Journal articles on the topic 'Catholic gay men'

AbstractBeginning as early as A Descant for Gossips (1960), gay men and gay love come and go in Thea Astley’s prose oeuvre. The responses that these characters and this topic invite shift with point of view and under the impact of varied themes. Astley’s treatment refuses to be contained, either by traditional Catholic doctrines about sex or by Australia’s delay in decriminalising homosexual acts. Driven by love for her gay older brother Philip, whose death from cancer corresponded with her final allusions to gay love in The Multiple Effects of Rainshadow (1996), Astley’s only constant message on this, as on other topics, is humans’ responsibility to treat each other with kindness. This essay draws on Karen Lamb’s biography and on writings and reminiscences by Philip Astley’s family and fellow Jesuits to reveal his significance as his sister sought to resolve through her fiction the conflict between an inculcated Catholic idolisation of purity and her own hard-won understanding and acceptance of gay men.

This exploratory study investigated attitudes toward gay men and lesbians among the general student population of a midsized university, paying special attention to differences in demographic measures and attitudes across campus recreational sport participants and nonparticipants. Specifically, the study sought to investigate differences in attitudes toward gay men and lesbians among the following groups: campus recreational sporting participants/nonparticipants, differing religious affiliations, socioeconomic status classifications, and participant self-identified sexual orientation. This study used a modified version of the Attitudes Toward Lesbians and Gay Men scale administered in person to acquire attitudinal scores and demographics of respondents. Multivariate analysis of variance statistical testing procedures were used, revealing significant differences in attitudes of campus recreational sport participants based on religion, and sexual orientation. Overall, participants who identified as Evangelical Christian held more negative attitudes toward nonnormative sexualities than Roman Catholic or nonreligious participants, and participants who identified as heterosexual held more negative attitudes than gay or lesbian participants.

Research has documented that sexual minorities and people living with HIV/AIDS have successfully used religious coping to help them overcome life challenges related to their sexual orientation and HIV status, including religious struggles surrounding their faith brought about by stigma and discrimination that have historically been promoted by organized religion. Research has also documented how sexual minorities and people living with HIV/AIDS have utilized family support as a vital resource for effectively coping with life challenges associated with homophobia, heterosexism, and HIV stigma, which have historically been perpetuated in certain family and faith dynamics. The aim of the community-engaged, qualitative study described in this article was to examine the synergistic effects of religious coping and family support, particularly in the context of Catholic family ties, as a unified mechanism for supporting HIV-positive gay men in the face of religious struggles and other life challenges. Confidential, semi-structured interviews were conducted with nine HIV-positive, gay men from the Greater Toronto Area of Ontario, Canada, to obtain their perspectives on how and why their Catholic family ties have helped support them through their religious struggles and other life challenges. Utilizing a modified Grounded Theory approach, interview data were collected and analyzed until data saturation was achieved. The findings and lessons learned from the study’s analysis are discussed in this article, which elaborates on the unique synergy of religious coping and family support as interconnected mechanisms that could be of significant value for supporting HIV-positive gay men experiencing religious struggles and other life challenges.

O autor, apoiando-se em documentos da Congregação para a Educação Católica e em carta do Secretário de Estado do Vaticano, analisa as motivações pelas quais “não se pode admitir ao seminário e às ordens sacras aqueles que praticam a homossexualidade, apresentam tendências homossexuais profundamente radicadas ou apoiam a chamada cultura gay”. Que a homossexualidade, tal como descrita nos documentos assinalados, representa um impedimento objetivo à ordenação, provém da própria natureza do sacerdócio: além de dificultar a ação pastoral, coloca em questão o modo mais adequado com que o presbítero estabelece relações tanto com homens quanto com mulheres.Abstract: With the support of documents from the Congregation for a Catholic Education and of a letter from the Secretariat of the Vatican State, the Author analyses the reasons why “it is not possible to admit into the seminary and in the sacred orders those who practice homosexuality, present deeply rooted homosexual tendencies or support the so-called gay culture”. It shows that homosexuality – as described in the above mentioned documents – represents an objective obstacle for the ordination that originates in the very nature of priesthood: besides hindering the pastoral action it raises the question of the most appropriate way for the presbyter to establish relations both with men and with women.

Reports from Long-term HIV Survivors: Reclaiming Meaning while Confronting Mortality presents research completed by Kyle Desrosiers in conjunction with the Baylor University Institute for Oral History. Applying lifespan theory to spiritual development, it discusses the narratives of four American long-term HIV survivors from Latter-day Saints, Roman Catholic (2), and Conservative Jewish backgrounds. The fifth profile is from a Protestant pastor with an HIV ministry in a rural area. These profiles are five selected from among 10 interviews with HIV-positive people and caregivers across America now archived by the author at Baylor University. Questions directing this research were: how does HIV status affect participants’ relationship to their religious communities, identities, and spiritualties?; what narratives emerge from lifespan perspectives of HIV-positive and queer participants?; and what spiritual practices, mythos, and beliefs evolve/remain as a product of living at the margins of religion and society, alongside coping with a deadly global epidemic? This project reports narratives of change, continuity, and meaning-making to discuss how several gay/queer men from a range of ethnic and faith backgrounds have used spirituality and worldview to navigate life.

The emergence of organized political groups of people with AIDS has forced issues of health and illness into a public visibility which threatens traditional assumptions of privacy and public heterosexual privilege. The struggle against the stigmatization of AIDS has forced many gay men and lesbians to reject the relative pleasures of the closet and its legal girdings in discredited notions of constitutional privacy for a radical insistence on the right to be ‘queer’ on their own terms in public. ACT UP and Queer Nation present a threat not only to prevailing state and church ideologies of power and submission, but perhaps more importantly to the gendered and sexualized assumptions which define the boundaries of public space itself. People who are ill and people defined as degenerates present a special threat to the historical myths and antiurban morphology of Los Angeles, which still is perceived as an island of private consumption and public piety by those in power. The challenge presented by ACT UP and Queer Nation is an integral part of the spatial densification of the region, feared by old Anglo and new Catholic authorities.

In secondary schools in Poland, sexuality education was formally introduced in 1993 in the form of Education for Family Life (EFL) classes. The EFL curriculum is largely based on Catholic doctrine. The current study examined the opinions and attitudes of students attending a university in Poland regarding sexuality education in public secondary schools. A sample of 498 first- and second-year university students completed a questionnaire that collected information on demographic characteristics, the student’s sources of information about sexual health, and their opinions and attitudes related to sexuality education. Over 80% of the students used the Internet as a source of sexual health information while far fewer students cited teachers/classroom activities (24.3%). Over three-quarter of females (79.5%) and males (75.9%) agreed that it is important to have sexual health education as part of the secondary school curriculum. Students’ responses to the question on the importance of sexual health education in schools did not differ significantly based on their level of religious commitment. However, few women (12.9%) and men (9.2%) rated the current effectiveness of sexuality education in schools as “high.” For topics that should be covered in the curriculum, the students rated birth control methods, abortion, sexual orientation/lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender issues, and sexually transmitted diseases the highest. The findings indicate that Polish university students view school-based sexual health education as important but currently ineffective. Policies to reform public school-based sexual health in Poland are needed to ensure that Polish youth have the information and skills to protect and enhance their sexual health.

The Roman Catholic Church has received a remarkable amount of press attention regarding clerical perpetrated sexual abuse with child victims as well as other clerical behavioral scandals in recent years. Much has been reported in both the popular and professional press about the various aspects and elements of priestly formation and ministry that might contribute to behavioral problems among clerics. Additionally, much has also been written and discussed about the challenging religious, spiritual, and behavioral struggles among clerics when clerical misbehavior significantly contradicts expected behavior in terms of sexual, behavioral, and relational ethics. Since Catholic priests are dedicated to chastity, obedience, and, among religious order clerics, poverty, both Catholics and non-Catholics alike expect and demand highly virtuous behavior from these men that they believe should be beyond reproach. Clericalism contributes to the gap between expected and actual behavior and creates an environment and culture where problem behavior and struggles are too often ignored. This article seeks to unpack some of the challenging dynamics of clericalism and demonstrate how it negatively contributes to religious, spiritual, moral, and behavioral struggles among Catholic clerics.

One of the strongest weapons in the armoury of the Roman Catholic Church has always been its impressive sense of historical continuity. Apologists, such as Bishop Bossuet (1627-1704), liked to tease their Protestant adversaries with the question of where in the world their Church had been before Luther and Calvin. The question shows how important the time between ancient Christianity and the Reformation had become in Catholic apologetics since the sixteenth century. Where the Protestants had to admit that a gap of more than a thousand years separated the early Christian communities from the churches of the Reformation, Catholics could proudly point to the fact that in their Church an unbroken line of succession linked the present hierarchy to Christ and the apostles. This continuity seemed the best proof that other churches were human constructs, whereas the Catholic Church continued the mission of Christ and his disciples. In this argument the Middle Ages were essential, but not a time to dwell upon. It was not until the nineteenth century that in the Catholic Church the Middle Ages began to mean far more than proof of the Church’s unbroken continuity.

The Second Vatican Council and, in particular, its Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, changed much in the daily life of the Church. In Ireland, a country steeped in the Catholic tradition but largely peripheral to the theological debates that shaped Vatican II, the changes to liturgy and devotional practice were implemented dutifully over a relatively short time span and without significant upset. But did the hierarchical manner of their reception, like that of the Council itself, mean that Irish Catholics did not receive the changes in a way that deepened their spirituality? And was the popular religious memory of the people lost through a neglect of liturgical piety and its place in the interior life, alongside what the Council sought to achieve? In this essay, Dr Gary Carville will examine the background to the liturgical changes at Vatican II, the contribution to their formulation and implementation by leaders of the Church in Ireland, the experiences of Irish Catholic communities in the reception process, and the ongoing need for a liturgical formation that brings theology, memory, and practice into greater dialogue.

ABSTRACTRapid urbanisation in sub-Saharan Africa is believed to have weakened the traditional family ties which sustained older people in the past, but there is little empirical evidence about how older people today perceive their ageing experience in sub-Saharan Africa. The international gerontology literature demonstrates that, apart from financial wellbeing and health status, religious and secular forms of social involvement are key predictors of life satisfaction in older ages. No formal analysis, however, exists on the effects of religious and non-religious social involvement on the subjective wellbeing of older people in sub-Saharan nations. This study sought to fill this gap by examining the relationship between religious identity, religiosity, and secular social engagement using survey data from a sample of 2,524 men and women aged 50 or more years living in informal settlements of Nairobi City. We found significant differences in life satisfaction between Moslems, Catholics and non-Catholic Christians. Secular social support, personal sociability and community participation had positive effects on subjective wellbeing. In this context, we also observed that next to health status, the social involvement of older people was very important for life satisfaction.

Abstract Sociological and historical research into sexual violence against children has reported consistently that it is girls who have most often been the subject of sexual, psychological and physical violence in both familial and institutional settings in modernity. However, more recently, public inquiries have provided evidence that during the 20th century, boys were much more likely to be abused in particular kinds of religious settings. This has been substantiated in findings from inquiries in Australia, Ireland, the UK and the USA. This reverses the trend of child sexual abuse (CSA) demonstrated in family and community environments, where girls are more likely to be abused, although perpetrators are much more likely to be men across all settings (Dowling, Boxall, et al. 2021). The question of gender in relation to the experience and management of CSA therefore requires further examination. In this article we investigate whether gender is a specific dimension of CSA in religious institutions, and specifically the Roman Catholic Church, by two methods. We begin by firstly examining the literature that addresses gender representation, religion and CSA in relation to three central evidence-based indicators: prevalence, disclosure and trauma impacts. Secondly, we link this discussion to a case study of the Catholic Church in Australia, where we identify specific patterns of gendered child violence and we ask the question: are such gendered forms of violence related to Catholic socialisation processes and if so by which specific mechanisms does Catholic culture produce the conditions that facilitate the sexual abuse of children? This article will explore these questions by looking at the ways CSA in Catholic institutions are gendered and how this produced particular forms of knowledge and truth. We argue that gender is a central organising principle in Catholic bureaucracy, culture and theology. The analysis identifies five central factors underpinning the reproduction of a discourse of power and knowledge normalizing gendered patterns of CSA and addresses a gap in current research by addressing gender representation as the central factor in the prevalence, disclosure and trauma of religiously based CSA.

Abstract Sociological and historical research into sexual violence against children has reported consistently that it is girls who have most often been the subject of sexual, psychological and physical violence in both familial and institutional settings in modernity. However, more recently, public inquiries have provided evidence that during the 20th century, boys were much more likely to be abused in particular kinds of religious settings. This has been substantiated in findings from inquiries in Australia, Ireland, the UK and the USA. This reverses the trend of child sexual abuse (CSA) demonstrated in family and community environments, where girls are more likely to be abused, although perpetrators are much more likely to be men across all settings (Dowling, Boxall, et al. 2021). The question of gender in relation to the experience and management of CSA therefore requires further examination. In this article we investigate whether gender is a specific dimension of CSA in religious institutions, and specifically the Roman Catholic Church, by two methods. We begin by firstly examining the literature that addresses gender representation, religion and CSA in relation to three central evidence-based indicators: prevalence, disclosure and trauma impacts. Secondly, we link this discussion to a case study of the Catholic Church in Australia, where we identify specific patterns of gendered child violence and we ask the question: are such gendered forms of violence related to Catholic socialisation processes and if so by which specific mechanisms does Catholic culture produce the conditions that facilitate the sexual abuse of children? This article will explore these questions by looking at the ways CSA in Catholic institutions are gendered and how this produced particular forms of knowledge and truth. We argue that gender is a central organising principle in Catholic bureaucracy, culture and theology. The analysis identifies five central factors underpinning the reproduction of a discourse of power and knowledge normalizing gendered patterns of CSA and addresses a gap in current research by addressing gender representation as the central factor in the prevalence, disclosure and trauma of religiously based CSA.

Migration is a global phenomenon. An essential part of the mission of the Catholic Church is to love Christ particularly in the poor and the weak, which includes migrants. The Magisterium of the Church has consistently stressed reaching out to migrants. However, issuing documents would mean nothing if Christians do not implement them in letter and spirit. Christian charity would be meaningless if it remains only as a part of orthodoxy without orthopraxis. The phenomenal rise in global migration has created unfavorable conditions for many migrants. The Church being an ‘expert in humanity’ has a great task to reach out to the least in the society.1 In this article, we shall examine the role of the Catholic Church in bridging the gap between the orthodoxy and orthopraxis in their mission for migrants. We shall base our study on the documents of the Church and actual cases of migrant ministry in the Church.

Productivity parameters were determined in maintenance works of 16 ships in the slipways of ASTINAVE, a medium-size shipyard at Guayaquil, Ecuador, in the period between April 2008 and January 2009. Typical processes applied during ship maintenance, its units for evaluation and a classification chart are presented. With the registered time (Man-Hour, M-H), mean values, standard deviations and variation coefficients were calculated for each process. Mean value results for each work were: Plating replacement: 0.220 M-H/kg, Hull cleaning: 0.435 M-H/m2-machine, Painting: 0.027 M-H/m2-machine, Cathodic protection: 0.116 M-H/Kg, Thickness measurement: 0.030 M-H/test, Propulsion system: 130.92 M-H/line, Steering system: 54.89 M-H/line, Ship docking/undocking: 43.97 M-H/maneuver, Bottom Valves: 15.83 M-H/#valve, and, Fuel tank cleaning: 0.0093 M-H/gal.

Tolerance for diversity in America is often indexed by direct measures, such as self-reported “willingness to vote” polls. However, pressures to be or appear unprejudiced may bias such estimates, yielding misleading and overly optimistic inferences about tolerance in America. The current research investigated the degree to which direct and indirect measures of political candidate preferences converge and diverge across six target groups varying in acceptability of stigmatization (atheists, African Americans, Catholics, gay men and lesbians, Muslims, and women) and across relevant participant demographics. Overall, participants ( N = 3,000, nationally representative) reported less willingness to vote for target groups when measured indirectly, relative to directly. Additionally, the divergence between the direct and indirect measures was especially evident for social groups for which overt stigmatization is normatively inappropriate. This research provides a vital benchmark that quantifies the gulf between the direct and indirect measures of tolerance for various oft-stigmatized groups in America.

School choice researchers are often limited to comparing one type of choice with another (e.g., charter schools vs. traditional public schools). One area researchers have not examined is the effects of different school types within the same urban region. We fill this gap by analyzing longitudinal data for students (grades 3–8) in Indianapolis, using student fixed effects models to estimate the impacts of students switching from a traditional public school to a charter, magnet, Catholic, or other private school. We find that students experience no differences in their achievement gains after transferring from a traditional public school to a charter school. However, students switching to magnet schools experience modest annual losses of −0.09 standard deviation (SD) in mathematics and −0.11 SD in English Language Arts. Students switching to Catholic schools also experience annual losses of −0.18 SD in mathematics. These findings are robust to a series of alternative model specifications. Additionally, we find some variability in the mean school type impacts by students’ race/ethnicity, English language learner status, and number of years enrolled in a choice school. We discuss our results in the context of the variability of choice school effects across an entire urban area, something future research needs to examine.

Background The first COVID-19 case in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was reported on 10 March 2020 in Kinshasa, prompting the government to promote internationally agreed non-pharmacological interventions for infection prevention and control. Public compliance to these measures is critical and depends on the knowledge, attitudes, and practices (KAP) of communities regarding COVID-19, for which there was no data. This study aimed to bridge that gap. Methods A community-based cross-sectional study was conducted in Kinshasa in June 2020, during the emergency state, following a four-stage sampling process. Master’s students from the Kinshasa School of Public Health conducted the survey. Descriptive and regression analyses were performed. Results The study enrolled 726 women and 600 men (mean age: 43; SD 16-85). Nearly everyone heard about COVID-19 (mainly through television, radio, and street reports), but only 17% were highly knowledgeable about its transmission modes, signs and symptoms, and preventive measures. More than 80% of participants believed in the disease’s seriousness; however, only 21% found the total lockdown acceptable. Nonetheless, 86% reported regular hand cleaning and mask-wearing followed by physical distancing (72%). Poorer, younger, and non-Catholic participants were overall markedly less knowledgeable and had comparatively lower levels of health-protective attitudes, acceptance, and practices. The education level and household size did not matter. Female participants tended to show fewer enabling attitudes and practices toward COVID-19 prevention measures compared to men. Conclusion Adequate public health information to improve the population’s KAP related to COVID-19 is critical and must be designed with and delivered to the community—considering the specific needs of diverse sub-groups and contexts. Studies in Kinshasa and similar settings are necessary to understand the barriers to and enablers of acquiring, applying, and maintaining the optimal population’s KAP for COVID-19 prevention and control.

Abstract Laymen in general associate natural law theories to conservative moral conceptions, like traditional marriage of a man and a woman. That makes sense when we notice Catholic Church's position about matrimony or even academic marriage conceptions as the one claimed by John Finnis. But would be possible to defend the so called “marriage equality” in natural law grounds? This paper aims to answer this question affirmatively. Departing from a critical analysis of Finnis’ natural law theory and his marriage conception, I argue that a better matrimony conception needs to be grounded on a wide vision of human sexuality, which encompasses lesbian and gay couples. Instead of procreation (which is one of the marriage points in Finnis’ conception), human experience shows that sex is not limited to breeding - it is a way people can achieve pleasure and high levels of intimacy, regardless their sexual orientation. I conclude that this way of conceptualizing human sexuality is “far more evident” than the one suggested by Finnis and is also consistent with Germain Grisez's interpretation of Aquinas’ first principle of practical reason - with which Finnis himself agrees.

As an ideal fuel due to the advantages of no pollution, high combustion heat and abundant sources, hydrogen gas can be produced from organic matter through the electrohydrogenesis process in microbial electrolysis cells. But in many MECs, platinum is often used as catalyst, which limits the practical applications of MECs. To reduce the cost of the MECs, Ni-based alloy cathodes were developed by electrodepositing. In this paper hydrogen production using Ni-W-P cathode was studied for the first time in a single-chamber membrane-free MEC. At an applied voltage of 0.9 V, MECs with Ni-W-P cathodes obtained a hydrogen production rate of 1.09 m3/m3/day with an cathodic hydrogen recovery of 74%, a Coulombic efficiency of 56% and an electrical energy efficiency relative to electrical input of 139%, which was the best result of reports in this study. The Ni-W-P cathode demonstrated a better electrocatalytic activity than the Ni-Ce-P cathode and achieved a comparable performance to the Pt cathode in terms of hydrogen production rate, Coulombic efficiency, cathodic hydrogen recovery and electrical energy efficiency at 0.9 V.

The increasingly adverse effects of climate change caused by a variety of fossil-based fuel demands an alternative to such fuel. Hydrogen is one of the potential renewable fuel that offers numerous advantages compared to its competitors. However, the dominant hydrogen production methods are still energy-heavy and dependent on fossil-based resources. Microbial electrolysis cell or MEC system is one of the leading solution towards replacing conventional hydrogen production method. A persistent downside to this system in the presence of methanogens that consumes the hydrogen product. This research proposes alternative biological method to control the methanogen colony by introducing isolates of denitrifying bacteria to the system which will act as inhibitor to hydrogenotrophic methanogen. The reactor implemented is a single-chambered, membrane-less 20-ml reactor. Net hydrogen yield produced in the cathodic headspace will be analyzed by gas chromatography (GC). Hydrogen yield for reactor with enriched cathode is expected to be higher in comparison to unenriched reactor, as nitrogen oxides produced during the metabolism of the denitrifiers were known to inhibit methanogen growth. Experimental results showed consistent higher H2 yield in inoculated reactor compared to control reactor, where in the second cycle H2 production increased 100% compared to the control.

CO2 electrolysis is a promising technology for a renewable feedstock of carbon-based chemicals. Membrane Electrode Assembly (MEA)-based CO2 electrolysers have been demonstrated to run at commercially relevant current densities. However, the MEA approach can suffer from an unstable production of targeted products, mainly caused by an increase in hydrogen production often within a few hours of operation. We conducted operando measurements in a custom-made electrochemical cell (with an electrode area of 64 mm2) using a high-energy synchrotron X-ray source to study CO2 electrolysis over Cu-based gas diffusion electrodes (GDEs). A series of experiments have been performed between 100 to 250 mA cm−2, showing a change in product distribution as a function of time. Expectedly, this is caused by an increase in water content in the GDE (also called as flooding of GDE) rather than any change of the catalyst itself, e.g. slow depletion of subsurface oxygen. Interestingly, we found that while the increase in water content is causing a gradual degradation of the performance, salt precipitation also had a major influence on water management as well. By having an in-line GC attached to the cell, we could monitor both cathodic and anodic performance as a function of time and relate this to variations in water content throughout the device. Variations in cations played a substantial role in modifying the hydration properties of the device adding an additional effect cations have beyond their role in catalysis. The insights generated from this work will allow future researchers to engineer devices that can maintain proper water management and thus entail long term stability.

Abstract There are several reasons why essayist Richard Rodriguez could be classified as a ‘minority’ writer; namely, his Mexican-American roots, his Catholic faith, and his self- declared homosexuality. However, readers who expect his writings to display the kind of attitudes and features that are common in works by other ‘minority’ authors are bound to be disappointed. The meditations that Rodriguez offers are far from clearly dividing the world between oppressors and oppressed or dominant and subaltern. As he sees it, ethnic, religious, class or sexual categories and divisions present further complications than those immediately apparent to the eye. Does this mean that Rodriguez fails to resist and challenge the dynamics he observes between different social groups? Or that his observations are complaisant rather than subversive? Not necessarily, since his essays are always a tribute to the possibilities of disagreement and defiance. My analysis of his latest collection of essays, Darling: A Spiritual Autobiography (2013), maps out and dissects the writing strategies that Rodriguez employs to generate dialogical forms of inquiry and resistance regarding such up-to-date topics as religious clashes (and commonalities), Gay rights (in relation to other Human Rights) or how public spaces are being re-imagined in this global, digital era.

In 1919 vochten de Antwerpse katholieken een turbulente machtsstrijd uit rond over de hernieuwing van het mandaat van de Vlaamsgezinde arts Alfons Van de Perre (1872-1925) in de Kamer van Volksvertegenwoordigers. Van de Perre was tijdens WOI de Frontbeweging genegen geweest en hij gaf daarenboven zelf voedsel aan de verdenking dat hij nog steeds een cryptoactivist was. Zijn kandidatuur betekende een inwilliging van de wensen van de Antwerpse flamingantische groep omheen Frans Van Cauwelaert (1880-1961); zij botste tegelijk echter frontaal met inzichten van de conservatieve en belgicistische groep omheen de katholieke volksvertegenwoordiger Paul Segers (1870-1946). Ondanks zijn verleden van "onvaderlandse handelingen", sleepte Van de Perre de overwinning in de wacht. Korte tijd nadien volgde echter de anticlimax: de pas (her)verkozen geneesheer nam ontslag als volksvertegenwoordiger. Hij oordeelde immers dat hij de Vlaamse zaak beter kon dienen buiten dan binnen het parlement. Luc Vandeweyer evoceert die periode aan de hand van een brief aan Van de Perre van Ernest Claes (1885-1968), letterkundige en ambtenaar in de Kamer van Volksvertegenwoordigers.________Ernest Claes writes to Alfons Van de Perre during the turbulent autumn of 1919In 1919 the Antwerp Catholics were involved in a turbulent power struggle concerning the renewal of the mandate of the pro-Flemish physician Alfons Van de Perre (1872-1925) in the House of Representatives. During the First World War Van de Perre had been sympathetic towards the Front movement and in addition he had provided cause for the suspicion that he was still a crypto activist. His nomination signified a concession to the wishes of the Antwerp Flemish Movement of Frans Van Cauwelaert (1880-1961); at the same time it was directly in opposition to the views of the conservative and Belgian nationalist group of the Catholic Member of Parliament Paul Segers (1870-1946). In spite of his past of “unpatriotic actions” Van de Perre managed to carry off the victory. The anticlimax followed shortly after, however: the recently (re)elected physician submitted his resignation as Member of Parliament. In fact he considered that he could serve the Flemish cause better outside Parliament rather than within. Luc Vandeweyer evokes that period on the basis of a letter to Van de Perre written by Ernest Claes (1885-1968), man of letters and civil servant in the House of Representatives.

In this manuscript an investigation of a DC argon and neon abnormal glow discharges with metastable atom density is presented. The values of pressure lie between 133.32 and 330 Pa, and the voltage ranges from 250 to 400 V in the case of argon gas. In the case of neon gas, the pressure has a value of 399.92 Pa (3 Torr) and the voltage ranges from 300 to 500 V. In this framework, an analysis of abnormal glow discharge characteristics is carried out in the case of input data taken from the Boltzmann equation in the multi-term approximation, and in the case of input data obtained from BOLISG+ code. With these differences of input data in the same gas, the output results are different; it appears in the cathodic region. The spatio-temporal distributions of electron and ion densities, the potential and electric field, the mean electron energy and the metastable atom density are shown. A 1D fluid model is used to solve self-consistently the first three moments of the Boltzmann’s equation coupled with the Poisson’s equation. The role of the presence of metastable atom density in the fluid model is clearly because of the domination of ionization processes by both stepwise and penning ionizations. Our results are validated with those obtained by both recent paper and experimental results.

This paper reports on the preparation of titanium nitride (TiN) thin films on carbon steel plates, using cathodic arc evaporation CAE PVD technique. We studied and discussed the effect of various nitrogen gas flow rates on microstructural and mechanical properties of TiN-coated carbon steel plates. The coating properties investigated in this work included the surface morphology, thickness of deposited coating, adhesion between the coating and substrate, coating composition, coating crystallography, hardness and surface characterization using a field emission scanning electron microscope (FE-SEM) with energy dispersive X-ray (EDX), Xray diffraction (XRD) with glazing incidence angle (GIA) technique, scratch tester, hardness testing machine, surface roughness tester and atomic force microscope (AFM). SEM analyses showed that all the films had columnar and dense structures with clearly defined substrate-film interfacial layers. The hardness of TiN-coated carbon steel was noted six times more than the hardness of uncoated one. An increase in nitrogen gas flow rate showed; decrease in the formation of macro-droplets, average roughness (Ra) and root-mean-square (RMS) values in CAE PVD technique. During XRD-GIA studies, it was observed that by increasing the nitrogen gas flow rate, the main peak [1,1,1] shifted toward the lower angular position. Microhardness of TiN-coated carbon steel showed about six times increase in hardness than the uncoated one. Scratch tester results showed an average adhesion between the coating material and substrate. Thanks to the high resolution power could be observed that by increasing nitrogen gas flow rate there was percentage increase in the bearing ratio while percentage decrease in histogram.

The single-chamber membrane-less MEC exerted much better hydrogen production performance while given higher applied voltages than it did at lower. High applied voltages that could shorten the reaction time and the exposure of anode to air for at least 30 min between cycles can significantly suppress methanogen and increase hydrogen production. At an applied voltage of 1.0 V, a hydrogen production rate of 1.02 m3/m3/day with a current density of 5.7 A/m2 was achieved. Cathodic hydrogen recovery and coulombic efficiency were 63.4% and 69.3% respectively. The hydrogen concentration of mixture gas produced of 98.4% was obtained at 1.0 V, which was the best result of reports. The reasons that such a high hydrogen concentration can be achieved were probably the high electrochemical activity and hydrogen production capability of the active microorganisms. Increase in substrate concentrations could not improve MEC's performance, but increased the reaction times. Further, reactor configuration and operation factors optimisation should be considered to increase current density, hydrogen production rate and hydrogen recovery.

In her 1964 essay “Notes on ‘Camp,’” Susan Sontag includes Tchaikovsky's Swan Lake (1875–6) in a list that illustrates “random examples” from “the canon of Camp.” Though the ballet has become an integral part of the classical repertory for professional companies from Moscow to New York to Sydney as well as the inspiration for numerous figure skaters (most notoriously in Johnny Weir's outré and rhinestone-bedecked interpretation in 2006), it has, as suggested by Sontag, been creative afflatus for gay underground performers for more than a century. But what are the origins of the swan gone queer? As this article demonstrates, I suggest that one way to trace both the swan's queer genealogy and its continuity lies in the dramatic history and lived performance of the ill-fated Ludwig II (hereafter “Ludwig”) of Bavaria (1845–86)—the Swan King (Fig. 1). Tchaikovsky, after all, had been inspired by the dramatic story of the effete young king (and perhaps titillated by a shared closeted gay desire), who would become a prototype for the ballet's tragic hero, Prince Siegfried. In fact, dance scholar Peter Stoneley suggests that “Swan Lake confirms the virtual impossibility, in Tchaikovsky's [and Ludwig's] era, of accommodating homosexuality within wider society.” Ludwig's desire was expressed through a lens of his same-sex fantasies and their inspired artistic interpretations, most notably taking form in the construction of his neo-Romanesque, fairy-tale castle Neue Burg Hohenschwangau (more commonly known as Neuschwanstein or New Swan on the Rock Castle, though it was not renamed until after Ludwig's death). Ludwig's queer positionality also arises from the theatrical way that he performed a highly aesthetic (though hardly effective) approach to monarchy with his swan-bedecked castle and its environs as a sort of metastage set. In this context, the swan may be read as an example of what Donna Haraway calls “a companion species,” or a personal animal symbol (real or mythical) that represents a variety of feelings that are otherwise difficult to express in the hegemonic context of a given time and place (like homosexuality in Roman Catholic Bavaria in the nineteenth century). Ludwig chose the swan (drawn from family heraldry but primarily envisioned in his own life through storybook-driven fantasy) as a means of alternative expression to that normally available to a man in his position and with his responsibilities, and also as a way to enact his forbidden desires.

A simple and scalable liquid-based method was developed to produce a nanocomposite photocatalyst which was comprised of Fe3O4 nanoparticles (4-5 nm) decorated indium hydroxide nanorods (mean width 33 nm and average aspect ratio 2-3). The nanocomposite was produced at 25 ℃ in water via a hydroxide-induced co-precipitation ensued by a cathodic reduction during which the non-magnetic Fe(OH)3 intermediate was reduced to magnetic Fe3O4 at 20 V within 1 h. The incorporation of Fe3O4 nanoparticles served to bestow magnetic recoverability to the photocatalyst and helped enhance visible light absorption simultaneously. Interestingly, the addition of Fe3+ led to the formation of In(OH)3 nanorods rather than the commonly observed nanocubes. In comparison to the In(OH)3 system having a band gap of 4.60 eV), the band gap of the Fe3O4/In(OH)3 nanocomposite produced was determined to be 2.85 eV using the Tauc’s plot method. The effective reduction in band gap is expected to allow better absorption of visible light which in turns should help boost its photocatalytic performance. The Fe3O4/In(OH)3 nanocomposite was structurally characterized using a combination of PXRD, FESEM, EDS, and TEM and its paramagnetic property was proven with a positive mass susceptibility measured to be 1.30´10−5 cm3.g−1. Under visible light, a photocatalytic degradation efficiency of 83% was recorded within 1 hr for the nanocomposite using methylene blue as a dye. The photocatalytically-active Fe3O4/In(OH)3 should have good potential in visible-light driven waste water degradation once further optimized. Copyright © 2021 by Authors, Published by BCREC Group. This is an open access article under the CC BY-SA License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0).

This paper presents measurements and cutting tests related to coating features on sharp cutting edges and rounded objects. One typical feature of plasma based deposition processes is the formation of a sheath region around the object to be coated. The formation of the sheath has some implications on the coating of three dimensional objects, since rounded surfaces and edges are subjected to different ion flux density as compared to a flat surface. Solid carbide drills of different diameters were coated with a TiAlCrSiN coating by cathodic arc evaporation. It is noted the deposition rate increases with decreasing drill diameter, and the fraction of elements with high expected mean ionization charge state is higher for a small as compared to a large diameter drill. The observations are explained by Coulomb attraction of ions from the plasma in combination with the sheath to tool radius ratio in combination with resputtering and scattering in the gas/plasma phase. Solid carbide end mills were coated with TiAlN at three different substrate biases; -10, - 40, and - 80 V. It is observed that the coating stresses increase drastically with increasing bias, and the corners of the tools have different stress levels than the flatter areas. In addition, the fraction of Ti in the coating around the corners is increased significantly when the bias increases. The end mills were tested in a machining test, and the best performer was the variant deposited at - 40 V.

Technological approaches to the application of functional electrochemical coatings in civil and military technologies are analyzed. It is shown that the existing technical solutions are aimed at solving the problems of strengthening and protection of surfaces and detoxification of environments from pollutants of natural and man-made origin. Electrochemical coatings based on the iron triad, doped with refractory metals, increase corrosion resistance, microhardness and wear resistance of surfaces. Doped with transition metals heteroxide coatings, which are synthesized by the method of plasma electrolytic oxidation on aluminum and titanium alloys have catalytic properties to neutralize toxic substances in the gas and liquid phases. Peculiarities of electrochemical formation of functional coatings on construction materials of different types are investigated. It is shown that cathodic deposition by direct and pulsed current on low-carbon steel and gray cast iron forms uniform ternary coatings of Fe-Mo-W and composite systems of Fe-Co-Mo (Fe-Co-W), which have increased corrosion resistance and mechanical properties compared to base metal material. The obtained thin-layer coatings are recommended for the restoration and strengthening of worn surfaces, in particular in the technology of repair of weapons and military equipment. It was found that plasma-electrolyte treatment of piston silumin in alkaline solutions based on diphosphates synthesized heteroxide systems that are active in reducing the number of toxic emissions of internal star engines and reducing hourly fuel consumption. It is shown that nanocomposite coatings on titanium show photocatalytic activity on the destruction of model pollutants. The obtained materials have a set of enhanced functional properties and are promising for use in industrial and repair production, including the security and defense sector.

Microbiologically influenced corrosion (MIC) is one of the most aggressive forms of corrosion leasing to infrastructure and equipment damage in various industries, including oil and gas, water systems, medical devices, marine environments, nuclear waste storage facilities, and aviation fuel systems and storage. During the last 10 year, PHMSA estimates that MIC has caused 503 internal corrosion incidents at a reported property damage of $188 million and a loss of 53,000 barrels of oil. Some common bacteria associated with MIC are sulfate-reducing bacteria (SRB), iron and CO2 reducing bacteria and iron and manganese oxidizing bacteria. SRB are generally considered the most aggressive group of bacteria in pipeline systems that causes MIC and pitting, especially of carbon steel in the oil and gas industry. SRB are facultative anaerobes and thrive in anoxic environments, using sulfate as a terminal electron acceptor and producing hydrogen sulfide (H2S) as a metabolic byproduct. Furthermore, SRBs also can reduce both nitrate and thiosulfate and obtain their energy from organic nutrients, such as lactate. Electrochemical techniques to monitor for MIC focus on studying the electrochemical characteristics of the interface or mass transport properties of a system that are modified by the microbiological activities. Polarization sensors, such as the BIOX system or BioGeorge, use polarization based on a galvanic couple between a stainless steel electrode and a sacrificial anode. The measured galvanic current is proportional to biofilm that has grown on the electrode surface. Other electrochemical sensors use electrochemical impedance spectroscopy (EIS) or amperometry to measure biofilm thickness by comparing the electrochemical signatures of a reference channel (without bacteria) to a measurement channel (exposed to bacteria); while sensors based on electrochemical resistance use linear polarization measurements to determine the amount of biofilm on an electrode surface. Electro hydrodynamical impedance has also been used to measure the diffusion coefficient in a biofilm and correlate to biofilm growth and thickness. While these approaches can accurately predict the presence and/or thickness of a biofilm on a metal surface, they cannot determine the risk of MIC associated with biofilm formation, as the presence of a biofilm does not necessarily mean that a surface experiences MIC. Additionally, many of the techniques are destructive or require visual examination of the surface after analysis. This work presents a split-chamber zero resistance ammetry (SC-ZRA)-based approach to overcome the limitations to MIC monitoring described above and serve as a screening system to determine the risk of MIC associated with certain microorganisms or groups of microorganisms. Previous work using a split-chamber approach to assess MIC was used by Daumus for the study of stainless steel corrosion in the presence of sulfate reducing bacteria, and subsequently used by Miller et al to evaluate MIC under aerobic, Fe (III)- and nitrate-reducing conditions. In this approach, two identical electrochemical cells (chambers) are separated by an ion-transport membrane. Each chamber contains an identical electrode of the same material which are electrically connected through a zero-resistance ammeter. When one of the chambers is inoculated with microorganisms, the galvanic current between the two electrodes is measured through the zero ammeter. This configuration mimics the microbiologically induced development of localized anodic and cathodic patches on a metal surface that leads to corrosion. The flow of electrons (difference in corrosion current between the two chambers) depends solely on the microbiological activities of bacteria in one of the two chambers, so the influence of the microorganisms on MIC, as well as the extent of corrosion, can be quantified. Using the SC-ZRA technique we were able to characterize the mechanism and electrochemical signatures of SRB corrosion. Specifically, we found that in split-chamber incubations containing an electron donor, electrons flow from the inoculated to the uninoculated chambers. While the current direction could be interpreted as electron transfer such as in a microbial fuel cell, these systems deploy inert graphite electrodes. When used for MIC characterization, the SC-ZRA uses reactive carbon steel electrodes. Indeed, when positive current was detected, greater corrosion was detected on WE1, which is consistent with redox couples, as well as previous work to characterize MIC using SC-ZRA measurements. After depletion of an electron donor, SRB uses electrons from the metals surface as an electron donor reversing the flow of electrons from the uninoculated to the inoculated chamber. In future work, this technique can be used to provide a mechanistic understanding and a monitoring tool for corrosion of metals that are exposed to SRB under a variety of redox regimes.

De Vlaamse Academie voor Taal en Letter-kunde (KANTL) vergaderde het laatst op5 augustus 1914 toen de Eerste Wereldoorlog al was uitgebroken. Gedurende de hele oorlog lagen de activiteiten stil. Na de wapenstilstand van november 1918 wilde het bestuur de leden zo vlug mogelijk weer samenroepen. Meegezogen door de patriottische wind die over het pas bevrijde vaderland raasde, wilden de voorzitter en de secretaris vooraf de Academie uitzuiveren en de leden die zich tijdens de oorlog manifest met de bezetter hadden gecompromitteerd, uitzetten. Zo stond ook het lidmaatschap van Eugeen Van Oye, ex-(ere)voorzitter van de activistische Jong-Vlaamse beweging, ter discussie. Eugeen besefte maar al te goed dat zijn positie wankelde en via zijn collega en vroegere schoolkameraad Hugo Verriest probeerde hij te weten te komen welke stemming er heerste in de Academie. Tussen de twee ontspon zich een volgehouden correspondentie van januari 1919 tot juni 1920, deels bewaard in het archief van de UGent. De eerste maanden kon Verriest zijn vriend hoop geven want heel wat academici bleken hem vooralsnog gunstig gezind. Dat veranderde plots eind mei 1919 toen een brief uit 1916 opdook, medeondertekend door Van Oye en waarin de pas aangestelde professoren van de vervlaamste Gentse Hogeschool werden gelukgewenst. Dat de brief eindigde met de wens dat Vlaanderen zou herrijzen en bijdragen tot de bloei van Groot-Germanië, was de druppel die de emmer deed overlopen. Van Oye beweerde dat hij, vertrouwend op Jan Derk Domela en Emiel Dumon, zijn handtekening blindelings had geplaatst. Verriest gaf hem het voordeel van de twijfel. In de Academie bleef hij het opnemen voor zijn vriend maar slaagde er niet in zijn collega’s te overtuigen. In juli 1919 werd Van Oye uitgesloten en een klein jaar later, in juni 1920, werd hij wegens zijn activistisch engagement voor het Brugs assisenhof gedaagd. Fysisch sterk verzwakt sprong Verriest nog maar eens in de bres voor Eugeen. Als témoin de moralité slaagde hij er deze keer in om de jury te overtuigen zodat Eugeen als een vrij man de rechtszaal kon verlaten. In september 1921 zouden de twee vrienden elkaar voor het laatst ontmoeten ter gelegenheid van de huldiging van hun “meester” Guido Gezelle in het Roeselaars Klein Seminarie. Na de dood van Verriest in oktober 1922, had Stijn Streuvels nog gehoopt dat Van Oye, overeenkomstig de wens van Verriest, diens in memoriam zou mogen opstellen voor de Academie. Het water was echter nog te diep. Van Oye schreef weliswaar het in memoriam maar het was de Algemene Katholieke Vlaamsche Hoogeschooluitbreiding die het opnam in haar publicatie.__________ Close friends in a destitute time. The postwar correspondence between Eugeen Van Oye and Hugo Verriest The Vlaamse Academie voor Taal en Letterkunde [Flemish Academy for Language and Linguistics] had its last meeting on August 5, 1914, after the First World War had already commenced. During the war, activities had ceased to take place, prompting the board to reconvene its members as quickly as possible following the Armistice. Enthralled by the patriotic spirit that had engulfed the country after the war, the Academy’s president and secretary wanted to expunge the society before the meeting, and expel members that had openly collaborated with the German occupier during the war. One of these members that was being discussed was Eugeen Van Oye, the former (honorary) president of the activist Young Flemish Movement. Eugeen fully understood the precarity of his position, and tried to gather more information on the general mood at the Academy via his colleague and old classmate, Hugo Verriest. An ardent correspondence between the two occurred – which has partly been preserved in the archive of Ghent University – from January 1919 until June 1920. Verriest could convey encouraging signals to his friend during those first months, as it appeared that a number of academics still held him in high regard. This however would suddenly change at the end of May 1919, when a letter (co-signed by Van Oye) from 1916 emerged that congratulated the recently appointed professors at the Dutchified University of Ghent. The fact that the letter concluded by wishing for the revival of Flanders, and having it contribute to the prosperity of Great-Germania, would prove to be the final straw. Van Oye though insisted that he had mindlessly put down his signature because he trusted Jan Derk Domela and Emiel Dumon. Verriest would give Van Oye the benefit of the doubt, and continued to show support for his friend at the Academy, even though he failed to convince his colleagues. Van Oye was expelled in July 1919, and had to appear before the court of assizes in Bruges, almost a year later, in June 1920, because of his activist conduct. Verriest, physically weakened at this point, would once again come to Eugeen’s aid. As a témoin de moralité [witness of morality], Verriest did succeed to convince the jury, resulting in Eugeen leaving the court as a free man. The two friend would meet again one last time in September 1921, when their ‘mentor’ Guido Gezelle was honoured at the Seminary in Roeselare. After Verriest’s death in October 1922, Stijn Streuvels had expressed hope that, in accordance with Verriest’s wish, Van Oye would be allowed to write Verriest’s in memoriam for the Academy, but this proved unfeasible, as the schism between the Academy and Van Oye still existed. Van Oye however would write an in memoriam, but this would ultimately be published by the ‘Algemene Katholieke Vlaamsche Hogeschooluitbreiding’ [General Catholic Flemish Expansion of Higher Education].

De Vlaamse Academie voor Taal en Letter-kunde (KANTL) vergaderde het laatst op5 augustus 1914 toen de Eerste Wereldoorlog al was uitgebroken. Gedurende de hele oorlog lagen de activiteiten stil. Na de wapenstilstand van november 1918 wilde het bestuur de leden zo vlug mogelijk weer samenroepen. Meegezogen door de patriottische wind die over het pas bevrijde vaderland raasde, wilden de voorzitter en de secretaris vooraf de Academie uitzuiveren en de leden die zich tijdens de oorlog manifest met de bezetter hadden gecompromitteerd, uitzetten. Zo stond ook het lidmaatschap van Eugeen Van Oye, ex-(ere)voorzitter van de activistische Jong-Vlaamse beweging, ter discussie. Eugeen besefte maar al te goed dat zijn positie wankelde en via zijn collega en vroegere schoolkameraad Hugo Verriest probeerde hij te weten te komen welke stemming er heerste in de Academie. Tussen de twee ontspon zich een volgehouden correspondentie van januari 1919 tot juni 1920, deels bewaard in het archief van de UGent. De eerste maanden kon Verriest zijn vriend hoop geven want heel wat academici bleken hem vooralsnog gunstig gezind. Dat veranderde plots eind mei 1919 toen een brief uit 1916 opdook, medeondertekend door Van Oye en waarin de pas aangestelde professoren van de vervlaamste Gentse Hogeschool werden gelukgewenst. Dat de brief eindigde met de wens dat Vlaanderen zou herrijzen en bijdragen tot de bloei van Groot-Germanië, was de druppel die de emmer deed overlopen. Van Oye beweerde dat hij, vertrouwend op Jan Derk Domela en Emiel Dumon, zijn handtekening blindelings had geplaatst. Verriest gaf hem het voordeel van de twijfel. In de Academie bleef hij het opnemen voor zijn vriend maar slaagde er niet in zijn collega’s te overtuigen. In juli 1919 werd Van Oye uitgesloten en een klein jaar later, in juni 1920, werd hij wegens zijn activistisch engagement voor het Brugs assisenhof gedaagd. Fysisch sterk verzwakt sprong Verriest nog maar eens in de bres voor Eugeen. Als témoin de moralité slaagde hij er deze keer in om de jury te overtuigen zodat Eugeen als een vrij man de rechtszaal kon verlaten. In september 1921 zouden de twee vrienden elkaar voor het laatst ontmoeten ter gelegenheid van de huldiging van hun “meester” Guido Gezelle in het Roeselaars Klein Seminarie. Na de dood van Verriest in oktober 1922, had Stijn Streuvels nog gehoopt dat Van Oye, overeenkomstig de wens van Verriest, diens in memoriam zou mogen opstellen voor de Academie. Het water was echter nog te diep. Van Oye schreef weliswaar het in memoriam maar het was de Algemene Katholieke Vlaamsche Hoogeschooluitbreiding die het opnam in haar publicatie.__________ Close friends in a destitute time. The postwar correspondence between Eugeen Van Oye and Hugo Verriest The Vlaamse Academie voor Taal en Letterkunde [Flemish Academy for Language and Linguistics] had its last meeting on August 5, 1914, after the First World War had already commenced. During the war, activities had ceased to take place, prompting the board to reconvene its members as quickly as possible following the Armistice. Enthralled by the patriotic spirit that had engulfed the country after the war, the Academy’s president and secretary wanted to expunge the society before the meeting, and expel members that had openly collaborated with the German occupier during the war. One of these members that was being discussed was Eugeen Van Oye, the former (honorary) president of the activist Young Flemish Movement. Eugeen fully understood the precarity of his position, and tried to gather more information on the general mood at the Academy via his colleague and old classmate, Hugo Verriest. An ardent correspondence between the two occurred – which has partly been preserved in the archive of Ghent University – from January 1919 until June 1920. Verriest could convey encouraging signals to his friend during those first months, as it appeared that a number of academics still held him in high regard. This however would suddenly change at the end of May 1919, when a letter (co-signed by Van Oye) from 1916 emerged that congratulated the recently appointed professors at the Dutchified University of Ghent. The fact that the letter concluded by wishing for the revival of Flanders, and having it contribute to the prosperity of Great-Germania, would prove to be the final straw. Van Oye though insisted that he had mindlessly put down his signature because he trusted Jan Derk Domela and Emiel Dumon. Verriest would give Van Oye the benefit of the doubt, and continued to show support for his friend at the Academy, even though he failed to convince his colleagues. Van Oye was expelled in July 1919, and had to appear before the court of assizes in Bruges, almost a year later, in June 1920, because of his activist conduct. Verriest, physically weakened at this point, would once again come to Eugeen’s aid. As a témoin de moralité [witness of morality], Verriest did succeed to convince the jury, resulting in Eugeen leaving the court as a free man. The two friend would meet again one last time in September 1921, when their ‘mentor’ Guido Gezelle was honoured at the Seminary in Roeselare. After Verriest’s death in October 1922, Stijn Streuvels had expressed hope that, in accordance with Verriest’s wish, Van Oye would be allowed to write Verriest’s in memoriam for the Academy, but this proved unfeasible, as the schism between the Academy and Van Oye still existed. Van Oye however would write an in memoriam, but this would ultimately be published by the ‘Algemene Katholieke Vlaamsche Hogeschooluitbreiding’ [General Catholic Flemish Expansion of Higher Education].

The aims of this paper were to predict membership to a group of attitude of acceptance or ambiguity-rejection toward homosexuality, and describe the attitude levels. The Attitudes Toward Lesbians and Gay men (ATLG) scale was applied to a non-probability sample of 239 single heterosexual men. All of them were students of health sciences. 15% expressed rejection (including 4% extreme) based on the ATLG total score. Rejection toward gay men (28% including 7% extreme) was higher than toward lesbians (9% including 2.5% extreme). Not having homosexual friends and having adscription to Christian or Catholic religions were significant predictors of belonging to the group with an ambiguity-rejection attitude. It is concluded that the percentage of rejection toward homosexuality is significant. For this reason it is encouraged to implement workshops for promoting an acceptance attitude, and consider these risk variables in their design.

Carbon capture and utilization has been proposed as one strategy to combat global warming. Microbial electrolysis cells (MECs) combine the biological conversion of carbon dioxide (CO2) with the formation of valuable products such as methane. This study was motivated by the surprising gap in current knowledge about the utilization of real exhaust gas as a CO2 source for methane production in a fully biocatalyzed MEC. Therefore, two steel mill off-gases differing in composition were tested in a two-chamber MEC, consisting of an organic substrate-oxidizing bioanode and a methane-producing biocathode, by applying a constant anode potential. The methane production rate in the MEC decreased immediately when steel mill off-gas was tested, which likely inhibited anaerobic methanogens in the presence of oxygen. However, methanogenesis was still ongoing even though at lower methane production rates than with pure CO2. Subsequently, pure CO2 was studied for methanation, and the cathodic biofilm successfully recovered from inhibition reaching a methane production rate of 10.8 L m−2d−1. Metagenomic analysis revealed Geobacter as the dominant genus forming the anodic organic substrate-oxidizing biofilms, whereas Methanobacterium was most abundant at the cathodic methane-producing biofilms.

ABSTRACT. A molecular cobalt complex, Co(DippF)2 (where DippF is the anion of N,N’-bis[2,6-diisopropylphenyl]-formamidine), (1),is able to electrochemically produce hydrogen gas from the reduction of organic acids in homogeneous solutions. Compound 1 has a distorted square planar structure as evidenced through X-ray crystallography studies, and an effective magnetic moment of 4.13, obtained by the Evans method, that corresponds to three unpaired electrons. Compound 1 shows an irreversible cathodic peak at –1.59 V vs Fc/Fc+ which is assigned to the reduction of CoII to CoI. In the presence of organic acids the onset of catalytic current is observed at –1.2 V, –1.45 V and –1.89 V vs. Fc/Fc+ with p-toluenesulfonic acid, benzoic acid and phenol as the proton source, respectively, in MeCN as the solvent. Detection of hydrogen gas was obtained by GC-MS with Faradaic efficiencies ranging from 85% to 100%. Kinetic studies using foot-of-the-wave analysis (FOWA) reveal a linear dependence of the observed rate constant, kobs, against acid concentration in the range of 0.065 to 10.02 s-1.

AbstractIn this study, a sulfonated poly(ether sulfone) having cardo-type fluorenyl groups (FL-SPES) was investigated as a cathodic binder to improve fuel cell performance via increased the oxygen diffusion in the cathode. The maximum power density achieved by using the membrane electrode assembly (MEA) prepared with FL-SPES with a low ion exchange capacity (IEC) of 1.31 meq g–1 was 520 mW cm–2, which is more than twice as high as that of BP-SPES (210 mW cm–2) having typical biphenyl groups with a similar IEC. At high IEC of 1.55 meq g–1, the power density obtained by using BP-SPES was improved to 454 mW cm–2 but remained lower than that of FL-SPES. In addition, although the IEC, swelling degree, and specific resistance were similar to each other, the gas permeability of FL-SPES was improved by approximately three times compared to that of BP-SPES. The steric structure of cardo-type FL-SPES increased the free volume between the polymer backbones, leading to an increase in gas transfer. Consequently, oxygen diffusion was promoted at the cathode, resulting in improved fuel cell performance.

There's a moment in Chasing Amy (Kevin Smith, US, 1997) when the character Banky Edwards defends his masculinity. He and childhood friend Holden McNeil are artists who work on a comic named Bluntman and Chronic; Holden produces the pencil drawings which Banky inks over and colours in. When confronted with the suggestion that all he does is tracing, Banky first defends himself, and then resorts to physical and verbal violence: "I'LL TRACE A CHALK LINE AROUND YOUR DEAD FUCKING BODY, YOU FUCK ... YOUR MOTHER'S A TRACER!" (Smith 182, 184). Banky is defending the work that he does, the art, from charges that it is an infantile activity, and the violence he engages in is the kind of behaviour associated with masculinity in general and groups of young single men in particular, who "usually [have] a delinquent character, including a penchant for gratuitous violence" (Remy 45). Kevin Smith's first three films, Clerks (1994), Mallrats (1995) and Chasing Amy, formed a loose sequence known as the New Jersey Trilogy, with each focussing on the relationship between a sensitive male and his girlfriend. The relationship is threatened by interaction with the male's crude best friend. The films appear to be romantic comedies, a genre whose usual narrative trajectory is a series of barriers to social union in the form of marriage; however, aside from the studio-backed Mallrats, Smith's films resist the closure typical of his chosen genre. In Clerks and Mallrats the relationship is threatened by a lack of college aspirations, which would lead to a job which could support a nuclear family. Smith is depicting members of the slacker generation(popularised if not coined by Richard Linklater's film) or Generation-X (a term of earlier origin but used by Douglas Coupland's 1991 novel), who would not immediately be associated with work. However, here the lack of a solid job seems to be a cause for angst rather than for a liberation from the tyranny of full-time employment, and on closer inspection the characters' sense of self-worth is tied to their relation to the realm of work. Despite consciousness raising by feminists, it has been argued that the heterosexual male is still expected be "the strong rock, the sexual performer, expected to always cope, not to collapse, expected to be chivalrous, to mend fuses and flat tyres, to make the moves in courtship, expected not to be passive or weepy or frightened, expected to go to war and be killed, or be prepared to kill others" (Horrocks 143). The man without work is cast adrift, still in search of an identity. Banky's work is clearly linked to his sense of self-identity, otherwise he would not feel the need to defend it. The sorts of pressure put upon the male characters by their girlfriends, especially in Clerks and Mallrats, are echoed in anecdotal research conducted by Michael Lee Cohen, a twenty-something who felt that there was more to his generation then simply drop outs from society. He argued that, although the generation which reached its twenties in the mid to late 1980s and early 1990s is popularly thought of as a "dis-generation": "disenchanted, disenfranchised, disgruntled, disconnected, and disatisfied" (Cohen 3) as well as "disillusioned ... and frighteningly distrustful" (295), the truth was more complex. One interviewee described the pressure upon him as "Do well in school, do what the teachers say, get good grades, get out, get a boss, do what your boss says. And after thirty years you'll be a boss, and you'll be able to have kids and a car and a house and a lawn mower, and you'll die with an insurance policy that will provide for your kids' college education or their kids' or whatever" (224). This is equated by Cohen with the American Dream, an ideology which espouses concepts of freedom, both of movement and speech, of social mobility (upwards) and of second chances, but which can be boiled down to the need to consume disguised as the freedom to consume. To become a man is to enter into an order of consumption barely paid for by work. In his interviews, Cohen noted that few associated the American Dream with social justice, freedom or opportunity, but instead cited variations upon the materialistic "husband, wife, and a decimaled number of kids living in a nice house with a picket fence, two cars, and maybe a couple of dogs" (290). There remains the aspiration to the bourgeois nuclear family, despite this generation's experience of broken families. The males (and presumably females) are, to paraphrase Tyler Durden from Fight Club, a generation of males raised by women. Given their absent father, they are much less likely to have seen males acting as primary bread winners - especially when they have brought up by women, many of whom have had to work themselves. Furthermore the boom-bust cycle of economics over the last two decades and the explosion of commodity fetishism fed by ever increasing exposure to advertising produces a generation which aspires to owning material goods, but which often despairs of gaining employment which will pay for that consumerism. The New Jersey Trilogy focusses on members of just such uncertain men, men who are moving from the homosocial or fratriarchal bonds formed during school to the world of work and the pressure for a heterosexual bond. Fathers are absent from Smith's work, aside from Jared Svenning in Mallrats. (There are, on the other hand, mothers mentioned if not seen. An Oedipal analysis of Smith's characters would perhaps prove fruitful.) The sequence features men with no discernible job (Mallrats), dead end jobs (Clerks) and apparent dream jobs (Chasing Amy). Drawing comics for a living would appear to be a dream come true, but it has the unfortunate side effect of transforming leisure into work. Clearly work is not the only theme to be traced in the trilogy: the cases of fratriarchal bonds are illuminating for notions of masculinity, and I hope to publish my work on this elsewhere. Equally, despite the focus on male characters and their desire, the narrative comedicly undercuts masculinity in favour of the female characters, offering the space for a feminist interpretation. Smith is also concerned with depictions of race and homosexuality, and indeed of religious, particularly Catholic, belief. In the brief space available to me here I can only examine the theme of work. In Mallrats T S Quint and Brody Bruce go to the mall, not to shop, but to get away from their problems with respective girlfriends. T S is a student enmired in the ideological pressure of his heterosexual relationship. In contrast Brody has not got the kind of college ambitions that his girlfriend wishes him to have and still lives with his mother. Further, he has no visible means of support and seems unlikely to gain a job which will allow him to partake in the Dream. In addition, he and T S resist the work of consumerism, by window shopping rather than purchasing goods. This leads them into conflict with Shannon Hamilton, the manager of Fashionable Male, who hates mallrats for their lack of shopping agenda (cf. Fiske et al. and Fiske). With the addition of capital, the leisure time displayed in Mallrats could easily be transformed into work time. Whilst resisting being transformed into consumers, Brody and T S's winning back of their girlfriends (effectively as prizes in a tv quiz show) does place them within a bourgeois social order. Brody is rewarded with a career as a television host; given that this is on American television, it is likely that his work is in fact to deliver audiences to commercial breaks to provide the broadcaster's revenue (see Jhally). The central characters in Clerks work at neighbouring stores: Randal at a video rental store and Dante in a convenience store. Like Brody, Dante is expected to harbour college ambitions which would lift him out of this hell (his name is significant, and the script mentions that he has a copy of Inferno on his shelves [Smith 3]). Given their appearances in Clerks: The Animated Series (2000) and the cameos in Jay and Silent Bob Strike Back (2001) it seems unlikely that they are going to escape from these jobs - which after all would only ultimately substitute one job for another. The despair Dante feels in his work defines his character. As a retailer, he is stuck in a node between goods and consumer, within sight of the items which are part of the home but perhaps unable to afford them. Furthermore he is held responsible for the goods' inability to grant the pleasure which consumption always promises: whether it be cigarettes or pornography. His friend Randall, despite being surrounded by videos at his place of work, will drive to another video store to rent his own: "I work in a shitty video store. I want to go to a good video store so I can rent a good movie" (97). In this way Randal can at least make some attempt to maintain the distinction between work and leisure, whereas Dante brings his Saturday hockey game to work and plays it on the roof of the convenience store. Finally, in this brief survey, in Chasing Amy Holden and Banky have managed to escape their family homes and have carved out a bachelor life together, having turned their comics hobby into a business. What borders on an art form is implicated in economics, especially when it is revealed that likeness rights need to be paid to the originals of their Bluntman and Chronic characters, Jay and Silent Bob. Especially when compared to the other comic producers - the black and gay Hooper and the lesbian Alyssa Jones - the duo are highly successful, having both a comfortable income and fratriarchal bonds. However two things destroy the friendship: Banky's desire to to sell the rights to an animated cartoon version of their creation and Holden's on-off relationship with Alyssa. In a seemingly calculated rejection of the romantic comedy framework, Smith has Holden fall out with his friend and fail to win the girl. Holden retreats from economic success, killing off the creation, preferring to produce a more personal, self-financed comic, Chasing Amy, an account of his affair with Alyssa. This appears to be a step away from being exploited, as he appropriates the means of production, but just as the bourgeoise family is constructed to support capitalism and requires the individual to work, so his stepping away from capitalism removes him from the bourgeois order of the family. In the New Jersey trilogy Smith depicts representatives of generation-X, who nevertheless relate to different kinds of work. Selling goods is obviously work, but it should also be clear that leisure is work by other means. Even in the moments when characters attempt to escape from the breadwinning that used to be central to masculinity, the results still define their character. Work still defines a male character's sense of identity and his position within the social order. References Cohen, Michael Lee. The Twenty-Something American Dream: A Cross-Country Quest For A Generation. New York: Plume, 1994. Fiske, John. Reading the Popular. London: Routledge, 1989. Fiske, John, Bob Hodge, and Graeme Turner. Myths of Oz: Reading Australian Popular Culture. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1987. 95-116. Horrocks, Roger. Masculinity in Crisis. London: Macmillan, 1994. Jhally, Sut. The Codes of Advertising: Fetishism and the Political Economy of Meaning in the Consumer Society. London: Routledge, 1990. Remy, John. "Patriarchy and Fratriarchy as Forms of Androcracy." Men, Masculinities and Social Theory. Jeff Hearn and David Morgan (Eds.), London: Unwin, 1990. 43-54. Smith, Kevin. Clerks & Chasing Amy. London: Faber and Faber, 1997. Links http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch02.htm http://www.cs.caltech.edu/~adam/LEAD/genx.html http://uk.imdb.com/Title?0109445 http://uk.imdb.com/Title?0113749 http://uk.imdb.com/Title?0118842 Citation reference for this article MLA Style Butler, Andrew M.. "Work and Masculine Identity in Kevin Smith's New Jersey Trilogy " M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4.5 (2001). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Butler.xml >. Chicago Style Butler, Andrew M., "Work and Masculine Identity in Kevin Smith's New Jersey Trilogy " M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4, no. 5 (2001), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Butler.xml > ([your date of access]). APA Style Butler, Andrew M.. (2001) Work and Masculine Identity in Kevin Smith's New Jersey Trilogy . M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4(5). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Butler.xml > ([your date of access]).

In its preamble, The Western Australian Charter of Multiculturalism (WA) commits the state to becoming: “A society in which respect for mutual difference is accompanied by equality of opportunity within a framework of democratic citizenship”. One of the principles of multiculturalism, as enunciated in the Charter, is “equality of opportunity for all members of society to achieve their full potential in a free and democratic society where every individual is equal before and under the law”. An important element of this principle is the “equality of opportunity … to achieve … full potential”. The implication here is that those who start from a position of disadvantage when it comes to achieving that potential deserve more than ‘equal’ treatment. Implicitly, equality can be achieved only through the recognition of and response to differential needs and according to the likelihood of achieving full potential. This is encapsulated in Kymlicka’s argument that neutrality is “hopelessly inadequate once we look at the diversity of cultural membership which exists in contemporary liberal democracies” (903). Yet such a potential commitment to differential support might seem unequal to some, where equality is constructed as the same or equal treatment regardless of differing circumstances. Until the past half-century or more, this problematic has been a hotly-contested element of the struggle for Civil Rights for African-Americans in the United States, especially as these rights related to educational opportunity during the years of racial segregation. For some, providing resources to achieve equal outcomes (rather than be committed to equal inputs) may appear to undermine the very ethos of liberal democracy. In Australia, this perspective has been the central argument of Pauline Hanson and her supporters who denounce programs designed as measures to achieve equality for specific disadvantaged groups; including Indigenous Australians and humanitarian refugees. Nevertheless, equality for all on all grounds of legally-accepted difference: gender, race, age, family status, sexual orientation, political conviction, to name a few; is often held as the hallmark of progressive liberal societies such as Australia. In the matter of religious freedoms the situation seems much less complex. All that is required for religious equality, it seems, is to define religion as a private matter – carried out, as it were, between consenting parties away from the public sphere. This necessitates, effectively, the separation of state and religion. This separation of religious belief from the apparatus of the state is referred to as ‘secularism’ and it tends to be regarded as a cornerstone of a liberal democracy, given the general assumption that secularism is a necessary precursor to equal treatment of and respect for different religious beliefs, and the association of secularism with the Western project of the Enlightenment when liberty, equality and science replaced religion and superstition. By this token, western nations committed to equality are also committed to being liberal, democratic and secular in nature; and it is a matter of state indifference as to which religious faith a citizen embraces – Wiccan, Christian, Judaism, etc – if any. Historically, and arguably more so in the past decade, the terms ‘democratic’, ‘secular’, ‘liberal’ and ‘equal’ have all been used to inscribe characteristics of the collective ‘West’. Individuals and states whom the West ascribe as ‘other’ are therefore either or all of: not democratic; not liberal; or not secular – and failing any one of these characteristics (for any country other than Britain, with its parliamentary-established Church of England, headed by the Queen as Supreme Governor) means that that country certainly does not espouse equality. The West and the ‘Other’ in Popular Discourse The constructed polarisation between the free, secular and democratic West that values equality; and the oppressive ‘other’ that perpetuates theocracies, religious discrimination and – at the ultimate – human rights abuses, is a common theme in much of the West’s media and popular discourse on Islam. The same themes are also applied in some measure to Muslims in Australia, in particular to constructions of the rights of Muslim women in Australia. Typically, Muslim women’s dress is deemed by some secular Australians to be a symbol of religious subjugation, rather than of free choice. Arguably, this polemic has come to the fore since the terrorist attacks on the United States in September 2001. However, as Aly and Walker note, the comparisons between the West and the ‘other’ are historically constructed and inherited (Said) and have tended latterly to focus western attention on the role and status of Muslim women as evidence of the West’s progression comparative to its antithesis, Eastern oppression. An examination of studies of the United States media coverage of the September 11 attacks, and the ensuing ‘war on terror’, reveals some common media constructions around good versus evil. There is no equal status between these. Good must necessarily triumph. In the media coverage, the evil ‘other’ is Islamic terrorism, personified by Osama bin Laden. Part of the justification for the war on terror is a perception that the West, as a force for good in this world, must battle evil and protect freedom and democracy (Erjavec and Volcic): to do otherwise is to allow the terror of the ‘other’ to seep into western lives. The war on terror becomes the defence of the west, and hence the defence of equality and freedom. A commitment to equality entails a defeat of all things constructed as denying the rights of people to be equal. Hutcheson, Domke, Billeaudeaux and Garland analysed the range of discourses evident in Time and Newsweek magazines in the five weeks following September 11 and found that journalists replicated themes of national identity present in the communication strategies of US leaders and elites. The political and media response to the threat of the evil ‘other’ is to create a monolithic appeal to liberal values which are constructed as being a monopoly of the ‘free’ West. A brief look at just a few instances of public communication by US political leaders confirms Hutcheson et al.’s contention that the official construction of the 2001 attacks invoked discourses of good and evil reminiscent of the Cold War. In reference to the actions of the four teams of plane hijackers, US president George W Bush opened his Address to the Nation on the evening of September 11: “Today, our fellow citizens, our way of life, our very freedom came under attack in a series of deliberate and deadly terrorist acts” (“Statement by the President in His Address to the Nation”). After enjoining Americans to recite Psalm 23 in prayer for the victims and their families, President Bush ended his address with a clear message of national unity and a further reference to the battle between good and evil: “This is a day when all Americans from every walk of life unite in our resolve for justice and peace. America has stood down enemies before, and we will do so this time. None of us will ever forget this day. Yet, we go forward to defend freedom and all that is good and just in our world” (“Statement by the President in His Address to the Nation”). In his address to the joint houses of Congress shortly after September 11, President Bush implicated not just the United States in this fight against evil, but the entire international community stating: “This is the world’s fight. This is civilisation’s fight” (cited by Brown 295). Addressing the California Business Association a month later, in October 2001, Bush reiterated the notion of the United States as the leading nation in the moral fight against evil, and identified this as a possible reason for the attack: “This great state is known for its diversity – people of all races, all religions, and all nationalities. They’ve come here to live a better life, to find freedom, to live in peace and security, with tolerance and with justice. When the terrorists attacked America, this is what they attacked”. While the US media framed the events of September 11 as an attack on the values of democracy and liberalism as these are embodied in US democratic traditions, work by scholars analysing the Australian media’s representation of the attacks suggested that this perspective was echoed and internationalised for an Australian audience. Green asserts that global media coverage of the attacks positioned the global audience, including Australians, as ‘American’. The localisation of the discourses of patriotism and national identity for Australian audiences has mainly been attributed to the media’s use of the good versus evil frame that constructed the West as good, virtuous and moral and invited Australian audiences to subscribe to this argument as members of a shared Western democratic identity (Osuri and Banerjee). Further, where the ‘we’ are defenders of justice, equality and the rule of law; the opposing ‘others’ are necessarily barbaric. Secularism and the Muslim Diaspora Secularism is a historically laden term that has been harnessed to symbolise the emancipation of social life from the forced imposition of religious doctrine. The struggle between the essentially voluntary and private demands of religion, and the enjoyment of a public social life distinct from religious obligations, is historically entrenched in the cultural identities of many modern Western societies (Dallmayr). The concept of religious freedom in the West has evolved into a principle based on the bifurcation of life into the objective public sphere and the subjective private sphere within which individuals are free to practice their religion of choice (Yousif), or no religion at all. Secularism, then, is contingent on the maintenance of a separation between the public (religion-free) and the private or non- public (which may include religion). The debate regarding the feasibility or lack thereof of maintaining this separation has been a matter of concern for democratic theorists for some time, and has been made somewhat more complicated with the growing presence of religious diasporas in liberal democratic states (Charney). In fact, secularism is often cited as a precondition for the existence of religious pluralism. By removing religion from the public domain of the state, religious freedom, in so far as it constitutes the ability of an individual to freely choose which religion, if any, to practice, is deemed to be ensured. However, as Yousif notes, the Western conception of religious freedom is based on a narrow notion of religion as a personal matter, possibly a private emotional response to the idea of God, separate from the rational aspects of life which reside in the public domain. Arguably, religion is conceived of as recognising (or creating) a supernatural dimension to life that involves faith and belief, and the suspension of rational thought. This Western notion of religion as separate from the state, dividing the private from the public sphere, is constructed as a necessary basis for the liberal democratic commitment to secularism, and the notional equality of all religions, or none. Rawls questioned how people with conflicting political views and ideologies can freely endorse a common political regime in secular nations. The answer, he posits, lies in the conception of justice as a mechanism to regulate society independently of plural (and often opposing) religious or political conceptions. Thus, secularism can be constructed as an indicator of pluralism and justice; and political reason becomes the “common currency of debate in a pluralist society” (Charney 7). A corollary of this is that religious minorities must learn to use the language of political reason to represent and articulate their views and opinions in the public context, especially when talking with non-religious others. This imposes a need for religious minorities to support their views and opinions with political reason that appeals to the community at large as citizens, and not just to members of the minority religion concerned. The common ground becomes one of secularism, in which all speakers are deemed to be indifferent as to the (private) claims of religion upon believers. Minority religious groups, such as fundamentalist Mormons, invoke secular language of moral tolerance and civil rights to be acknowledged by the state, and to carry out their door-to-door ‘information’ evangelisation/campaigns. Right wing fundamentalist Christian groups and Catholics opposed to abortion couch their views in terms of an extension of the secular right to life, and in terms of the human rights and civil liberties of the yet-to-be-born. In doing this, these religious groups express an acceptance of the plurality of the liberal state and engage in debates in the public sphere through the language of political values and political principles of the liberal democratic state. The same principles do not apply within their own associations and communities where the language of the private religious realm prevails, and indeed is expected. This embracing of a political rhetoric for discussions of religion in the public sphere presents a dilemma for the Muslim diaspora in liberal democratic states. For many Muslims, religion is a complete way of life, incapable of compartmentalisation. The narrow Western concept of religious expression as a private matter is somewhat alien to Muslims who are either unable or unwilling to separate their religious needs from their needs as citizens of the nation state. Problems become apparent when religious needs challenge what seems to be publicly acceptable, and conflicts occur between what the state perceives to be matters of rational state interest and what Muslims perceive to be matters of religious identity. Muslim women’s groups in Western Australia for example have for some years discussed the desirability of a Sharia divorce court which would enable Muslims to obtain divorces according to Islamic law. It should be noted here that not all Muslims agree with the need for such a court and many – probably a majority – are satisfied with the existing processes that allow Muslim men and women to obtain a divorce through the Australian family court. For some Muslims however, this secular process does not satisfy their religious needs and it is perceived as having an adverse impact on their ability to adhere to their faith. A similar situation pertains to divorced Catholics who, according to a strict interpretation of their doctrine, are unable to take the Eucharist if they form a subsequent relationship (even if married according to the state), unless their prior marriage has been annulled by the Catholic Church or their previous partner has died. Whereas divorce is considered by the state as a public and legal concern, for some Muslims and others it is undeniably a religious matter. The suggestion by the Anglican Communion’s Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Rowan Williams, that the adoption of certain aspects of Sharia law regarding marital disputes or financial matters is ultimately unavoidable, sparked controversy in Britain and in Australia. Attempts by some Australian Muslim scholars to elaborate on Dr Williams’s suggestions, such as an article by Anisa Buckley in The Herald Sun (Buckley), drew responses that, typically, called for Muslims to ‘go home’. A common theme in these responses is that proponents of Sharia law (and Islam in general) do not share a commitment to the Australian values of freedom and equality. The following excerpts from the online pages of Herald Sun Readers’ Comments (Herald Sun) demonstrate this perception: “These people come to Australia for freedoms they have never experienced before and to escape repression which is generally brought about by such ‘laws’ as Sharia! How very dare they even think that this would be an option. Go home if you want such a regime. Such an insult to want to come over to this country on our very goodwill and our humanity and want to change our systems and ways. Simply, No!” Posted 1:58am February 12, 2008 “Under our English derived common law statutes, the law is supposed to protect an individual’s rights to life, liberty and property. That is the basis of democracy in Australia and most other western nations. Sharia law does not adequately share these philosophies and principles, thus it is incompatible with our system of law.” Posted 12:55am February 11, 2008 “Incorporating religious laws in the secular legal system is just plain wrong. No fundamentalist religion (Islam in particular) is compatible with a liberal-democracy.” Posted 2:23pm February 10, 2008 “It should not be allowed in Australia the Muslims come her for a better life and we give them that opportunity but they still believe in covering them selfs why do they even come to Australia for when they don’t follow owe [our] rules but if we went to there [their] country we have to cover owe selfs [sic]” Posted 11:28am February 10, 2008 Conflicts similar to this one – over any overt or non-private religious practice in Australia – may also be observed in public debates concerning the wearing of traditional Islamic dress; the slaughter of animals for consumption; Islamic burial rites, and other religious practices which cannot be confined to the private realm. Such conflicts highlight the inability of the rational liberal approach to solve all controversies arising from religious traditions that enjoin a broader world view than merely private spirituality. In order to adhere to the liberal reduction of religion to the private sphere, Muslims in the West must negotiate some religious practices that are constructed as being at odds with the rational state and practice a form of Islam that is consistent with secularism. At the extreme, this Western-acceptable form is what the Australian government has termed ‘moderate Islam’. The implication here is that, for the state, ‘non-moderate Islam’ – Islam that pervades the public realm – is just a descriptor away from ‘extreme’. The divide between Christianity and Islam has been historically played out in European Christendom as a refusal to recognise Islam as a world religion, preferring instead to classify it according to race or ethnicity: a Moorish tendency, perhaps. The secular state prefers to engage with Muslims as an ethnic, linguistic or cultural group or groups (Yousif). Thus, in order to engage with the state as political citizens, Muslims must find ways to present their needs that meet the expectations of the state – ways that do not use their religious identity as a frame of reference. They can do this by utilizing the language of political reason in the public domain or by framing their needs, views and opinions exclusively in terms of their ethnic or cultural identity with no reference to their shared faith. Neither option is ideal, or indeed even viable. This is partly because many Muslims find it difficult if not impossible to separate their religious needs from their needs as political citizens; and also because the prevailing perception of Muslims in the media and public arena is constructed on the basis of an understanding of Islam as a religion that conflicts with the values of liberal democracy. In the media and public arena, little consideration is given to the vast differences that exist among Muslims in Australia, not only in terms of ethnicity and culture, but also in terms of practice and doctrine (Shia or Sunni). The dominant construction of Muslims in the Australian popular media is of religious purists committed to annihilating liberal, secular governments and replacing them with anti-modernist theocratic regimes (Brasted). It becomes a talking point for some, for example, to realise that there are international campaigns to recognise Gay Muslims’ rights within their faith (ABC) (in the same way that there are campaigns to recognise Gay Christians as full members of their churches and denominations and equally able to hold high office, as followers of the Anglican Communion will appreciate). Secularism, Preference and Equality Modood asserts that the extent to which a minority religious community can fully participate in the public and political life of the secular nation state is contingent on the extent to which religion is the primary marker of identity. “It may well be the case therefore that if a faith is the primary identity of any community then that community cannot fully identify with and participate in a polity to the extent that it privileges a rival faith. Or privileges secularism” (60). Modood is not saying here that Islam has to be privileged in order for Muslims to participate fully in the polity; but that no other religion, nor secularism, should be so privileged. None should be first, or last, among equals. For such a situation to occur, Islam would have to be equally acceptable both with other religions and with secularism. Following a 2006 address by the former treasurer (and self-avowed Christian) Peter Costello to the Sydney Institute, in which Costello suggested that people who feel a dual claim from both Islamic law and Australian law should be stripped of their citizenship (Costello), the former Prime Minister, John Howard, affirmed what he considers to be Australia’s primary identity when he stated that ‘Australia’s core set of values flowed from its Anglo Saxon identity’ and that any one who did not embrace those values should not be allowed into the country (Humphries). The (then) Prime Minister’s statement is an unequivocal assertion of the privileged position of the Anglo Saxon tradition in Australia, a tradition with which many Muslims and others in Australia find it difficult to identify. Conclusion Religious identity is increasingly becoming the identity of choice for Muslims in Australia, partly because it is perceived that their faith is under attack and that it needs defending (Aly). They construct the defence of their faith as a choice and an obligation; but also as a right that they have under Australian law as equal citizens in a secular state (Aly and Green). Australian Muslims who have no difficulty in reconciling their core Australianness with their deep faith take it as a responsibility to live their lives in ways that model the reconciliation of each identity – civil and religious – with the other. In this respect, the political call to Australian Muslims to embrace a ‘moderate Islam’, where this is seen as an Islam without a public or political dimension, is constructed as treating their faith as less than equal. Religious identity is generally deemed to have no place in the liberal democratic model, particularly where that religion is constructed to be at odds with the principles and values of liberal democracy, namely tolerance and adherence to the rule of law. Indeed, it is as if the national commitment to secularism rules as out-of-bounds any identity that is grounded in religion, giving precedence instead to accepting and negotiating cultural and ethnic differences. Religion becomes a taboo topic in these terms, an affront against secularism and the values of the Enlightenment that include liberty and equality. In these circumstances, it is not the case that all religions are equally ignored in a secular framework. What is the case is that the secular framework has been constructed as a way of ‘privatising’ one religion, Christianity; leaving others – including Islam – as having nowhere to go. Islam thus becomes constructed as less than equal since it appears that, unlike Christians, Muslims are not willing to play the secular game. In fact, Muslims are puzzling over how they can play the secular game, and why they should play the secular game, given that – as is the case with Christians – they see no contradiction in performing ‘good Muslim’ and ‘good Australian’, if given an equal chance to embrace both. Acknowledgements This paper is based on the findings of an Australian Research Council Discovery Project, 2005-7, involving 10 focus groups and 60 in-depth interviews. The authors wish to acknowledge the participation and contributions of WA community members. 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Bush’s Discourse.” Discourse and Society 18 (2007): 123- 37.Green, Lelia. “Did the World Really Change on 9/11?” Australian Journal of Communication 29.2 (2002): 1-14.Herald Sun. “Readers’ Comments: Should We Allow Sharia Law?” Herald Sun Online Feb. 2008. 8 March 2008. < http://www.news.com.au/heraldsun/comments/0,22023,23186973-5000117,00.html >.Humphries, David. “Live Here, Be Australian.” The Sydney Morning Herald 25 Feb. 2006, 1 ed.Hutcheson, John S., David Domke, Andre Billeaudeaux, and Philip Garland. “U.S. National Identity, Political Elites, and Patriotic Press Following September 11.” Political Communication 21.1 (2004): 27-50.Kymlicka, Will. “Liberal Individualism and Liberal Neutrality.” Ethics 99.4 (1989): 883-905.Modood, Tariq. “Establishment, Multiculturalism and British Citizenship.” The Political Quarterly (1994): 53-74.Osuri, Goldie, and Subhabrata B. Banerjee. “White Diasporas: Media Representations of September 11 and the Unbearable Whiteness of Being in Australia.” Social Semiotics 14.2 (2004): 151- 71.Rawls, John. A Theory of Justice. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1971.Said, Edward. Orientalism. New York: Vintage Books 1978.Western Australian Charter of Multiculturalism. WA: Government of Western Australia, Nov. 2004. 11 March 2008 < http://www.equalopportunity.wa.gov.au/pdf/wa_charter_multiculturalism.pdf >.Yousif, Ahmad. “Islam, Minorities and Religious Freedom: A Challenge to Modern Theory of Pluralism.” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 20.1 (2000): 30-43.

Media Education Conference (MEC 2015) “In the Light of the Midnight Sun” was organized in Sallatunturi, Finland in 15-17 of June 2015. Selected papers submitted by the conference participants are published in this special issue of seminar.net.MEC (former NBE) is an informal and friendly conference which participants attend to exchange ideas and information dealing with media education, educational use of ICTs and learning environments. MEC is organized by the Centre for Media Pedagogy at the University of Lapland.Themes and topics of the sixth MEC conference were as follows: Playful and Game-based Learning; Media and Code Literacies; Empowerment through Media; Media and ICT in Teaching and Learning; Digital Story Telling; 3D, Virtual and Simulation-based Learning; and Internet and Social Media in Everyday Life.In the first article, Tuulikki Keskitalo and Heli Ruokamo of the University of Lapland present “A model for simulation-based learning in healthcare”. Simulations and virtual reality do have a major focus in current healthcare education. The authors designed the study in order to fill a gap about our knowledge the pedagogical models that underpin the present activities. They studied several cases involving facilitators and students, in order to find out when and how simulations should and could be used for the benefit of the students and their learning. They describe how a refined pedagogical was developed, a model that will provide a more holistic and meaningful approach to teaching and learning in health care.The second article is written by a group pf researchers from the university of Eastern Finland, Teemu Valtonen, Erkko T. Sointu and Jari Kukkonen of the department situated in Joensuu, while Kati Mäkitalo-Siegl is based in Savonlinna. The title of their paper is “Developing a TPACK measurement instrument for 21st century pre-service teachers”. The investigate how terms, such as “Future skills”, “21st century skills” and other, emphasise collaboration, creativity, critical thinking, problem-solving and especially ICT skills. Their concern is that teachers have to be able to use various pedagogical approaches and ICT in order to support the development of their students’ 21st century skills. They present a particular model, namely the “Technological Pedagogical Content Knowledge” as their theoretical framework for designing the instrument. Based on this framework they have taken the challenge to measure the various elements and variables of the model, and explain how they have gone about to improve their research instrument.Lauri Palsa , who works at the Department for Media Education and Audiovisual Media at the National Audiovisual Institute KAVI, in Finland has written the third article ins this issue together with Heli Ruokamo of the University of Lapland. Their concern is that there are so many interpretations of what it means to be literate when it comes to media. In the coming revision of the Finnish core curriculum, the term “multiliteracies” has been introduced as a transversal competence. The article contain a review of how research articles define the two phenomena “media literacy” and “multiliteracies”. The article argues that significant differences exist between the concepts of media literacy and multiliteracies and, further, that the new Finnish core curriculum defines multiliteracies differently than the research literature defines the term. They propose a new approach to sort the different analytical levels the various definitions work at and outline new opportunities to carry out research on this conceptual field.Alessandra Carenzio, Simona Ferrari, Lorenzo De Cani, Sara Lo Jacono and Pier Cesare Rivoltella, all representing CREMIT, Research Centre on Media, Information and Technology Education, Department of Education of the Catholic University of Milan, Italy, have jointly produced the article “Body, identity and images of the self among adolescents. From research to action through Peer&Media Education”. Their main topic is “sexting” and how adolescents can be trained to reflect and use their own contributions to social media more cautiously. They have developed the concept of “Peer&Media Education”. They also present and discuss their research on their centre Cremit which has produced significant results for the strategies and methods of “Peer&Media Education”.Katriina Heljakka, who works at the School of History, Culture and Arts Studies, University of Turku, presents her article “Toys as Tools for Skill-building and Creativity in Adult Life”. Her point of departure is that previous understandings of adult use of toys generally see toy activities as ideas of collecting and hobbying, not playing. This study aims to address toys as play objects employed in imaginative scenarios and as learning devices. The main focus is the Blythe doll, and the article show us how this toy functions as a socially shared tools for skill-building and learning in adult life. The interviews with Finnish doll players and analyses of examples of their productive, toy-related play patterns showcased in both offline and digital playscapes reveal how toy play leads to skill-building and creativity at a mature age.Päivi Rasi and Arja Kilpeläinen, both of the University of Lapland, have written the paper «The Digital Competences and Agency of Older People Living in Rural Villages in Finnish Lapland”. Their point of departure is that older people run a great risk of being excluded from vital functions of the society, because they fall short of digital competencies. They find it very important to strengthen the research in this field. The paper examines the digital competences and agency of older people who live in remote rural villages in Finnish Lapland and the authors argue that older people’s agency is the key factor that keeps them included in contemporary society. They found that the respondents’ digital competencies were diverse. They suggest that digital competence is very much a distributed competence of elderly dyads, families with three generations and informal networks of villagers and that it should not, therefore, be assessed solely as an individual characteristic.Heli Ruokamu (guest editor) and Yngve Nordkvelle (chief editor)

IllegitimacyBack in 1987, Gregory Bateson argued that:Kurt Vonnegut gives us wary advice – that we should be careful what we pretend because we become what we pretend. And something like that, some sort of self-fulfilment, occurs in all organisations and human cultures. What people presume to be ‘human’ is what they will build in as premises of their social arrangements, and what they build in is sure to be learned, is sure to become a part of the character of those who participate. (178)The human capacity to marginalise and discriminate against others on the basis of innate and constructed characteristics is evident from the long history of discrimination against people whose existence is ‘illegitimate’, defined as being outside the law. What is inside or outside the law depends upon the context under consideration. For example, in societies such as ancient Greece and the antebellum United States, where slavery was legal, people who were constructed as ‘slaves’ could legitimately be treated very differently from ‘citizens’: free people who benefit from a range of human rights (Northup). The discernment of what is legitimate from that which is illegitimate is thus implicated within the law but extends into the wider experience of community life and is evident within the civil structures through which society is organised and regulated.The division between the legitimate and illegitimate is an arbitrary one, susceptible to changing circumstances. Within recent memory a romantic/sexual relationship between two people of the same sex was constructed as illegitimate and actively persecuted. This was particularly the case for same-sex attracted men, since the societies regulating these relationships generally permitted women a wider repertoire of emotional response than men were allowed. Even when lesbian and gay relationships were legalised, they were constructed as less legitimate in the sense that they often had different rules around the age of consent for homosexual and heterosexual couples. In Australia, the refusal to allow same sex couples to marry perpetuates ways in which these relationships are constructed as illegitimate – beyond the remit of the legislation concerning marriage.The archetypal incidence of illegitimacy has historically referred to people born out of wedlock. The circumstances of birth, for example whether a person was born as a result of a legally-sanctioned marital relationship or not, could have ramifications throughout an individual’s life. Stories abound (for example, Cookson) of the implications of being illegitimate. In some social stings, such as Catherine Cookson’s north-eastern England at the turn of the twentieth century, illegitimate children were often shunned. Parents frequently refused permission for their (legitimate) children to play with illegitimate classmates, as if these children born out of wedlock embodied a contaminating variety of evil. Illegitimate children were treated differently in the law in matters of inheritance, for example, and may still be. They frequently lived in fear of needing to show a birth certificate to gain a passport, for example, or to marry. Sometimes, it was at this point in adult life, that a person first discovered their illegitimacy, changing their entire understanding of their family and their place in the world. It might be possible to argue that the emphasis upon the legitimacy of a birth has lessened in proportion to an acceptance of genetic markers as an indicator of biological paternity, but that is not the endeavour here.Given the arbitrariness and mutability of the division between legitimacy and illegitimacy as a constructed boundary, it is policed by social and legal sanctions. Boundaries, such as the differentiation between the raw and the cooked (Lévi-Strauss), or S/Z (Barthes), or purity and danger (Douglas), serve important cultural functions and also convey critical information about the societies that enforce them. Categories of person, place or thing which are closest to boundaries between the legitimate and the illegitimate can prompt existential anxiety since the capacity to discern between these categories is most challenged at the margins. The legal shenanigans which can result speak volumes for which aspects of life have the potential to unsettle a culture. One example of this which is writ large in the recent history of Australia is our treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and the impact of this upon Australia’s multicultural project.Foreshadowing the sexual connotations of the illegitimate, one of us has written elsewhere (Green, ‘Bordering on the Inconceivable’) about the inconceivability of the Howard administration’s ‘Pacific solution’. This used legal devices to rewrite Australia’s borders to limit access to the rights accruing to refugees upon landing in a safe haven entitling them to seek asylum. Internationally condemned as an illegitimate construction of an artificial ‘migration zone’, this policy has been revisited and made more brutal under the Abbot regime with at least two people – Reza Barati and Hamid Khazaei – dying in the past year in what is supposed to be a place of safety provided by Australian authorities under their legal obligations to those fleeing from persecution. Crock points out, echoing the discourse of illegitimacy, that it is and always has been inappropriate to label “undocumented asylum seekers” as “‘illegal’” because: “until such people cross the border onto Australian territory, the language of illegality is nonsense. People who have no visas to enter Australia can hardly be ‘illegals’ until they enter Australia” (77). For Australians who identify in some ways – religion, culture, fellow feeling – with the detainees incarcerated on Nauru and Manus Island, it is hard to ignore the disparity between the government’s treatment of visa overstayers and “illegals” who arrive by boat (Wilson). It is a comparatively short step to construct this disparity as reflecting upon the legitimacy within Australia of communities who share salient characteristics with detained asylum seekers: “The overwhelmingly negative discourse which links asylum seekers, Islam and terrorism” (McKay, Thomas & Kneebone, 129). Some communities feel themselves constructed in the public and political spheres as less legitimately Australian than others. This is particularly true of communities where members can be identified via markers of visible difference, including indicators of ethnic, cultural and religious identities: “a group who [some 585 respondent Australians …] perceived would maintain their own languages, customs and traditions […] this cultural diversity posed an extreme threat to Australian national identity” (McKay, Thomas & Kneebone, 129). Where a community shares salient characteristics such as ethnicity or religion with many detained asylum seekers they can become fearful of the discourses around keeping borders strong and protecting Australia from illegitimate entrants. MethodologyThe qualitative fieldwork upon which this paper is based took place some 6-8 years ago (2006-2008), but the project remains one of the most recent and extensive studies of its kind. There are no grounds for believing that any of the findings are less valid than previously. On the contrary, if political actions are constructed as a proxy for mainstream public consent, opinions have become more polarised and have hardened. Ten focus groups were held involving 86 participants with a variety of backgrounds including differences in age, gender, religious observance, religious identification and ethnicity. Four focus groups involved solely Muslim participants; six drew from the wider Australian community. The aim was to examine the response of different communities to mainstream Australian media representations of Islam, Muslims, and terrorism. Research questions included: “Are there differences in the ways in which Australian Muslims respond to messages about ‘fear’ and ‘terror’ compared with broader community Australians’ responses to the same messages?” and “How do Australian Muslims construct the perceptions and attitudes of the broader Australian community based on the messages that circulate in the media?” Recent examples of kinds of messages investigated include media coverage of Islamic State’s (ISIS’s) activities (Karam & Salama), and the fear-provoking coverage around the possible recruitment of Australians to join the fighting in Syria and Iraq (Cox). The ten focus groups were augmented by 60 interviews, 30 with respondents who identified as Muslim (15 males, 15 female) and 30 respondents from the broader community (same gender divisions). Finally, a market research company was commissioned to conduct a ‘fear survey’, based on an established ‘fear of rape’ inventory (Aly and Balnaves), delivered by telephone to a random sample of 750 over-18 y.o. Australians in which Muslims formed a deliberative sub-group, to ensure they were over-sampled and constituted at least 150 respondents. The face-to-face surveys and focus groups were conducted by co-author, Dr Anne Aly. General FindingsMuslim respondents indicate a heightened intensity of reaction to media messages around fear and terror. In addition to a generalised fear of the potential impact of terrorism upon Australian society and culture, Muslim respondents experienced a specific fear that any terrorist-related media coverage might trigger hostility towards Muslim Australian communities and their own family members. According to the ‘fear survey’ scale, Muslim Australians at the time of the research experienced approximately twice the fear level of mainstream Australian respondents. Broader Australian community Australian Muslim communityFear of a terrorist attackFear of a terrorist attack combines with the fear of a community backlashSpecific victims: dead, injured, bereavedCommunity is full of general victims in addition to any specific victimsShort-term; intense impactsProtracted, diffuse impactsSociety-wide sympathy and support for specific victims and all those involved in dealing with the trauma and aftermathSociety-wide suspicion and a marginalisation of those affected by the backlashVictims of a terrorist attack are embraced by broader communityVictims of backlash experience hostility from the broader communityFour main fears were identified by Australian Muslims as a component of the fear of terrorism:Fear of physical harm. In addition to the fear of actual terrorist acts, Australian Muslims fear backlash reprisals such as those experienced after such events as 9/11, the Bali bombings, and attacks upon public transport passengers in Spain and the UK. These and similar events were constructed as precipitating increased aggression against identifiable Australian Muslims, along with shunning of Muslims and avoidance of their company.The construction of politically-motivated fear. Although fear is an understandable response to concerns around terrorism, many respondents perceived fears as being deliberately exacerbated for political motives. Such strategies as “Be alert, not alarmed” (Bassio), labelling asylum seekers as potential terrorists, and talk about home-grown terrorists, are among the kinds of fears which were identified as politically motivated. The political motivation behind such actions might include presenting a particular party as strong, resolute and effective. Some Muslim Australians construct such approaches as indicating that their government is more interested in political advantage than social harmony.Fear of losing civil liberties. As well as sharing the alarm of the broader Australian community at the dozens of legislative changes banning people, organisations and materials, and increasing surveillance and security checks, Muslim Australians fear for the human rights implications across their community, up to and including the lives of their young people. This fear is heightened when community members may look visibly different from the mainstream. Examples of the events fuelling such fears include the London police killing of Jean Charles de Menezes, a Brazilian Catholic working as an electrician in the UK and shot in the month following the 7/7 attacks on the London Underground system (Pugliese). In Australia, the case of Mohamed Hannef indicated that innocent people could easily be unjustly accused and wrongly targeted, and even when this was evident the political agenda made it almost impossible for authorities to admit their error (Rix).Feeling insecure. Australian Muslims argue that personal insecurity has become “the new normal” (Massumi), disproportionately affecting Muslim communities in both physical and psychological ways. Physical insecurity is triggered by the routine avoidance, shunning and animosity experienced by many community members in public places. Psychological insecurity includes fear for the safety of younger members of the community compounded by concern that young people may become ‘radicalised’ as a result of the discrimination they experience. Australian Muslims fear the backlash following any possible terrorist attack on Australian soil and describe the possible impact as ‘unimaginable’ (Aly and Green, ‘Moderate Islam’).In addition to this range of fears expressed by Australian Muslims and constructed in response to wider societal reactions to increased concerns over radical Islam and the threat of terrorist activity, an analysis of respondents’ statements indicate that Muslim Australians construct the broader community as exhibiting:Fear of religious conviction (without recognising the role of their own secular/religious convictions underpinning this fear);Fear of extremism (expressed in various extreme ways);Fear of powerlessness (responded to by disempowering others); andFear of political action overseas having political effects at home (without acknowledging that it is the broader community’s response to such overseas events, such as 9/11 [Green ‘Did the world really change?’], which has also had impacts at home).These constructions, extrapolations and understandings by Australian Muslims of the fears of the broader community underpinning the responses to the threat of terror have been addressed elsewhere (Green and Aly). Legitimate Australian MuslimsOne frustration identified by many Muslim respondents centres upon a perceived ‘acceptable’ way to be an Australian Muslim. Arguing that the broader community construct Muslims as a homogenous group defined by their religious affiliation, these interviewees felt that the many differences within and between the twenty-plus national, linguistic, ethnic, cultural and faith-based groupings that constitute WA’s Muslim population were being ignored. Being treated as a homogenised group on a basis of faith appears to have the effect of putting that religious identity under pressure, paradoxically strengthening and reinforcing it (Aly, ‘Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism’). The appeal to Australian Muslims to embrace membership in a secular society and treat religion as a private matter also led some respondents to suggest they were expected to deny their own view of their faith, in which they express their religious identity across their social spheres and in public and private contexts. Such expression is common in observant Judaism, Hinduism and some forms of Christianity, as well as in some expressions of Islam (Aly and Green, ‘Less than equal’). Massumi argues that even the ways in which some Muslims dress, indicating faith-based behaviour, can lead to what he terms as ‘affective modulation’ (Massumi), repeating and amplifying the fear affect as a result of experiencing the wider community’s fear response to such triggers as water bottles (from airport travel) and backpacks, on the basis of perceived physical difference and a supposed identification with Muslim communities, regardless of the situation. Such respondents constructed this (implied) injunction to suppress their religious and cultural affiliation as akin to constructing the expression of their identity as illegitimate and somehow shameful. Parallels can be drawn with previous social responses to a person born out of wedlock, and to people in same-sex relationships: a ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ kind of denial.Australian Muslims who see their faith as denied or marginalised may respond by identifying more strongly with other Muslims in their community, since the community-based context is one in which they feel welcomed and understood. The faith-based community also allows and encourages a wider repertoire of acceptable beliefs and actions entailed in the performance of ‘being Muslim’. Hand in hand with a perception of being required to express their religious identity in ways that were acceptable to the majority community, these respondents provided a range of examples of self-protective behaviours to defend themselves and others from the impacts of perceived marginalisation. Such behaviours included: changing their surnames to deflect discrimination based solely on a name (Aly and Green, ‘Fear, Anxiety and the State of Terror’); keeping their opinions private, even when they were in line with those being expressed by the majority community (Aly and Green, ‘Moderate Islam’); the identification of ‘less safe’ and ‘safe’ activities and areas; concerns about visibly different young men in the Muslim community and discussions with them about their public behaviour and demeanour; and women who chose not to leave their homes for fear of being targeted in public places (all discussed in Aly, ‘Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism’). Many of these behaviours, including changing surnames, restricting socialisation to people who know a person well, and the identification of safe and less safe activities in relation to the risk of self-revelation, were common strategies used by people who were stigmatised in previous times as a result of their illegitimacy.ConclusionConstructions of the legitimate and illegitimate provide one means through which we can investigate complex negotiations around Australianness and citizenship, thrown into sharp relief by the Australian government’s treatment of asylum seekers, also deemed “illegals”. Because they arrive in Australia (or, as the government would prefer, on Australia’s doorstep) by illegitimate channels these would-be citizens are treated very differently from people who arrive at an airport and overstay their visa. The impetus to exclude aspects of geographical Australia from the migration zone, and to house asylum seekers offshore, reveals an anxiety about borders which physically reflects the anxiety of western nations in the post-9/11 world. Asylum seekers who arrive by boat have rarely had safe opportunity to secure passports or visas, or to purchase tickets from commercial airlines or shipping companies. They represent those ethnicities and cultures which are currently in turmoil: a turmoil frequently exacerbated by western intervention, variously constructed as an il/legitimate expression of western power and interests.What this paper has demonstrated is that the boundary between Australia and the rest, the legitimate and the illegitimate, is failing in its aim of creating a stronger Australia. The means through which this project is pursued is making visible a range of motivations and concerns which are variously interpreted depending upon the position of the interpreter. The United Nations, for example, has expressed strong concern over Australia’s reneging upon its treaty obligations to refugees (Gordon). Less vocal, and more fearful, are those communities within Australia which identify as community members with the excluded illegals. The Australian government’s treatment of detainees on Manus Island and Nauru, who generally exhibit markers of visible difference as a result of ethnicity or culture, is one aspect of a raft of government policies which serve to make some people feel that their Australianness is somehow less legitimate than that of the broader community. AcknowledgementsThis paper is based on the findings of an Australian Research Council Discovery Project (DP0559707), 2005-7, “Australian responses to the images and discourses of terrorism and the other: establishing a metric of fear”, awarded to Professors Lelia Green and Mark Balnaves. The research involved 10 focus groups and 60 individual in-depth interviews and a telephone ‘fear of terrorism’ survey. The authors wish to acknowledge the participation and contributions of WA community members and wider Australian respondents to the telephone survey. ReferencesAly, Anne. “Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism in the Australian Popular Media.” Australian Journal of Social Issues 42.1 (2007): 27-40.Aly, Anne, and Lelia Green. “Fear, Anxiety and the State of Terror.” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 33.3 (Feb 2010): 268-81.Aly, Anne, and Lelia Green. “Less than Equal: Secularism, Religious Pluralism and Privilege.” M/C Journal 11.2 (2008). 15 Oct. 2009 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/32›.Aly, Anne, and Lelia Green. “‘Moderate Islam’: Defining the Good Citizen”. M/C Journal 10.6/11.1 (2008). 13 April 2008 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/08-aly-green.php›.Aly, Anne, and Mark Balnaves. “‘They Want Us to Be Afraid’: Developing a Metric for the Fear of Terrorism. International Journal of Diversity in Organisations, Communities & Nations 6.6 (2008): 113-122.Barthes, Roland. S/Z. Oxford: Blackwell, 1990.Bassio, Diana. “‘Be Alert, Not Alarmed’: Governmental Communication of Risk in an Era of Insecurity.” Annual Conference Australian and New Zealand Communication Association, Christchurch, New Zealand, 2005. ‹http://www.anzca.net/documents/anzca-05-1/refereed-proceedings-9/247-be-alert-not-alarmed-governmental-communication-of-risk-in-an-era-of-insecurity-1/file.html›.Bateson, Gregory, and Mary Catherine Bateson. “Innocence and Experience”. Angels Fear: Towards an Epistemology of the Sacred. New York: Hampton Press, 1987. 167-182. 11 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.oikos.org/baten.htm›.Cookson, Catherine. Our Kate. London: Corgi, 1969.Cox, Nicole. “Police Probe ‘Die for Syria’ Car Stickers”. WA Today 11 Sep. 2014. 11 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.watoday.com.au/wa-news/police-probe-die-for-syria-car-stickers-20140911-10fmo7.html›.Crock, Mary. “That Sinking Feeling: Correspondence”. Quarterly Essay 54 (June 2014): 75-79.Douglas, Mary. Purity and Danger. London: Routledge and Keagan Paul, 1978 [1966].Gordon, Michael. “New UN Human Rights Chief Attacks Australia over Asylum Seeker Rights ‘Violations’.” Sydney Morning Herald 7 Sep. 2014. 11 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/new-un-human-rights-chief-attacks-australia-over-asylum-seeker-rights-violations-20140907-10dlkx.html›.Green, Lelia. “Bordering on the Inconceivable: The Pacific Solution, the Migration Zone and ‘Australia’s 9/11’”. Australian Journal of Communication 31.1 (2004): 19-36.Green, Lelia. “Did the World Really Change on 9/11?” Australian Journal of Communication 29.2 (2002): 1-14.Green, Lelia, and Anne Aly. “How Australian Muslims Construct Western Fear of the Muslim Other”. Negotiating Identities: Constructed Selves and Others. Ed. Helen Vella Bonavita. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2011. 65-90. Karam, Zeina, and Vivian Salama. “US President Barack Obama Powers Up to Shut Down Islamic State”. The Australian 11 Sep. 2014. 11 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.theaustralian/world/%20us-president-barak-obama-powers-up-to-shut-down-islamic-state-20140911-10f9dh.html›.Lévi-Strauss, Claude. The Raw and the Cooked: Mythologiques, Volume 1. Chicago: University of Chicago, 1969.Massumi, Brian. “Fear (the Spectrum Said).” Positions 13.1 (2005): 31-48.McKay, Fiona H., Samantha, L. 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Photo by Christian Bowen on Unsplash ABSTRACT Assisted Reproductive Technology can be a beneficial tool for couples unable to reproduce independently; however, it has historically discriminated against the LGBTQ+ community members. Given the evolution and acceptance of LGBTQ rights in recent years, discrimination and barriers to access reproductive technology and health care should be readdressed as they still exist within this community. INTRODUCTION In recent years, the LGBTQ+ community has made great strides toward attaining equal rights. This fight dates back to 1970 when Michael Baker and McConnell applied for a marriage license in Minnesota.[1] After the county courthouse denied the couple's request, they appealed to the Minnesota Supreme Court. Baker and McConnell’s dispute reached the US Supreme Court. Baker v. Nelson[2] was the first time a same-sex couple attempted to pursue marriage through higher courts in the US.[3] Because the couple lost the case, Baker changed his name to a gender-neutral one, and McConnell adopted Baker, allowing Baker and McConnell to have legal protections like the ability to receive certain inheritances. Baker and McConnell received a marriage license from an unsuspecting clerk from Blue Earth County, where they wed on September 3, 1971.[4] BACKGROUND The Supreme Court’s decision left individual state legislatures the option to accommodate same-sex couples’ rights constitutionally. As a result, some states banned same-sex marriage, while others offered alternative options such as domestic partnerships. With many obstacles, such as the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) and President Bush’s efforts to limit marriage to heterosexual people, Massachusetts became the first state to legalize gay marriage in 2003.[5] Other states slowly followed. Finally, in 2015 the US Supreme Court made same-sex marriage legal in all 50 states in Obergefell v. Hodges,[6] marking an important milestone for the LGBTQ+ community’s fight toward marriage equality. The Obergefell v. Hodges decision emphasized that members of the homosexual community are “not to be condemned to live in loneliness, excluded from one of civilization's oldest institutions,” thus granting them the right to “equal dignity in the eyes of the law.”[7] This paper argues that in the aftermath of the wide acceptance of LGBTQ rights, discrimination and barriers to access reproductive technology and health care persist nationally. Procreation also faces discrimination. Research supports that children’s overall psychological and physical welfare with same-sex parents does not differ compared to children with heterosexual parents.[8] Some others worry about the children’s developmental health and argue that same-sex male couples’ inability to breastfeed their children may be harmful; however, such parents can obtain breast milk via surrogate donation.[9] Further concerns regarding confusion in gender identity in children raised by same-sex parents are not supported by research in the field indicating that there are “no negative developmental or psychological outcomes for a child, nor does it result in differing gender identity, gender role behavior or sexual partner preference compared to opposite-sex parents.”[10] ANALYSIS l. Desire to Procreate The American perception toward same-sex unions has evolved “from pathology to deviant lifestyle to identity.”[11] In 2001, only 35 percent of Americans favored same‐sex marriage, while 62 percent favored it in 2017.[12] The “Gay marriage generation”[13] has a positive attitude toward same-sex unions, arising from the “interaction among activists, celebrities, political and religious leaders, and ordinary people, who together reconfigured Americans’ social imagination of homosexuality in a way that made gay marriage seem normal, logical, and good.”[14] Same-sex couples’ right to build a biological family and ability to do so using modern reproductive technology is unclear. The data generated by the LGBTQ Family Building Survey revealed “dramatic differences in expectations around family building between LGBTQ millennials (aged 18-35) and older generations of LGBTQ people,”[15] which may be in part attributable to recent federal rulings in favor of same-sex couples. Three important results from this survey are that 63 percent of LGBTQ millennials are considering expanding their families throughout parenthood, 48 percent of LGBTQ millennials are actively planning to grow their families, compared to 55 percent of non-LGBTQ millennials; and 63 percent of those LGBTQ people interested in building a family expect to use assisted reproductive technology (ART), foster care, or adoption to become parents.[16] There are 15.9 million Americans who identify as LGBTQ+ (6.1 million of whom are 18 to 35 years old); thus, an estimated “3.8 million LGBTQ+ millennials are considering expanding their families in the coming years, and 2.9 million are actively planning to do so.”[17] Yet access and affordability to ART, especially in vitro fertilization (IVF) and surrogacy for same-sex couples, has not been consistent at a national level. The two primary problems accessing ART for the LGBTQ community are the lack of federal law and cost. A federal law that guaranteed coverage would address both problems. ll. ART for Same-Sex Couples All same-sex male (SSM) couples and same-sex female (SSF) couples must involve third parties, including surrogates or egg or sperm donors.[18] ART involves the legal status of “up to two women (surrogate and egg donor),” the intended parents, and the child for SSM couples.[19] While sometimes necessary for heterosexual couples using ART, an egg or sperm from someone other than the intended parents or a surrogate will always be necessary for the LGBTQ people seeking ART. ART, in particular IVF, is essential for infertile couples unable to conceive on their own. Unlike other industrialized countries (such as Canada, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Germany, and Australia), the US does not heavily oversee this multibillion-dollar industry.[20] The American Society for Reproductive Medicine does provide lengthy guidelines to fertility clinics and sperm banks; however, state lawmakers have been less active as they seem to avoid the controversy surrounding controversial topics like embryo creation and abortion.[21] As a result, states “do not regulate how many children may be conceived from one donor, what types of medical information or updates must be supplied by donors, what genetic tests may be performed on embryos, how many fertilized eggs may be placed in a woman or how old a donor can be.”[22] lll. A Flawed Definition of Infertility The WHO defines the medical definition of infertility as “a disease of the reproductive system defined by the failure to achieve a clinical pregnancy after twelve months or more of regular unprotected sexual intercourse.”[23] This antiquated definition must be updated to include social infertility to integrate same-sex couples’ rights.[24] In the US, single individuals and LGBTQ couples interested in building a family by biological means are considered “socially infertile.”[25] If insurance coverage is allotted only to those with physical infertility, then it is exclusive to the heterosexual community. Although some states, such as New York, discussed below, have directly addressed this inequality by extending the definition of infertility and coverage of infertility treatments to include all residents regardless of sexual orientation, this is not yet the norm everywhere else. The outdated definition of infertility is one of the main issues affecting same-sex couples’ access to ART, as medical insurance companies hold on to the formal definition of infertility to deny coverage. lV. Insurance Coverage for IVF Insurance coverage varies per state and relies on the flawed definition of infertility. As of August 2020, 19 states have passed laws requiring insurance coverage for infertility, 13 of which include IVF coverage, as seen in Figure 1. Also, most states do not offer IVF coverage to low-income people through Medicaid.[26] In states that mandate IVF insurance coverage, the utilization rate was “277% of the rate when there was no coverage,”[27] which supports the likelihood that in other states, the cost is a primary barrier to access. When insurance does not cover ART, ART is reserved for wealthy individuals. One cycle of ART could cost, on average, “between $10,000 and $15,000.”[28] In addition, multiple cycles are often required as one IVF cycle only has “about a 25% to 30%” live birth success rate.[29] Altogether, the total cost of successful childbirth was estimated from $44,000 to $211,940 in 1992.[30] On February 11, 2021, New York Governor Andrew M. Cuomo “directed the Department of Financial Services to ensure that insurers begin covering fertility services immediately for same-sex couples who wish to start a family.”[31] New York had recently passed an IVF insurance law that required “large group insurance policies and contracts that provide medical, major medical, or similar comprehensive-type coverage and are delivered or issued for delivery in New York to cover three cycles of IVF used in the treatment of infertility.”[32] But the law fell short for same-sex couples, which were still required to “pay 6 or 12 months of out-of-pocket expenses for fertility treatments such as testing and therapeutic donor insemination procedures before qualifying for coverage.”[33] Cuomo’s subsequent order made up for gaps in the law, which defined infertility as “the inability to conceive after a certain period of unprotected intercourse or donor insemination.”[34] Cuomo’s order and the law combine to make New York an example other states can follow to broaden access to ART. V. Surrogacy Access to surrogacy also presents its own set of problems, although not exclusive to the LGBTQ community. Among states, there are differences in how and when parental rights are established. States in dark green in Figure 2 allow pre-birth orders, while the states in light green allow post-birth parentage orders. Pre-birth orders “are obtained prior to the child’s birth, and they order that the intended parent(s) will be recognized as the child’s only legal parent(s) and will be placed on the child’s birth certificate,” while post-birth parentage orders have the same intent but are obtained after the child’s birth. [35] For instance, states can require genetic testing post-birth, possibly causing a delay in establishing parentage.[36] Although preventable through the execution of a health care power of attorney, a surrogate mother could be the legal, medical decision-maker for the baby before the intended parents are legally recognized. On February 15, 2021, gestational surrogacy – the most popular type of surrogacy in which the surrogate has no biological link to the baby – was legalized in New York,[37] but it remains illegal in some states such as Nebraska, Louisiana, and Michigan.[38] In addition, the costs of surrogacy are rising, and it can cost $100,000 in the US.[39] Medicaid does not cover surrogacy costs,[40] and some health insurance policies provide supplemental surrogacy insurance with premiums of approximately $10,000 and deductibles starting at $15,000.[41] Thus, “surrogacy is really only available to those gay and lesbian couples who are upper class,”[42] leaving non-affluent couples out of options to start a family through biological means. Vl. A Right to Equality and Procreation Some argue that same-sex couples should have the right to procreate (or reproductive rights). Based on arguments stemming from equal rights and non-discrimination, same-sex couples who need to use ART to procreate should have access to it. The need to merge social infertility into the currently incomplete definition of fertility could help same-sex couples achieve access through insurance coverage. The human right of equality and non-discrimination guarantees “equal and effective protection against discrimination on any ground.”[43] The United Nations later clarified that “sexual orientation is a concept which is undoubtedly covered” [44] by this protection. The right to procreate is not overtly mentioned in the US Constitution; however, the Equal Protection Clause states that “No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States… without due process of law.”[45] In fact, some states have abridged the reproductive privileges of some US citizens by upholding prohibitive and intricate mechanisms that deter same-sex couples from enjoying the privileges other citizens have. The Supreme Court acknowledged procreation as a “fundamental”[46] personal right, in Skinner v. Oklahoma, mandating that the reproductive rights of individuals be upheld as the right to procreate is “one of the basic civil rights of man”[47] because “procreation [is] fundamental to the very existence and survival of the race.”[48] In Eisenstadt v. Baird, the courts also supported that “the decision whether to bear or beget a child” fundamentally affects a person.[49] I argue that this protection extends to same-sex couples seeking to procreate. Finally, Obergefell v. Hodges held that the Due Process and Equal Protection clauses ensure same-sex couples the right to marriage, as marriage “safeguards children and families, draw[ing] meaning from related rights of childrearing, procreation, and education.”[50] By implicit or explicit means, these cases align with the freedom to procreate that should not be unequally applied to different social or economic groups. Yet, the cases do not apply to accessing expensive tools to procreate. As heterosexuals and the LGBTQ community face trouble accessing expensive ART for vastly different reasons, especially IVF and surrogacy, the equal rights or discrimination argument is not as helpful. For now, it is relevant to adoption cases where religious groups can discriminate.[51] The insurance coverage level may be the best approach. While the social norms adapt and become more inclusive, the elimination of the infertility requirement or changing the definition of infertility could work. Several arguments could address the insurance coverage deficit. Under one argument, a biological or physical inability to conceive exists in the homosexual couple trying to achieve a pregnancy. Depending on the wording or a social definition, a caselaw could be developed arguing the medical definition of infertility applies to the LGBTQ community as those trying to procreate are physically unable to conceive as a couple planning to become parents. One counterargument to that approach is that it can be offensive to label people infertile (or disabled) only because of their status as part of a homosexual couple.[52] CONCLUSION In the last 50 years, there has been a notable shift in the social acceptance of homosexuality.[53] Marriage equality has opened the door for further social and legal equality, as evidenced by the increased number of same-sex couples seeking parenthood “via co-parenting, fostering, adoption or surrogacy” – colloquially referred to as the ‘Gayby Boom’.[54] However, some prejudice and disdain toward LGBTQ+ parenting remain. Equitable access to ART for all people may be attainable as new technology drives costs down, legislators face societal pressure to require broader insurance coverage, and social norms become more inclusive. [1] Eckholm, E. (2015, May 17). The same-sex couple who got a marriage license in 1971. Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/17/us/the-same-sex-couple-who-got-a-marriage-license-in-1971.html [2] Eckholm, E. [3] A brief history of civil rights in the United States: A timeline of the legalization of same-sex marriage in the U.S. (2021, January 27). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://guides.ll.georgetown.edu/c.php?g=592919&p=4182201 [4] Eckholm, E. [5] A brief history of civil rights in the United States: A timeline of the legalization of same-sex marriage in the U.S. (2021, January 27). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://guides.ll.georgetown.edu/c.php?g=592919&p=4182201 [6] A brief history of civil rights in the United States [7] A brief history of civil rights in the United States [8] Lee, J., & Bolzendahl, C. (2019). Acceptance and Rejection: Patterns of opinion on homosexuality in the United States and the world. Sociological Forum, 34(4), 1026-1031. doi:10.1111/socf.12562 [9] Lee, J., et al. [10] Lee, J., et al. [11] Lee, J., et al. [12] Lee, et al. [13] Lee, et al. [14] Lee, et al. [15] LGBTQ family building survey. (2020, July 02). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.familyequality.org/resources/lgbtq-family-building-survey/ [16] LGBTQ family building survey. (2020, July 02). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.familyequality.org/resources/lgbtq-family-building-survey/ [17] LGBTQ family building survey. (2020, July 02). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.familyequality.org/resources/lgbtq-family-building-survey/ [18] Mackenzie, S. C., Wickins-Drazilova, D., & Wickins, J. (2020). The ethics of fertility treatment for same-sex male couples: Considerations for a modern fertility clinic. European Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology and Reproductive Biology, 244, 71-75. doi:10.1016/j.ejogrb.2019.11.011 [19] Mackenzie, et al. [20] Ollove, M. (2015, March 18). States not eager to regulate fertility industry. Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/blogs/stateline/2015/3/18/states-not-eager-to-regulate-fertility-industry [21] Ollove, M. [22] Ollove, M. [23] World Health Organization. (2020, September 14). Infertility. World Health Organization. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/infertility [24] Leondires, M. P. (2020, March 19). Fertility insurance Mandates & same-sex couples. Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.gayparentstobe.com/gay-parenting-blog/fertility-insurance-mandates-same-sex-couples/ [25] Lo, W., & Campo-Engelstein, L. (2018). Expanding the Clinical Definition of Infertility to Include Socially Infertile Individuals and Couples. Reproductive Ethics II, 71–83. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89429-4_6 [26] Mohapatra, S. (2015). Assisted Reproduction Inequality and Marriage Equality. Chicago-Kent Law Review, 92(1). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4146&context=cklawreview [27] Mohapatra, S. [28] Mohapatra, S. [29] Mohapatra, S. [30] Mohapatra, S. [31] Governor Cuomo announces new actions to expand access to FERTILITY coverage for same sex couples as part of 2021 Women's Agenda. (n.d.). [32] Health Insurers FAQs: IVF and Fertility Preservation Law Q&A Guidance. (n.d.). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.dfs.ny.gov/apps_and_licensing/health_insurers/ivf_fertility_preservation_law_qa_guidance [33] Governor Cuomo announces new actions to expand access to FERTILITY coverage for same sex couples as part of 2021 Women's Agenda. (n.d.). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/governor-cuomo-announces-new-actions-expand-access-fertility-coverage-same-sex-couples-part#:~:text=February%2011%2C%202021-,Governor%20Cuomo%20Announces%20New%20Actions%20to%20Expand%20Access%20to%20Fertility,Part%20of%202021%20Women's%20Agenda&text=Cuomo%20today%20directed%20the%20Department,wish%20to%20start%20a%20family. [34] Leondires, M. P. [35] Assisted reproduction parentage proceedings information: Academy of Adoption and Assistive Reproduction Attorneys (AAAA). (2019, March 14). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://adoptionart.org/assisted-reproduction/parentage-proceedings/ [36] Assisted reproduction parentage proceedings information. [37] Governor Cuomo reminds surrogates and parents of their new Insurance rights and protections During Gestational Surrogacy. (n.d.). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/governor-cuomo-reminds-surrogates-and-parents-their-new-insurance-rights-and-protections-during [38] U.S. Surrogacy Map: Surrogacy laws by state. (2020, December 23). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.creativefamilyconnections.com/us-surrogacy-law-map/ [39] Mohapatra, S. [40] Beitsch, R. (2017, June 29). As surrogacy surges, new parents seek legal protections. Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/blogs/stateline/2017/06/29/as-surrogacy-surges-new-parents-seek-legal-protections#:~:text=Medicaid%20does%20not%20cover%20surrogacy,and%20intended%20parents%20at%20risk. [41] Where to find surrogacy insurance? (2017, November 02). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://surrogate.com/intended-parents/surrogacy-laws-and-legal-information/where-can-i-find-surrogacy-insurance/ [42] Mohapatra, S. [43] International covenant on civil and political rights. (n.d.). Retrieved April 08, 2021, from https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/ccpr.aspx [44] United Nations. (2003). Human rights in the administration of justice: a manual on human rights for judges, prosecutors and lawyers. [45] U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 1. [46] Skinner v. Oklahoma, Https://caselaw.findlaw.com/us-supreme-court/316/535.html (June 1, 1942). [47] Skinner v. Oklahoma [48] Skinner v. Oklahoma [49] Eisenstadt v. Baird, Https://www.lexisnexis.com/community/casebrief/p/casebrief-eisenstadt-v-baird (March 22, 1972). [50] Obergefell v. Hodges [51] Higgins, T. (2021, June 17). Supreme Court sides with Catholic adoption agency that refuses to work with LGBT couples. CNBC. https://www.cnbc.com/2021/06/17/supreme-court-sides-with-catholic-adoption-agency-that-refuses-to-work-with-lgbt-couples.html. [52] Bowerman, M., May, A., & Rossman, S. (2017, April 24). Should the definition of infertility be more inclusive? USA Today. https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation-now/2017/04/22/same-sex-couples-covered-infertility-insurance/100644092/. [53] Mackenzie, et al. [54] Mackenzie, et al.

Neil Jordan’s Breakfast on Pluto (2005) reconceives transience and domesticity together. This queer Irish road film collapses opposition between mobility and home by uncoupling them from heteronormative structures of gender, desire, and space—male/female, public/private. The film’s protagonist, Patrick “Kitten” Braden (Cillian Murphy), wanders in search of a loved one without whom she does not feel at home. Along the way, the film exposes and exploits the doubleness of both “mobility” and “home” in the traditional road narrative, queering the conventions of the road film to convey the desire and possibilities for an alternative domesticity. In its rerouting of the traditional road plot, Breakfast on Pluto does not follow a hero escaping the obligations of home and family to find autonomy on the road. Instead, the film charts Kitten’s quest to realise a sense of home through trans-domesticity—that is, to find shelter in non-heteronormative, mutual care while in both transient and public spaces.I affix “trans-” to “domesticity” to signal both the queerness and mobility that transform understandings of domestic spaces and practices in Breakfast on Pluto. To clarify, trans-domesticity is not queer assimilation to heteronormative domesticity, nor is it a relegation of queer culture to privatised and demobilised spaces. Rather, trans-domesticity challenges the assumption that all forms of domesticity are inherently normalising and demobilising. In other words, trans-domesticity uncovers tensions and violence swept under the rugs of hegemonic domesticity. Moreover, this alternative domesticity moves between and beyond the terms of gender and spatial oppositions that delimit the normative home.Specifically, “trans-domesticity” names non-normative homemaking practices that arise out of the “desire to feel at home”, a desire that Anne-Marie Fortier identifies in queer diasporic narratives (1890-90). Accordingly, “trans-domesticity” also registers the affective processes that foster the connectedness and belonging of “home” away from private domestic spaces and places of origin, a “rethinking of the concept of home”, which Ed Madden traces in lesbian and gay migrant narratives (175-77). Building on the assumption of queer diaspora theorists “that not only can one be at home in movement, but that movement can be one’s very own home” (Rapport and Dawson 27), trans-domesticity focuses critical attention on the everyday practices and emotional labour that create a home in transience.As Breakfast on Pluto tracks its transgender protagonist’s movement between a small Irish border town, Northern Ireland, and London, the film invokes both a specifically Irish migration and the broader queer diaspora of which it is a part. While trans-domesticity is a recurring theme across a wide range of queer diasporic narratives, in Breakfast on Pluto it also simultaneously drives the plot and functions as a narrative frame. The film begins and ends with Kitten telling her story as she wanders through the streets of Soho and cares for a member of her made family, her friend Charlie’s baby.Although I am concerned with the film adaptation, Patrick McCabe’s “Prelude” to his novel, Breakfast on Pluto (1998), offers a useful point of departure: Patrick “Pussy” Braden’s dream, “as he negotiates the minefields of this world”, is “ending, once and for all, this ugly state of perpetual limbo” and “finding a map which might lead to that place called home” (McCabe x). In such a place, McCabe’s hero might lay “his head beneath a flower-bordered print that bears the words at last ‘You’re home’”(McCabe xi). By contrast, the film posits that “home” is never a “place” apart from “the minefields of this world”, and that while being in transit and in limbo might be a perpetual state, it is not necessarily an ugly one.Jordan’s film thus addresses the same questions as does Susan Fraiman in her book Extreme Domesticity: “But what about those for whom dislocation is not back story but main event? Those who, having pulled themselves apart, realize no timely arrival at a place of their own, so that being not-unpacked is an ongoing condition?” (155). Through her trans-domestic shelter-making and caregiving practices, Kitten enacts “home” in motion and in public spaces, and thereby realises the elision in the flower-bordered print in McCabe’s “Prelude” (xi), which does not assure “You are at home” but, rather, “You are home”.From Housed to Trans-Domestic SubjectivitySelf and home are equated in the dominant cultural narratives of Western modernity, but “home” in such formulations is assumed to be a self-owned, self-contained space. Psychoanalytic theorist Carl Jung describes this Ur-house as “a concretization of the individuation process, […] a symbol of psychic wholeness” (225). Philosopher Gaston Bachelard sees in the home “the topography of our intimate being”, a structure that “concentrates being within limits that protect” (xxxii). However, as historian Carolyn Steedman suggests, the mythic house that has become “the stuff of our ‘cultural psychology,’ the system of everyday metaphors by which we see ourselves”, is far from universal; rather, it reflects “the topography of the houses” of those who stand “in a central relationship to the dominant culture” (75, 17).For others, the lack of such housing correlates with political marginalisation, as the house functions as both a metaphor and material marker for culturally-recognised selfhood. As cultural geographer John Agnew argues, in capitalist societies the self-owned home is both a sign of autonomous individuality and a prerequisite for full political subjectivity (60). Philosopher Rosi Braidotti asserts that this figuration of subjectivity in “the phallo-Eurocentric master code” treats as “disposable” the “bodies of women, youth, and others who are racialised or marked off by age, gender, sexuality, and income” (6). These bodies are “reduced to marginality” and subsequently “experience dispossession of their embodied and embedded selves, in a political economy of repeated and structurally enforced eviction” (Braidotti 6).To shift the meaning of “home” and the intimately-linked “self” from a privately-owned, autonomous structure to trans-domesticity, to an ethos of care enacted even, and especially in, transient and public spaces, is not to romanticise homelessness or to deny the urgent necessity of material shelter. Breakfast on Pluto certainly does not allow viewers to do either. Rather, the figure of a trans-domestic self, like Braidotti’s “nomadic subject”, has the potential to challenge and transform the terms of power relations. Those now on the margins might then be seen as equally-embodied selves and full political subjects with the right to shelter and care.Such a political project also entails recognising and revaluing—without appropriating and demobilising—existing trans-domesticity. As Fraiman argues, “domesticity” must be “map[ped] from the margins” in order to include the homemaking practices of gender rebels and the precariously housed, of castaways and outcasts (4-5). This alternative map would allow “outsiders to normative domesticity” to “claim domesticity while wrenching it away from such things as compulsory heterosexuality […] and the illusion of a safely barricaded life” (Fraiman 4-5). Breakfast on Pluto shares in this re-mapping work by exposing the violence embedded in heteronormative domestic structures, and by charting the radical political potential of trans-domesticity.Unsettling HousesIn the traditional road narrative, “home” tends to be a static, confining structure from which the protagonist escapes, a space that then functions as “a structuring absence” on the road (Robertson 271). Bachelard describes this normative structure as a “dream house” that constitutes “a body of images that give mankind proofs or illusions of stability” (17); the house functions, Henri Lefebvre argues, as “the epitome of immobility” (92). Whether the dream is to escape and/or to return, “to write of houses”, as Adam Hanna asserts, “is to raise ideas of shelters that are fixed and secure” (113).Breakfast on Pluto quickly gives lie to those expectations. Kitten is adopted by Ma Braden (Ruth McCabe), a single woman who raises Kitten and her adopted sister in domestic space that is connected to, and part of, a public house. That spatial contiguity undermines any illusion of privacy and security, as is evident in the scene in which a school-aged Kitten, who thought herself safely home alone and thus able to dress in her mother’s and sister’s clothes, is discovered in the act by her mother and sister from the pub’s street entrance. Further, the film lays bare the built-in mechanisms of surveillance and violence that reinforce heteronormative, patriarchal structures. After discovering Kitten in women’s clothes, Ma Braden violently scrubs her clean and whacks her with a brush until Kitten says, “I’m a boy, not a girl”. The public/house space facilitates Ma Braden’s close monitoring of Kitten thereafter.As a young writer in secondary school, Kitten satirises the violence within the hegemonic home by narrating the story of the rape of her biological mother, Eily Bergin (Eva Birthistle), by Kitten’s father, Father Liam (Liam Neeson) in a scene of hyper-domesticity set in the rectory kitchen. As Patrick Mullen notes, “the rendition of the event follows the bubble-gum logic and tone of 1950s Hollywood culture” (130). The relationship between the ideal domesticity thereby invoked and the rape then depicted exposes the sexual violence for what it is: not an external violation of the double sanctity of church and home space, but rather an internal and even intrinsic violence that reinforces and is shielded by the power structures from which normative domesticity is never separate.The only sense of home that seems to bind Kitten to her place of origin is based in her affective bonds to friends Charlie (Ruth Negga) and Lawrence (Seamus Reilly). When Lawrence is killed by a bomb, Kitten is no longer at home, and she leaves town to search for the “phantom” mother she never knew. The impetus for Kitten’s wandering, then, is connection rather than autonomy, and neither the home she leaves, nor the sense of home she seeks, are fixed structures.Mobile Homes and Queering of the Western RoadBreakfast on Pluto tracks how the oppositions that seem to structure traditional road films—such as that between home and mobility, and between domestic and open spaces—continually collapse. The film invokes the “cowboy and Indian” mythology from which the Western road narrative descends (Boyle 19), but to different ends: to capture a desire for non-heteronormative affective bonds rather than “lone ranger” autonomy, and to convey a longing for domesticity on the trail, for a home that is both mobile and open. Across the past century of Irish fiction and film, “cowboy and Indian” mythology has often intersected with queer wandering, from James Joyce’s Dubliners story “An Encounter” (1914) to Lenny Abrahamson’s film Adam & Paul (2004). In this tradition, Breakfast on Pluto queers “cowboy and Indian” iconography to convey an alternative conception of domesticity and home. The prevailing ethos in the film’s queered Western scenes is of trans-domesticity—of inclusion and care during transience and in open spaces. After bar bouncers exclude Kitten and friends because of her transgenderism and Lawrence’s Down syndrome, “The Border Knights” (hippie-bikers-cum-cowboys) ride to their rescue and bring them to their temporary home under the stars. Once settled around the campfire, the first biker shares his philosophy with a cuddled-up Kitten: “When I’m riding my hog, you think I’m riding the road? No way, man. I’m travelling from the past into the future with a druid at my back”. “Druid man or woman?” Kitten asks. “That doesn’t matter”, the biker clarifies, “What matters is the journey”. What matters is not place as fixed destination or gender as static difference, but rather the practice of travelling with open relationships to space, to time, and to others. The bikers welcome all to their fire and include both Kitten and Lawrence in their sharing of jokes and joints. The only exclusion is of reference to political violence, which Charlie’s boyfriend, Irwin (Laurence Kinlan), tries to bring into the conversation.Further, Kitten uses domesticity to try to establish a place for herself while on the road with “Billy Hatchett and The Mohawks”, the touring band that picks her up when she leaves Ma Braden’s. As Mullen notes, “Kitten literally works herself into the band by hand sewing a ‘squaw’ outfit to complement the group’s glam-rock Native American image” (Mullen 141). The duet that Kitten performs with Billy (Gavin Friday), a song about a woman inviting “a wandering man” to share the temporary shelter of her campfire, invokes trans-domesticity. But the film intercuts their performance with scenes of violent border-policing: first, by British soldiers at a checkpoint who threaten the group and boast about the “13 less to deal with” in Derry, and then by members of the Republican Prisoners Welfare Association, who throw cans at the group and yell them off stage. A number of critics have noted the postcolonial implications of Breakfast on Pluto’s use of Native American iconography, which in these intercut scenes clearly raises the national stakes of constructions of domestic belonging (see, for instance, Winston 153-71). In complementary ways, the film queers “cowboy and Indian” mythology to reimagine “mobility” and “home” together.After Kitten is forced out by the rest of the band, Billy sets her up in a caravan, a mobile home left to him by his mother. Though Billy “wouldn’t exactly call it a house”, Kitten sees in it her first chance at a Bachelardian “dream house”: she calls it a “house of dreams and longing” and cries, “Oh, to have a little house, to own the hearth, stool, and all”. Kitten ecstatically begins to tidy the place, performing what Fraiman terms a “hyper-investment in homemaking” that functions “as compensation for domestic deprivation” (20).Aisling Cormack suggests that Kitten’s hyper-investment in homemaking signals the film’s “radical disengagement with politics” to a “femininity that is inherently apolitical” (169-70). But that reading holds only if viewers assume a gendered, spatial divide between public and private, and between the political and the domestic. As Fraiman asserts, “the political meaning of fixating on domestic arrangements is more complex […] For the poor or transgendered person, the placeless immigrant or the woman on her own, aspiring to a safe, affirming home doesn’t reinforce hierarchical social relations but is pitched, precisely, against them” (20).Trans-Domesticity as Political ActEven as Kitten invokes the idea of a Bachelardian dream house, she performs a trans-domesticity that exposes the falseness of the gendered, spatial oppositions assumed to structure the normative home. Her domesticity is not an apolitical retreat; rather, it is pitched, precisely, against the violence that public/private and political/domestic oppositions enable within the house, as well as beyond it. As she cleans, Kitten discovers that violence is literally embedded in her caravan home when she finds a cache of Irish Republican Army (IRA) guns under the floor. After a bomb kills Lawrence, Kitten throws the guns into a reservoir, a defiant act that she describes to the IRA paramilitaries who come looking for the guns as “spring cleaning”. Cormack asserts that Kitten “describing her perilous destruction of the guns in terms of domestic labor” strips it “of all political significance” (179). I argue instead that it demonstrates the radical potential of trans-domesticity, of an ethos of care-taking and shelter-making asserted in public and political spaces. Kitten’s act is not apolitical, though it is decidedly anti-violence.From the beginning of Breakfast on Pluto, Kitten’s trans-domesticity exposes the violence structurally embedded in heteronormative domestic ideology. Additionally, the film’s regular juxtaposition of scenes of Kitten’s homemaking practices with scenes of political violence demonstrates that no form of domesticity functions as a private, apolitical retreat from “the minefields of this world” (McCabe x). This latter counterpoint throws into relief the political significance of Kitten’s trans-domesticity. Her domestic practices are her means of resisting and transforming the structural violence that poses an existential threat to marginalised and dispossessed people.After Kitten is accused of being responsible for an IRA bombing in London, the ruthless, violent interrogation of Kitten by British police officers begins to break down her sense of self. Throughout this brutal scene, Kitten compulsively straightens the chairs and tidies the room, and she responds to her interrogators with kindness and even affection. Fraiman’s theorisation of “extreme domesticity” helps to articulate how Kitten’s homemaking in carceral space—she calls it “My Sweet Little Cell”—is an “urgent” act that, “in the wake of dislocation”, can mean “safety, sanity, and self-expression; survival in the most basic sense” (25). Cormack reads Kitten’s reactions in this scene as “masochistic” and the male police officers’ nurturing response as of a piece with the film’s “more-feminine-than-feminine disengagement from political realities” (185-89). However, I disagree: Kitten’s trans-domesticity is a political act that both sustains her within structures that would erase her and converts officers of the state to an ethos of care and shelter. Inspector Routledge, for example, gently carries Kitten back to her cell, and after her release, PC Wallis ensures that she is safely (if not privately) housed with a cooperatively-run peep show, the address at which an atoning Father Liam locates her in London.After Kitten and a pregnant Charlie are burned out of the refuge that they temporarily find with Father Liam, Kitten and Charlie return to London, where Charlie’s baby is born soon after into the trans-domesticity that opens the film. Rejoining the story’s frame, Breakfast on Pluto ends close to where it begins: Kitten and the baby meet Charlie outside a London hospital, where Kitten sees Eily Bergin with her new son, Patrick. Instead of meeting where their paths intersect, the two families pass each other and turn in opposite directions. Kitten now knows that hers is both a different road and a different kind of home. “Home”, then, is not a place gained once and for all. Rather, home is a perpetual practice that does not separate one from the world, but can create the shelter of mutual care as one wanders through it.The Radical Potential and Structural Limits of Trans-DomesticityBreakfast on Pluto demonstrates the agency that trans-domesticity can afford in the lives of marginalised and dispossessed individuals, as well as the power of the structures that militate against its broader realisation. The radical political potential of trans-domesticity manifests in the transformation in the two police officers’ relational practices. Kitten’s trans-domesticity also inspires a reformation in Father Liam, the film’s representative of the Catholic Church and a man whose relationship to others transmutes from sexual violence and repressive secrecy to mutual nurturance and inclusive love. Although these individual conversions do not signify changes in structures of power, they do allow viewers to imagine the possibility of a state and a church that cherish, shelter, and care for all people equally. The film’s ending conveys this sense of fairy-tale-like possibility through its Disney-esque chattering birds and the bubble-gum pop song, “Sugar Baby Love”.In the end, the sense of hopefulness that closes Breakfast on Pluto coexists with the reality that dominant power structures will not recognise Kitten’s trans-domestic subjectivity and family, and that those structures will work to contain any perceived threat, just as the Catholic Church banishes the converted Father Liam to Kilburn Parish. That Kitten and Charlie nevertheless realise a clear contentment in themselves and in their made family demonstrates the vital importance of trans-domesticity and other forms of “extreme domesticity” in the lives of those who wander.ReferencesAgnew, John. “Home Ownership and Identity in Capitalist Societies.” Housing and Identity: Cross Cultural Perspectives. Ed. James S. Duncan. New York: Holmes and Meier, 1982. 60–97.Bachelard, Gaston. The Poetics of Space. 1957. Trans. Maria Jolas. 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Aniela Jaffe. Trans. Clara Winston and Richard Winston. New York: Vintage Books, 1989.Lefebvre, Henri. The Production of Social Space. Trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991.Madden, Ed. “Queering the Irish Diaspora: David Rees and Padraig Rooney.” Éire-Ireland 47.1–2 (2012): 172–200.McCabe, Patrick. Breakfast on Pluto. London: Picador, 1998.Mullen, Patrick R. The Poor Bugger’s Tool: Irish Modernism, Queer Labor, and Postcolonial History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012.Rapport, Nigel, and Andrew Dawson. Migrants of Identity: Perceptions of ‘Home’ in a World of Movement. Oxford: Berg, 1998.Robertson, Pamela. “Home and Away: Friends of Dorothy on the Road in Oz.” The Road Movie Book. Eds. Steven Cohen and Ina Rae Hark. London: Routledge, 1997. 271–306.Steedman, Carolyn. Landscape for a Good Woman: A Story of Two Lives. 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The COVID-19 pandemic and the resultant economic downturn has brought to the forefront the need for expeditious action to create answers for the diagnosis, treatment and prevention of this newest human malady. This crisis has crystalized the prioritization of expenditures of resources for medical research, clinical practice and public health measures in combating this deadly virus. The Johns Hopkins School of Public Health Coronavirus Resource Center has counted a total of 46,168,459 cases and 1,196,891 deaths worldwide (November 1, 2020). The data for Ukraine is 407,573 cases and 7,515 deaths. It is now 10 months since the recognition of the worldwide involvement of the SARS-COV-2 virus as the etiologic agent of this pandemic. Although progress has been made, there is still a large gap in our efforts to find a cure and create an effective vaccine for the world population. A corollary lesson is the need for life-long learning and the acceptance of change in everyday practice. Harvard and Ukrainian Catholic University Professor of business management Adrian Slywotzky develops a succinct idea in his book «David Conquers: The Discipline of Asymmetric Victory». He states that David’s sling is a modest investment that results in a giant return. Such is our modest investment in this scholarly medical journal: Proceedings of the Shevchenko Scientific Society. Medical Sciences. We rely heavily on the social media mechanism of «word-of mouth» to promote our journal and its offerings of current medical breakthroughs and findings. Our wide range of interest is underscored by the more than 101 countries from whence our readers query our online journal. This is our modest investment on behalf of our readers to gain current information, an example of our asymmetric battle with the giant coronavirus. In this issue (Vol. 59, No.2 [62]) we inaugurate a video supplement of the proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium “SMARTLION2020’ which took place as a virtual meeting on 29 September 2020. O Danyliak and I Stryjska have collated the sessions related to the coronavirus pandemic. [4] The speakers include: 1. Boris Lushniak, Professor and Dean, School of Public Health, University of Maryland, USA: «A short history of pandemics». 2. Serhuy Souchelnytskyi, Professor at the College of Medicine, Quatar University, Doha, Quatar: «Why is COVID-19 so aggressive? Molecular insights with clinical application». 3. Andriy Cherkas, PhD candidate, Scientist, Sanofi, Frankfurt am Main, Germany: «COVID-19 and diabetes - a dangerous combination». 4. Armen Gasparyan, Associate Professor of Medicine, University of Birmingham, UK and Expert Reviewer of SCOPUS journals: «Infodemic and Misinformation in the COVID-19 era». 5. Oksana Souter, PhD, CEO of Swiss Organic Solutions, Zurich, Switzerland: “The systemic evaluations of proximity tracing app SwissCovid.” Next, S Souchelnytsky discusses the effectiveness of coronavirus testing that relies on the identification of the infrastructure of nucleic acids. This deepens our understanding of the importance of the procedure of detecting, amplifying and sequencing the coronavirus genome. [5] Our knowledge of the etiology, pathogenesis, clinical course and treatment regimens of the coronavirus is evolving and ever changing. Yesterday’s knowledge is superseded by today’s investigations and discoveries. In this light we present the latest case studies of the cardiovascular complications of COVID-19 by N Oryshchyn and Y Ivaniv [6]. M Cherkas et al discuss the critical care management of COVID-19 with emphasis on the MATH+algorithm [7]. PS Gaur et al inform us how to obtain valid information and recognize disinformation in medical research publications as a result of the adaptation of a changing paradigm in research [8]. The advice based on the thinking of Joseph Aoun, taken from his book «Robot-Proof: Higher Education in the Age of Artificia Intelligence» Here he proposes a strategy of how to prepare future scientists in the era of artificial intelligence [9]. In today’s medicine, smart machines and deep learning compete with the thinking of highly educated professionals. It is rare to see a modern era physician without instant access to the latest scientific research and sophisticated electronic devices that rely on algorithms of artificial intelligence to produce that information. Without such machine learning, we would not have the great advances in the diagnosis and treatment of cardiovascular, hematologic, oncologic diseases, infertility and many other medical dilemmas. It is critically important to have timely publications that introduce these innovations in medicine to the practitioner. We therefore also present to you the latest information about cardiovascular treatments in Lviv by D Beshley et al [10], and introduce you to the use of robotics in gynecologic surgery by A. Brignoni and O. Mudra [11]. In this era of artificial intelligence and the knowledge that comes to us with lightening speed, we must expect that all research be conducted in an ethical manner. The window to this work is through publications. We summarize a series of webinars held this year by the editorial board of this journal that focused on academic integrity and its reflection through scholarly writing [12]. Their full video is presented too [13]. «The ethical code of researchers» is published as a guide for our scientists on conducting and reporting research in a transparent and ethical fashion [14]. The title page of this publication reflects its contents. The collage “Life, idea, innovation" embodies the interplay of past and present, of history and innovation. At the center, the image of the human heart symbolizes life and self-sacrifice - in all of its aspects. More than a century ago, man devoted himself to science, bequeathing his heart to teach the next generation . The heart pictured is a reflection of the mummified specimen of the human heart found in the Anatomical Museum of the Department of Normal Anatomy, Danylo Halytsky Lviv National Medical University. The history of the creation and development of this museum can be found in a recently published monograph reviewed in this issue by A. Pitukh-Novorolska[15]. The heart on the cover of this journal is the personification of a physician, who lives by the motto "Consumor aliis inserviendo" (Latin: "I am consumed by being nice to others”). How relevant especially now - during the COVID-19 pandemic - when loss of human life is so high. In this crisis, ideas are generated. Many of them are veiled in histograms. They arise not from nothing, but from a scientific basis. It is the sacrifice of scientists that is their source. The latest book by S. Komisarenko reagarding important scientific achievements in biochemistry and immunology leading to the awarding of the Nobel Prize is herewith reviewed by S. Sushelnytsky [16]. Returning to the cover, the number of icons from the heart decreases the further ir goes : some are lost, others scatter and a few create innovation. The final elements of the collage represent the contemporary world. Building on previous sacrifices, ideas and life, innovation is the future. The aortic valve prosthesis for transcatheter aortic valve implantation (TAVI) and the image of the coronary arteries as visualized by intravascular ultrasound (IVUS) are among the most recent innovations in cardiology and cardiac surgery. Therefore, they are located next to the heart. Depicting the triad “life, idea, innovation", we invite our readers to enjoy the articles presented in this issue: new ideas for significant innovations. The Editorial Board extents their deep gratitude and thanks to the many colleagues responsible for the the support and advancement of our Journal [17]. We look forward to new ideas and innovations in 2021!

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(U. of Miami, USA; Email: carlo@miami.edu), August, Diane, McLaughlin, Barry, Snow, Catherine E., Dressler, Cheryl, Lippman, David N., Lively, Teresa J. and White, Claire E. Closing the gap: addressing the vocabulary needs of English-language learners in bilingual and mainstream classrooms. Reading Research Quarterly (Newark, USA), 39, 2 (2004), 188–215.04–261 Chambers, Gary N. and Pearson, Sue (School of Education, U. of Leeds, UK). Supported access to modern foreign language lessons. Language Learning Journal (Oxford, UK), 29 (2004), 32–41.04–262 Chesterton, Paul, Steigler-Peters, Susi, Moran, Wendy and Piccioli, Maria Teresa (Australian Catholic U., Australia; Email: P.Chesterton@mary.acu.edu.au). Developing sustainable language learning pathway: an Australian initiative. Language, Culture and Curriculum (Clevedon, UK), 17, 1 (2004), 48–57.04–263 Chin, Cheongsook (Inje U., South Korea; Email: langjin@inje.ac.kr). EFL learners' vocabulary development in the real world: interests and preferences. English Teaching (Anseongunn, South Korea), 59, 2 (2004), 43–58.04–264 Corda, Alessandra and van den Stel, Mieke (Leiden U., The Netherlands; Email: a.corda@let.leidenuniv.nl). Web-based CALL for Arabic: constraints and challenges. Calico Journal (Texas, USA), 21, 3 (2004), 485–495.04–265 Crawford, J. (Queensland U. of Technology, Australia; Email: j.crawford@qut.edu.au). Language choices in the foreign language classroom: target language or the learners' first language?RELC Journal (Singapore), 35, 1 (2004), 5–20.04–266 Derewianka, Beverly (Email: bevder@uow.edu.au). Trends and issues in genre-based approaches. RELC Journal (Singapore), 34, 2 (2003), 133–154.04–267 Esteban, Ana A. and Pérez Cañado, Maria L. (U. de Jaén, Spain). Making the case method work in teaching Business English: a case study. 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English Teaching (Anseonggun, South Korea), 58, 4 (2003), 157–176.04–281 Kiernan, Patrick J. (Tokyo Denki University, Japan; Email: patrick@cck.dendai.ac.jp) and Aizawa, Kazumi. Cell phones in task based learning. Are cell phones useful language learning tools?ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 1 (2004), 71–84.04–282 Kim, Eun-Jeong (Kyungpook National U., South Korea; Email: ejkbuffalo@yahoo.co.kr). Considering task structuring practices in two ESL classrooms. English Teaching (Anseongunn, South Korea), 59, 2 (2004), 123–144.04–283 Kondo, David and Yang, Ying-Ling (University of Fukui, Japan). Strategies for coping with language anxiety: the case of students of English in Japan. ELT Journal (Oxford, UK), 58, 3 (2004), 258–265.04–284 Lin, Benedict (SEAMO RELC, Singapore). English in Singapore: an insider's perspective of syllabus renewal through a genre-based approach. RELC Journal (Singapore), 34, 2 (2003), 223–246.04–285 Lu, Dan (Hong Kong Baptist U., Hong Kong; Email: dan_lu@hkbu.ac.hk). English in Hong Kong: Super Highway or road to nowhere? Reflections on policy changes in language education of Hong Kong. RELC Journal (Singapore), 34, 3 (2003), 370–384.04–286 Lui, Jun (U. of Arizona, USA). Effects of comic strips on L2 learners' reading comprehension. TESOL Quarterly (Alexandria, VA, USA), 38, 2 (2004), 225–243.04–287 Lukjantschikowa, Marija. Textarbeit als Weg zu interkultureller Kompetenz. [Working with texts as a means to develop intercultural competence.] Deutsch als Fremdsprache (Leipzig, Germany), 3 (2004), 161–165.04–288 Lüning, Marita (Landesinstitut für Schule in Bremen, Germany). E-Mail-Projekte im Spanischunterricht. [E-Mail-Projects in the Spanish classroom.] Der fremdsprachliche Unterricht Spanisch (Seelze, Germany), 6 (2004), 30–36.04–289 Lyster, R. (McGill U., Canada; Email: roy.lyster@mcgill.ca). Differential effects of prompts and recasts in form-focussed instruction. 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