-336.
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This article is devoted to thestudy of the position of the Church of England at the turn of the XVIII–XIXcenturies, aswell as the analysis of the discussions caused by the need for Catholic emancipation. A prominent thinker and publicist of that time, Robert Southey, took a prominent place in these discussions. Discussions about Catholic emancipation revealed problematic contradictions in the political, religious and cultural discourse of the Romantic era in England.
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Fedorak, Charles John. "Catholic Emancipation and the Resignation of William Pitt in 1801." Albion 24, no. 1 (1992): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051242.
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The resignation of William Pitt in 1801 remains one of the most controversial developments in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century British parliamentary politics. At the time few believed that Pitt's dispute with George III over the issue of removing the political disabilities imposed on Roman Catholics in Ireland—also known as Catholic emancipation—was the real reason behind his decision, and many alternative explanations arose within parliamentary circles. Nevertheless, Pitt's closest adherents insisted that the Catholic question was solely responsible for the resignation, and this debate has been carried on by historians, with John Holland Rose and Richard Willis leading the side supporting Pitt's claim and David Barnes and Piers Mackesy the more sceptical side. Such a debate that has raged back and forth for almost two centuries might seem pedantic, but it deserves another look because historians should provide an accurate representation of events and the debate has overlooked some important aspects of the question. Moreover, the whole episode is relevant to the larger issue of the power relationship between the king and his ministers. Therefore, this article addresses four points: the degree of Pitt's commitment to Catholic emancipation; whether the resignation was constitutionally necessary; other factors that were involved in his decision to resign such as his physical and mental health and the serious divisions in the Cabinet over the war and how to handle the grain crisis; and the implications of the resignation for the relationship between the king and the executive.
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Shepard, Mary B. ""Our Fine Gothic Magnificence": The Nineteenth-Century Chapel at Costessey Hall (Norfolk) and Its Medieval Glazing." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 54, no. 2 (June 1, 1995): 186–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990967.
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Constructed soon after the relaxation of laws forbidding Roman Catholic worship but twenty years prior to formal emancipation in 1829, the Gothic Revival chapel at Costessey Hall (Norfolk) was sumptuously glazed with over eighty panels of medieval stained glass dispersed from their original ecclesiastical contexts. This study examines the chapel at Costessey (1809) and its import within the context of Roman Catholic Emancipation in England and the aristocratic claims of its patron, Sir William Jerningham (1736-1809). As an integral monument, the Costessey chapel constituted an extraordinary coalescence of architecture and glazing in which medieval stained glass re-employed as medieval artifact both embodied and revitalized the spirits of its creators. Although the chapel was destroyed in the early twentieth century, it is possible to assess its appearance and that of its glazing program through descriptions, drawings, engravings, and photographs. By placing the Costessey chapel within the context of the Jerningham family history and their role within the movement for Catholic Emancipation, as well as by examining the family's connection with the Catholic bishop John Milner (a champion of the use of Gothic architecture for Roman Catholic building) it is possible to understand the chapel at Costessey as representing not only the distinguished lineage and religious legacy of its builder, but also the legitimacy of the Roman Catholic faith in a turbulent time of social and religious change.
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Sedinkin, Alexander N. "EVOLUTION OF THE ATTITUDE OF ARTHUR WELLESLEY, 1ST DUKE OF WELLINGTON, TO THE PROBLEM OF CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 30, no. 1 (June 28, 2024): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2024-30-1-67-74.
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Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington (hereinafter the duke), was a staunch Tory. However, the consequences of the industrial revolution forced him to compromise. Changes in the economy have transformed the usual social order. Factory owners and bankers demanded access to political power. After them, others demanded equality. The duke, who held the post of prime minister, had to face Irish Catholics, demanding lifting of the ban on sitting in the Parliament and holding certain public positions. Thus, the duke in 1829 carried out the emancipation of Catholics, a liberal reform that destroyed the old political system. At the same time, the duke did not change his beliefs. He grew up in Catholic Ireland and knew Catholics. The duke was afraid of the increasing influence of the Catholic clergy rather than the denomination proper. Previously, the duke had put forward various options to neutralise this threat. The duke considered the higher clergy and landowners of other faiths worthy of gaining access to the government of the country. By destroying the old political system, the aristocratic duke took the opportunity to strengthen the dominance of the former elite. The property qualification was increased for Irish voters. The duke agreed to grant the Catholic political rights, since this did not violate the existing social order.
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Newbould, Ian, and Wendy Hinde. "Catholic Emancipation: A Shake to Men's Minds." American Historical Review 98, no. 5 (December 1993): 1608. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167129.
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Wallis, Frank H. "Catholic Emancipation: A Shake to Men's Minds." History: Reviews of New Books 22, no. 1 (July 1993): 29–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1993.9950809.
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Keogh, Richard A. "‘from education, from duty, and from principle’: Irish Catholic loyalty in context, 1829-1874." British Catholic History 33, no. 3 (March 30, 2017): 421–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2017.5.
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The passage of the Emancipation Act in 1829 presented an opportunity for Catholics to reimagine their loyalty as equal subjects for the first time under the union between Great Britain and Ireland. This article explores the way Catholic loyalty was conceived in the decades that followed the act of 1829 through to the mid 1870s, when there was renewed focus on the civil allegiance of Catholics following the declaration of Papal infallibility. Historians are increasingly exploring a range of social, political and religious identities in nineteenth century Ireland, beyond the rigid binary paradigm of Catholic nationalisms and Protestant loyalisms that has dominated Irish historiography. However, Catholic loyalty in particular remains an anachronism and lacks sufficient conceptual clarity. Our understanding of a specifically Catholic variant of loyalty and its public and associational expression, beyond a number of biographical studies of relatively unique individuals, remains limited. By providing an exposition of episodes in the history of Catholic loyalty in the early and mid-Victorian years this article illuminates the phenomenon. It demonstrates that Irish Catholic loyalty took on different expressive forms, which were dependent on the individuals proclaiming their loyalty, their relationship to the objects of their loyalty, and its reception by the British state and Protestant establishment.
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Herzog, Dagmar. "Anti-Judaism in Intra-Christian Conflict: Catholics and Liberals in Baden in the 1840s." Central European History 27, no. 3 (September 1994): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900010220.
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This essay examines the paradoxical relationship between Jewish emancipation and the revival of Catholic neoorthodoxy in the years preceding the revolutions of 1848/49. My focus is on the Grand Duchy of Baden, renowned as the most liberal of all the nineteenth-century German states. The rise of neoorthodoxy in Baden provoked political liberals to rethink the relationship between church and state and, consequently, through a conjunction of circumstance, to make Jewish emancipation a central plank in their political platfrom. The Jewish emancipation implemented by the liberals in the revolutionary years, however, would be heavily burdened from its inception by the manner in which the new Catholic “religious right” deployed anti-Jewish rhetoric in its struggle for religious and political influence.
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Davis, Richard W. "Wellington and the “Open Question”: The Issue of Catholic Emancipation, 1821–1829." Albion 29, no. 1 (1997): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051594.
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For all the recognition of the immense importance of Catholic Emancipation, both in itself and for what it is supposed to have led to (most notably, parliamentary reform), significant questions still surround it. Why, after Daniel O'Connell's victory in County Clare in June 1828 precipitated a crisis, did that crisis drag on for more than six months of perpetual wavering and mixed signals from the British government? Why was a cabinet not summoned? Why did the prime minister so long refuse either to confide in or to remove the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland? Finally, what was the likely effect of these months of shuffling and confusion in shaping the course of politics in the years to come?The Duke of Wellington is central to answering such questions. Before 1828, Wellington was a key player whose doubts and fears were broadly representative of those that reshaped the positions of many of emancipation's most powerful opponents and brought them around to the necessity of accepting the measure. In 1828 and 1829 as prime minister, Wellington made decisions that were critical in determining how the measure would be carried. Some of those decisions had an important bearing on how emancipation was received in the country and therefore on the political divisions that followed.The explanation usually given for the government's failure to act is that the king refused to permit it and would not allow the cabinet to consider the matter. In January, when the king asked Wellington to form a government, he had stipulated and the duke had agreed that Catholic Emancipation should not be a government measure.
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Carter, Brian. "Catholic Charitable Endeavour in London, 1810–1840. Part I." Recusant History 25, no. 3 (May 2001): 487–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200030326.
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The primary focus of this article centres on the two decades that form the prelude to Catholic Emancipation although reference is made to activity outside this time frame and to cities other than London. Charitable endeavour is taken to include all individual voluntary effort to sustain and support Catholic churches, schools and other Catholic organisations in need of assistance. It also relates to assistance given to individuals in need of help. Such ‘endeavour’ also encompasses group and community-based voluntary activity. While it may seem unnecessary to define charitable endeavour, Mary J. Oates in a recent study on the Catholic philanthropic tradition in America heavily circumscribes what she means by the term, and excludes a number of subjects from her examination, thus:Not all contributions to the Church are philanthropic. For example, contributions to support the local pastor, Church, and parish programs which chiefly benefit the congregation itself, do not qualify as charitable giving. Nor do gifts by individual Catholics to extra-ecclesial philanthropic causes.
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Sanderson, Mary Louise. "Limited Liberties: Catholics and the Policies of the Pitt Ministry in an Early Modern Context." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 4 (October 2020): 737–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.126.
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AbstractThis article contributes to current debates about the role of religion in governance in the late eighteenth century British Atlantic world by examining the Pitt ministry's policies regarding Catholic subjects in England, Quebec, and Ireland in an early modern context. Starting with an overview of early modern attempts to find a compromise between Catholic subjects and their Protestant rulers, this article shows how the Pitt ministry reused these earlier approaches in its efforts to respond to Catholic subjects during of the age of revolution. Focusing on the English Catholic Relief Act of 1791, the Canada Constitutional Act, and the ministry's unimplemented plans for Catholic emancipation, the article argues that these policies were all shaped in part around the idea that Catholic subjects could be allowed greater freedoms, and even access to political influence in some cases, if their faith was contained through Gallican-style restrictions. These restrictions varied from requiring new oaths to attempting to establish the government's right to select Catholic bishops. Each policy resulted in notably different outcomes based on the location and potential power of the Catholic subjects that they affected. The common goal, however, was to attenuate the Catholics’ connection to the papacy and increase government influence over the Catholic Church in British territory while also upholding the ultimate supremacy of the Anglican Church.
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Erb, Peter C. "Some Aspects of Modern British Catholic Literature: Apologetic in the Novels of Josephine Ward." Recusant History 24, no. 3 (May 1999): 364–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002570.
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However strongly some authors may oppose the adjective ‘Catholic’ as limiting their vocation, a recognisable body of British Catholic literature does exist from the mid-nineteenth century. Its boundaries are not always easily definable since its origins are mixed. It was moulded initially by pre- and post-Emancipation renewals, the number and energy of the new converts from the Oxford Movement, the effects of Irish immigration, and the anti-Catholic rhetoric in both Protestant revivals and rising liberal secular thought. As a result British Catholicism formed a distinctive apologetic, which marked its literature from the beginning. Thus, Newman’s Loss and Gain: The Story of a Convert (1848) made the case for Catholicism against Elizabeth Harris’s novel, From Oxford to Rome, and in his Lectures on the Present Position of Catholics (1851) he defended the faith during the ‘Papal Aggression’ fury. Similarly, both Wiseman and Newman responded to anti-Catholic caricatures in Charles Kingsley’s Hypatia (1851) with their own fictional depictions of the early Church, Fabiola (1854) and Callista (1856) respectively.
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Sobieska, A. E. "‘Red Evas.’ Soviet emancipation in the interwar Polish press." Voprosy literatury, no. 4 (August 9, 2023): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31425/0042-8795-2023-4-121-141.
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The article dwells on portrayals of Russian women in the interwar discourse of the Polish press. The study attempts to reinterpret them and deconstruct the gender stereotypes responsible for inaccuracies in the depictions. Analysis of the assessments offered for the phenomenon of post-1917 Soviet emancipation by the interwar Polish press (national-Catholic, leftist, and feminist publications) centres on discussions of emancipation in the labour market and Russian women taking over typically masculine roles. Among the ‘female’ topics directly related to the perception of the new Soviet culture was the ‘Soviet experiment:’ women gained access to what used to be exclusively male professions. Sadly, reports of Soviet emancipation in the selected titles often boil down to a few suggestions about changes in the Soviet woman’s life described as Bolshevik manipulations. It appears, therefore, that Polish-Russian cultural contacts were compromised by the Polish disorientating gender role models and related ideas of the Polish identity, distorted by the misogyny, nationalism, patriarchalism, and Catholic traditions of Polish culture.
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Kantyka, Przemysław. "Anglikanizm i odrodzenie katolicyzmu na tle sytuacji religijnej w XIX-wiecznej Anglii." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 13 (June 15, 2016): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2016.13.5.
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The article describes the religious situation in the 19th-century England with special emphasis on the position of Anglicanism and Catholicism. First, it examines the situation of the Church of England with its rise of the Oxford Movement and transformation of Anglicanism into a worldwide community. Subsequently, the paper describes the renaissance of Catholicism in the new circumstances following the enactment of Catholic Emancipation Bill . Finally, it mentions the first attempts at a dialogue between Anglicans and Catholics. All these historical developments are shown in the context of life and conversion of John Henry Newman.
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Sengers, Erik. "‘Begin met moed onder Gods zegen’." Religie & Samenleving 14, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 272–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.54195/rs.11565.
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The pillarization of Dutch society is a much-studied phenomenon. Generally, four theories explain the rise of this societal constellation: emancipation of religious minorities, protection of religious minorities, modernization and mobilization, and pacification of minorities’ interests. This paper evaluates these four theories with the case of the social activists of Berne Abbey. This abbey is part of the Norbertine order and between 1890 and 1940, it hosted four priests who were deeply engaged in the social question, particularly concerning farmers, small entrepreneurs and employers. They founded and organized catholic professional organizations and cooperations for members, and ultimately contributed to catholic corporative society in the Netherlands. The conclusion is that before 1906-1916 – when bishops ordered exclusively catholic organizations – emancipation thesis is valid, but after that period the protection thesis. Also: for members modernization thesis can explain the case, but for leaders in the movement, social pacification was an important motivation. The pillar was not a monolith, and originated in reaction to external and internal tensions.
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Fay, Jessica. "A Question of Loyalty: Wordsworth and the Beaumonts, Catholic Emancipation and Ecclesiastical Sketches." Romanticism 22, no. 1 (April 2016): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/rom.2016.0253.
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In the Roman Catholic Emancipation debate, William Wordsworth took the opposite view to his friend and patron Sir George Beaumont. Whilst Wordsworth's position as a committed anti-emancipationist is well-known, this essay explores the Beaumonts’ Catholic heritage and their political allegiances. This contextual material provides a backdrop for a reading of a previously un-noted document that Lady Beaumont sent to the Wordsworths in 1809: ‘An account of an English Hermit’. This pamphlet, by an unknown Anglican clergyman (Thomas Barnard), describes the life of an unknown nonjuror (Thomas Gardiner). Analysis of the manuscript, and the circumstances of its circulation, resituates Wordsworth's objections to Emancipation and casts new light on the tone of his Ecclesiastical Sketches (1822). I explore how Wordsworth uses the ‘Advertisement’ to the sonnets in order to counter any resentment the anti-Catholic publication may have engendered between the poet and Sir George, and conclude with a close reading of ‘Catechising’.
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O'Brien, Gerard. "Robert Peel and the Pursuit of Catholic Emancipation, 1813-17." Archivium Hibernicum 43 (1988): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25487485.
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Maulana, Abdullah Muslich Rizal. "Irshad Manji on Hermeneutics: Reconsidering Her Method of Interpretation of LGBT-Q Verses in Al-Qur’an." AT-TURAS: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 74–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33650/at-turas.v8i1.1662.
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A Canadian Muslim Reformist, Irshad Manji, has strived to introduce her thoughts concerning the emancipation of LGBT-Q rights around the world. Accordingly, She offered a ‘reformed interpretation’ of The Qur’an to reveal alternatives of theological understanding regarding some verses about LGBT-Q. This paper will enquire Manji’s fundamental idea and the method in commenting and interpreting LGBT-Q verses in the Qur’an, as her endeavor was considered closely similar to Hermeneutics, a method of interpretation developed in the Catholic-Christian World. This paper found the domination of Hermeneutics on Manji’s attempt in understanding the Qur’an constructing her argumentation about LGBT-Q. In the perspective of Science of Qur’an and Tafsir, Manji has manipulated Qur’anic verses to support her campaign emancipating LGBT-Q rights in the whole domains, especially in their sexual expression.
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Stachura-Lupa, Renata. "Mistycyzm – konserwatyzm – emancypacja. Lucjan Siemieński czyta św. Teresę z Ávili." Przegląd Humanistyczny, no. 67/1 (October 11, 2023): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2657-599x.ph.2023-2.3.
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The paper is devoted to the question of how Lucjan Siemieński perceived St. Teresa of Ávila, a Spanish mystic, and her works. Siemieński’s interest in mysticism developed in the 1870s, i.e., in the last stage of his life, which the poet spent in Cracow. It reflects both his fascination with the European tradition, which, as a translator, he assimilated into the Polish culture since adolescence, and the conviction (shared with conservatives from Cracow) about the important role of the Catholic Church in history. Familiarizing the Polish reader with the life and work of the Spanish saint, Siemieński emphasizes the practical and intellectual aspects of her apostolic mission. In his essay, the gender of the protagonist in no way determines her social or religious position. The critic does not address the emancipatory dimension of her activities. By presenting her image to the readers and translating her poetry into Polish, he supports the tradition of Catholic literature and Catholicism, hoping that they will contribute to the revival of the nation.
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DAVIS, RICHARD W. "The House of Lords, the Whigs and Catholic Emancipation 1806-1829." Parliamentary History 18, no. 1 (March 17, 2008): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1999.tb00356.x.
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Phillips, Peter. "Re-Evaluating John Lingard's History of England." Recusant History 28, no. 4 (October 2007): 529–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011651.
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It has become customary to regard John Lingard as the last, and perhaps finest, of the cisalpine historians, a case powerfully developed in the pages of Joseph Chinnici's The English Catholic Enlightenment, and elsewhere. One of the last generation of students to be trained at the English College, Douai, Lingard would here have been introduced to the Gallican writings of Claude Fleury and his contemporaries which gave shape to English cisalpinism. The first edition of his History of England (1819–1830) was written at least partially with the intention of paving the way for Catholic emancipation which the cisalpine Catholics had so long struggled to achieve. At the same time, this work succeeded in offering a far more forthright challenge to the Protestant reading of English history, fashioned so cogently in the early decades of the eighteenth century, than Lingard's cisalpine forebears would have been prepared to make: Lingard was moving on and is better understood as belonging to a period of transition for the Catholic community in England. Revisions in later editions bring Lingard's intentions even more to the fore. Never quite at ease with figures such as John Milner and Nicholas Wiseman, his onetime pupil and future Cardinal, and certainly not accepting their strident ultramontanism, Lingard is closer to them in his historical studies than sometimes he, or they, realised.
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Nyanto, Salvatory. "“Waliletwa na Kengele ya Kanisa!”: Discourses of Slave Emancipation and Conversion at Ndala Catholic Mission in Western Tanzania, 1896-1913." Tanzania Journal of Sociology 2 (June 30, 2017): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tajoso.v2i.6.
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Religious discourse has recently attracted attention of anthropologists in Tanzania looking at Christian-Muslim relations and Islamic revivalism within specific social and political contexts. This paper contributes to the existing knowledge of religious discourse in Tanzania by looking at the discourses of slave emancipation and conversion at Ndala within the historical context, that is, from 1896 to 1913. The paper relies on the missionary reports in the diary of Ndala Catholic Mission, secondary sources, and interviews collected at Ndala with descendants of former slaves. The paper employs Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as a framework to examine vocabularies, expressions, the social contexts and effects of the discourses of men and women about slavery, emancipation, and conversion at Ndala. The paper also relies on Ruth Wodak’s discourse historical method to analyse the social processes, in historical context, of slave emancipation and conversion reported in the diary of Ndala, written sources, and the interviews of descendants of former slaves.
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Hill, Jacqueline. "THE LANGUAGE AND SYMBOLISM OF CONQUEST IN IRELAND, c. 1790–1850." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 18 (November 10, 2008): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440108000698.
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ABSTRACTThe question of whether Ireland had been conquered by England has received some attention from historians of eighteenth-century Ireland, mainly because it preoccupied William Molyneux, author of the influential The Case of Ireland . . . Stated (1698). Molyneux defended Irish parliamentary rights by denying the reality of a medieval conquest of Ireland by English monarchs, but he did allow for what could be called ‘aristocratic conquest’. The seventeenth century, too, had left a legacy of conquest, and this paper examines evidence of consciousness among Irish Protestants of descent from ancestral conquerors. It considers how and why this consciousness took a more pronounced sectarian turn during the 1790s. Williamite anniversaries, increasingly associated with the Orange Order, became identified in the Catholic mind as symbolic reminders of conquest. Thanks to the protracted struggle for ‘Catholic emancipation’, this issue continued to feature in political debate about Ireland well into the nineteenth century, while the passing of the Act of Union (1800) revitalised the older debate about whether England could be said to have conquered Ireland. Liberal Protestants and Catholics contended that England had invariably intervened to prevent any possibility of reconciliation between conquerors and conquered. Thus the language of conquest remained highly adaptable.
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Kenny, Colum. "The exclusion of catholics from the legal profession in Ireland, 1537-1829." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 100 (November 1987): 337–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025049.
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Between the Reformation and catholic emancipation a succession of statutory and other provisions was framed by the authorities in Dublin and London with the intention of enforcing religious conformity Persons who refused to conform were rendered liable to various disabilities and penalties of a severe nature. Discrimination became widespread in the first half of the eighteenth century with what were collectively known as the penal laws. These contained general provisions which touched all citizens in relation to many aspects of their lives, especially the holding of land. But from 1537 there were also specific measures aimed at particular groups, including the legal profession. These measures ensured that appointments to the bench could continue to be manipulated on the basis of loyalty to the established church. Long after the first relaxation of the penal laws, catholic lawyers who refused to conform were still excluded from the higher ranks of the legal profession. The purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which statutory and other requirements, introduced from 1537 onwards, were effective in excluding Roman Catholics from legal practice and in achieving outward religious conformity among lawyers between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries.
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Atherstone, Andrew. "The Canonisation of the Forty English Martyrs: An Ecumenical Dilemma." Recusant History 30, no. 4 (October 2011): 573–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200013194.
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In October 1970, amidst jubilant celebrations at St Peter's in Rome, Pope Paul VI canonised forty English and Welsh martyrs as saints. Auberon Waugh called it ‘the biggest moment for English Catholicism since Catholic emancipation in 1829’. It marked the culmination of a long campaign which had begun in earnest in the mid-nineteenth century under Cardinals Wiseman and Manning, shortly after the restoration of the Catholic hierarchy. By 1935 nearly two hundred Reformation martyrs had been beatified, but only two of these had been canonised, John Fisher and Thomas More—the first Englishmen to be made saints since John of Bridlington in 1401. After the hiatus of the Second World War, the cause was revived in 1960 seeking the canonisation of another forty English martyrs. All were Roman Catholics executed under the Tudor and Stuart monarchs or the Puritan Commonwealth, ranging from Carthusian monks who fell foul in 1535 of Henry VIII's Act of Supremacy, to seminary priests who were caught up in the ‘Popish Plot’ against Charles II in 1679. All but six of the forty had been hung, drawn and quartered, many of them on the gallows at Tyburn.
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NICGHABHANN, NIAMH. "‘A development of practical Catholic Emancipation’: laying the foundations for the Roman Catholic urban landscape, 1850–1900." Urban History 46, no. 1 (May 29, 2018): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926818000226.
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ABSTRACT:The infrastructures of devotion and religious worship in Ireland changed dramatically during the course of the nineteenth century. This article examines the foundation stone ceremonies that marked the beginning of several large-scale building Roman Catholic church building projects between 1850 and 1900, and in particular considers the extent to which these highly visible and ceremonial events prefigured the more permanent occupation of public space by the new buildings. These foundation stone ceremonies were complex events that reflected contemporary political issues such as land rights as much as they engaged with the spiritual concerns of the Roman Catholic congregations in Ireland during this period.
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Boynton, Lindsay. "Gillows’ Furnishings for Catholic Chapels, 1750-1800." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 363–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012560.
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When Catholic Emancipation came at last in 1829 it was the culmination of half a century’s agitation. The first landmark was the Relief Act of 1778, which repealed most of the penal legislation of the 1690S, and the second was the Act of 1791, which, in effect, removed penal restraint on Catholic worship in England. Of course, both the anti-Catholic hysteria of the Gordon Riots which followed the 1778 Act and the repression after the rebellions of 1715 and ’45 have remained vivid in the national memory. On the other hand, we ought to recall how Defoe observed that Durham was full of Catholics, Svho live peaceably and disturb nobody, and nobody them; for we … saw them going as publickly to mass as the Dissenters did on other days to their meetinghouse.’ After the death of the Old Pretender in 1766 the Pope recognized George III de facto and ordered the Catholic Church to pay no royal honours to ‘Charles III’. The penal laws on church-going were now only lightly enforced and then usually at the behest of informers, until the 1778 Act frustrated them, since it was no longer illegal for a priest to say Mass. Thomas Weld of Lulworth Castle (the head of probably the richest Catholic family in the kingdom) maintained six chaplains in different houses; his ability to do so must have been helped by the fact that the Lulworth estate had not paid the double land tax, for which it was theoretically liable, since 1725.* Mr Weld deliberately flouted the remaining archaic laws by building a handsome chapel in his grounds (‘truly elegant,—a Pantheon in miniature,—and ornamented with immense expense and richness’, said Fanny Burney).
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Herbich, Tomasz. "Nadprzyrodzoność a wyzwolenie człowieka. Wokół związków religii i emancypacji w pismach Stanisława Brzozowskiego." Przegląd Humanistyczny, no. 67/1 (October 11, 2023): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2657-599x.ph.2023-2.6.
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The article characterizes two different variants of the relationship between religion and emancipation that appear in Stanisław Brzozowski’s writings. A comparison of the two articles (Religia i społeczeństwo [Religion and Society] and Alfred Loisy i zagadnienia modernizmu katolickiego [Alfred Loisy and the Issues of Catholic Modernism]), written over a period of only three years, leads to the conclusion that the radical change in the philosopher’s views on the relationship between the supernatural and human activity is the key to interpreting the difference in his opinions on religion. At the end of the article, however, I draw attention to the fact that both positions – negating religion from an emancipatory position and affirming it – can be found in Brzozowski’s earlier writings, which leads one to believe that the aforementioned difference between the two views can be captured not only diachronically, but also synchronically. The latter approach could serve to consider the hypothesis according to which Brzozowski’s position on the relationship between religion and emancipation was dependent on his views on the relationship between emancipation and the rational, cognitive element.
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Geoghegan, Patrick. "The Catholic Church and the Campaign for Emancipation in Ireland and England." Irish Theological Quarterly 82, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 180–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021140017695699f.
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Vaughan, Géraldine. "‘Britishers and Protestants’: Protestantism and Imperial British Identities in Britain, Canada and Australia from the 1880s to the 1920s." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.20.
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This article explores the links between the assertion of British imperial identities and the anti-Catholic discourse and practices of a network of evangelical societies which existed and flourished in Britain and in the dominions from the halcyon days of the empire to the late 1920s. These bodies shared a broad evangelical definition of Protestantism and defended the notion that religious beliefs and their political implications formed the basis of a common British heritage and identity. Those who identified themselves as Britons in Britain and in the dominions brought forward arguments combining a mixture of pessimistic interpretations of British history since the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act with anxieties about ongoing Irish Catholic immigration and an alleged global papist plot. They were convinced that Protestantism was key to all civil liberties enjoyed by Britons. Inspired by John Wolffe's pioneering work, the article examines constitutional, theologico-political and socio-national anti-Catholicism across Britain and its dominions.
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Logan, Enid Lynette. "Each Sheep with Its Mate: Marking Race and Legitimacy in Cuban Catholic Parish Archives, 1890-1940." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 84, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2010): 5–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002445.
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Examines the politics of racialization in Cuba from the period after full emancipation to the restrictive immigration policy of the 1930s, through an analysis of the record-keeping practices of the Cuban Catholic Church. The study uses baptismal and marital records to record information on the intimate, racialized, and gendered domains of Cuban social life. Author points out that certain policies adopted by religious authoritites gestured towards inclusivism and egalitarianism, others served to reinforce hierarchies based upon race and rank.
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Irving‐Stonebraker, Sarah. "Catholic Emancipation and the Idea of Religious Liberty in 1830s New South Wales." Australian Journal of Politics & History 67, no. 2 (June 2021): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12723.
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SOMMERS, SUSAN MITCHELL. "Sir John Coxe Hippisley: That ‘Busy Man’ in the Cause of Catholic Emancipation." Parliamentary History 27, no. 1 (February 6, 2008): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2007.00012.x.
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Klochkov, Victor, Veronica Nazarova, and Igor Uznarodov. "Catholic Emancipation in the Great Britain and Irish Policy of Sir Robert Peel (1812–1829)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (November 2023): 116–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.5.9.
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Introduction. The subject of research in this work is a historical and historiographical review of the Irish policy of one of the Tory leaders, Sir R. Peel (1788–1850), from the moment of his appointment as Secretary for Ireland in 1812 to the political crisis associated with the Catholic Emancipation in 1829. The relevance of the work is determined by the fact that the Irish policy of R. Peel is investigated here not only in the traditional problem-chronological way but also in a biographical context. Methods. The broad research context of the work is provided by the use of the prosopographic method and the historical-critical method of data processing of sources, some of which (archival sources from the Library of the University of Southampton and the Archive Bureau of Northamptonshire) are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. Analysis. The aim of this work is to revise the thesis established in traditional British historiography, according to which the Irish policy of R. Peel in the period from 1812 to 1829 was based on the principles of “Orangism,” whereas after the Catholic Emancipation of 1829, R. Peel became “emancipated.” The analysis of R. Peel’s political strategy in the Irish question carried out in the article shows that none of these definitions fully reflects his actual position. Results. The result of the study is the thesis that R. Peel’s Irish policy turned out to be the personification of a conservative approach to problems, in solving which he was forced to concede in detail while preserving the basics. It is shown that R. Peel’s position on the issue of Catholic emancipation was not a rejection of Anglicanism, as it often seemed to contemporaries, but a rejection of anti-Catholicism. This circumstance makes it possible today to avoid extreme assessments of R. Peel as an unprincipled politician in favor of a more moderate assessment of his Irish policy. Authors’ contribution. V.V. Klochkov determined the basic concept of the article and the methodological foundations of the study, as well as identified unpublished sources from the regional archives of Great Britain; V.S. Nazarova prepared the introduction of the article, created its structural composition, and analyzed the historiography of the problem; I.M. Uznarodov carried out general editing of the text and formulated the main results of the study.
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Peretti, Clélia, and Karen Freme Duarte Sturzenegger. "A contribuição da igreja Católica na trajetória feminina na política brasileira: Da Primeira República à Contemporaneidade." Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 78, no. 310 (February 5, 2019): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v78i310.783.
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O artigo em questão, trata da trajetória do posicionamento da mulher na história política brasileira, que se inicia, mesmo que de forma tímida, no período da Primeira República e vai até a contemporaneidade. Para isso, o artigo discorrerá sobre o papel da mulher na sociedade, o processo de emancipação feminina, suas conquistas, desafios e trajetória no mundo ocidental e no Brasil, destacando a contribuição da Igreja católica para estimular a inserção da mulher no espaço público. Tudo isso, para pleitear, sim, a necessidade de espaço público mais justo e solidário, com respeito e equanimidade, sem preconceitos e cerceamento para todos os cidadãos, mas, de forma especial, para as mulheres.Abstract: The article in question deals with the trajectory of the position of women in Brazilian political history that begins, even if in a timid manner, in the period of the First Republic and goes to contemporaneity. For this, the article will discuss the role of women in society, the process of women’s emancipation, their achievements, challenges, trajectory, in the Western world and in Brazil. The article will also mention the contribution of the Catholic Church to encourage the insertion of women in public space. It will also reflect on the growing need for a fairer and more solidary space for all citizens, especially for women, where there are no prejudices and constraints, but respect and equanimity.Keywords: Female emancipation; Women’s rights; Women’s public and private space; Catholic Church.
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Curtin, Nancy J. "The transformation of the Society of United Irishmen into a mass-based revolutionary organisation, 1794-6." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 96 (November 1985): 463–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034477.
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The Society of United Irishmen, formed in the autumn of 1791 as a middle-class club dedicated to achieving parliamentary reform and catholic emancipation, was eventually transformed into a mass-based, secret revolutionary organisation determined to establish a non-sectarian republic in Ireland. Approaching near extinction in 1794, the United Irishmen recovered within the next two years to become a formidable revolutionary threat. With amazing rapidity the United Irishmen managed to harness a politically-discontented middle class, radical artisans and tradesmen, economically and socially vexed peasants, amfa loose association of catholic agrarian rebels commonly known as Defenders into a more or less coherent force. The swiftness with which this” alliance was formed, burdened as it was with tensions along class and sectarian lines, was matched only by the quickness with which it collapsed under the strain of internal dissension and vigorous government repression.
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GLICKMAN, GABRIEL. "GOTHIC HISTORY AND CATHOLIC ENLIGHTENMENT IN THE WORKS OF CHARLES DODD (1672–1743)." Historical Journal 54, no. 2 (May 11, 2011): 347–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000057.
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ABSTRACTThe clergyman-scholar Charles Dodd used the study of the past to articulate a defence of the English Catholic community that enjoyed a rich legacy. His Church history proclaimed a vision of Catholic patriotism that appealed to the influence of medieval and Reformation history on contemporary religious debates, and informed the later push for civil emancipation. Dodd's work brought together two fashionable but seemingly contrary, historical sensibilities: grounded upon antiquarian recoveries of the gothic past, but shaped by a cosmopolitan spirit of ‘reason’ that drew upon continental reformist schools. Challenging the narratives forged through the Reformation, he pitched his works across a wide spectrum of English scholarly life, seeking dialogue with high-churchmen, constitutionalists, and supporters of religious toleration. But Dodd's later reputation as a herald of Catholic Enlightenment belied the controversies roused in his career. In delivering his view of history, Dodd was forced to suppress radical thoughts on the nature of English monarchy, stumbled into conflicts with fellow clergymen, and risked the taint of heresy with reflections upon the Holy See. Conceived to construct a new intellectual platform for his co-religionists within their national community, his works served inadvertently to reveal the complexity and fragility of English Catholic life.
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Palmisano, Stefania, and Simone Martino. "Gare à l’écart ! De l’importance du genre dans la religion, la spiritualité et la laïcité en Italie." Social Compass 64, no. 4 (October 9, 2017): 563–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768617727644.
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This article has a twofold aim. The first is to examine relations between women and religion in Italy in order to discover whether women contribute to the process of Italian secularisation as described in the literature. The second is to explore relations between secularisation and secularism among Italian women. Our main theme is that the women’s loosening relationship with the Catholic Church has been accompanied by their greater flexibility on moral and ethical questions. Since these questions have frequently been the object of intervention by the Catholic hierarchy, they are a valuable lens through which to examine secularism, revealing how far Italian women have distanced themselves from the Church’s mandates. With this end in view, we shall focus on Italian women’s opinions about topics (such as abortion, divorce, sexuality and reproductive rights) relating to “morality-politics” which are intrinsic to the “emancipation of women from the domestic sphere”.
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NESWALD, ELIZABETH. "Science, sociability and the improvement of Ireland: the Galway Mechanics' Institute, 1826–51." British Journal for the History of Science 39, no. 4 (November 10, 2006): 503–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087406008739.
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Irish mechanics' institutes have received little attention from historians of science, but their history presents intriguing questions. Whereas industrialization, Protestant dissent and the politics of liberal social reformers have been identified as crucial for the development of mechanics' institutes in Britain, their influence in Ireland was regionally limited. Nonetheless, many unindustrialized, provincial, largely Catholic Irish towns had mechanics' institutes in the first half of the nineteenth century. This paper investigates the history of the two mechanics' institutes of Galway, founded in 1826 and 1840, and analyses how local and national contexts affected the establishment, function and development of a provincial Irish mechanics' institute. Situating these institutes within the changing social and political constellations of early and mid-nineteenth-century Ireland, it shows how Catholic emancipation, the temperance movement and different strands of Irish nationalism affected approaches to the uses of science and science education in Ireland.
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Cottrell-Boyce, Aidan. "Scandal in Somers town: conspiracism and Catholic schools in early Victorian England." British Catholic History 35, no. 4 (October 2021): 415–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2021.17.
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The middle years of the nineteenth century are notable in the history of Catholicism in England for the development of the ‘papal aggression’ crisis. Catholic emancipation had been met with suspicion by Protestant groups and this suspicion grew into violent antipathy with the publication by Nicholas Wiseman of ‘Ex Porta Flaminia.’ At the same time that this crisis was emerging, Catholic charitable organizations were also attempting to garner support from the state for the building of Catholic schools. With a boom in the poor, urban population, fuelled by the arrival of Irish refugees, this assistance was urgently required. In the midst of this a small school in the heart of London became the focus of a cause célèbre. The belief that this school had been funded by lucre, defrauded from dying and vulnerable members of the Somers Town community by simonist priests, provided the source of a widespread conspiracy theory. The result of this conspiracy theory was a lawsuit, brought in 1851 by the relatives of a deceased benefactor of the school, against the newly enthroned Cardinal Wiseman. Metairie vs. Wiseman became one of the most celebrated and cited cases of the early Victorian era.
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Kelly, James. "Book review: The Catholic Church and the Campaign for Emancipation in Ireland and England." Irish Economic and Social History 44, no. 1 (December 2017): 169–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489317723729l.
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Holton, Karina. "A turbulent year: Lord Anglesey’s first viceroyalty and the politics of Catholic emancipation, 1828." Studia Hibernica 43 (September 2017): 53–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/sh.2017.3.
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Korsten, Frans, Jos Blom, and Frans Blom. "The Library of Bryant Barrett, Laceman and Country Squire." Recusant History 31, no. 4 (October 2013): 549–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200014011.
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Bryant Barrett (c.1715–1790) was a Catholic tradesman who managed to become affluent enough to be able to collect a library of nearly 2,000 volumes. His library catalogues are still extant and the aim of the present article is to analyse these in order to get an insight into the intellectual world of an eighteenth-century RC self-made man. There are a number of catalogues of institutional RC libraries and the occasional catalogue of an RC clergyman, but as far as we know the Barrett catalogues are a unique register of the books possessed by an ‘ordinary’ RC layman. The traditional picture of eighteenth-century English Catholic life is that of a dwindling community with a rather provincial and conservative outlook on life. Heroic martyrdom was a feature of the past: ordinary life entailed guarding against modern enlightenment views and – towards the end of the century – internal discussions about the concessions necessary to achieve Catholic emancipation. Barrett's library modifies this picture in a number of ways: it reveals an eminently practical man who was also an intellectual, someone interested in the past, loyal to his faith, knowledgeable about the latest developments in industry and science, intrigued by perspectives opening up through exploration and travel, fascinated with new developments and ideas. Barrett was a both a devout Roman Catholic and a well-read man of the world.
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Stunt, Timothy C. F. "‘Trying the Spirits’: The Case of the Gloucestershire Clergyman (1831)." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 39, no. 1 (January 1988): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900039087.
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The political turmoil which characterised the decade from 1825 to 1835 is interestingly reflected in a religious crisis, as a result of which Established Church and traditional nonconformity alike were found by seceders to be spiritually wanting. Millenarian and charismatic movements are often, in part, an expression of social uncertainty. Any analysis of such movements as the Plymouth Brethren or the self-styled ‘Catholic Apostolic Church’ must take into account their social milieu which, at that time, included a great deal of political agitation - for causes like Roman Catholic Emancipation, parliamentary reform, currency reform and nascent socialism - as well as anxiety arising from the outbreak of cholera and social unrest, with several European revolutions in the background. It may not be entirely fortuitous that, when Edward Irving was expelled from his church in Regent Square in 1832, his congregation (not without some misgivings) met for a while in Robert Owen's socialist Rotunda in the Gray's Inn Road.