Journal articles on the topic 'Cato Manor Development Project'

Currently, the issue of preservation and effective use of cultural heritage is relevant. Bryansk region has a significant number of valuable historical and cultural monuments. Almost every district is rich in unique places of interest, a special place among which is occupied by the estate. Within the framework of the concept of landscaping of the estate of Alexei Konstantinovich Tolstoy in the village of Krasny Rog, Pochepsky district, Bryansk region, together with the company "Bryanskpromburvod" were carried out field surveys, engineering-geological, hydrological surveys and other necessary activities in order to compile a pre-project proposal for the reconstruction of the source of artesian water, taking into account archival and bibliographic materials, with minor changes in view of the current state of the territory of the object of cultural heritage. Taking into account engineering-geological and hydrological researches, results of full-scale inspection of the territory, the technology of drilling of a well, necessary materials and the equipment for its arrangement is picked up. The article considers the issue of attracting tourists and vacationers to the source of artesian water in the estate of Alexei Konstantinovich Tolstoy. Above the source it is recommended to install a pump room for the release of water, in order to protect it from pollution, and perform it in the architectural style corresponding to the period of life of Alexei Konstantinovich Tolstoy in the estate. Historical and cultural heritage can act not only as a factor in the development of spiritual life, but also as one of the promising areas of economic development in the Bryansk region. The attractiveness of the Museum-estate increases the tourist attendance, and part of the funds can be used for the maintenance of cultural heritage.

The influence of project management in construction industry has been increased significantly in recent years due to development of various management tools, such as BIM for instance. Nevertheless, all technological innovations and developments are based on a fundamental knowledge and skills in this area, such as: correct scope, time, cost and quality management. The previously mentioned skills are widely known, described in detail and employed in a varying degree all over the world. However, the results of project planning that have been achieved, albeit in the exact same manor may vary greatly throughout the world due to parameters in standard databases in different countries, such as activity costs, established workforce performance and formation of the crews. The task of this research is to develop an economical, cost and time planning for the execution of construction for the residential estate, according to the fundamental management tools based on the Russian and Spanish standard databases, in order to examine the distinct differences between said databases.

Software Engineering practices aim to improve the softwaresquality, which includes Open Source Software (OSS). This work aims to identify software engineering practices in the OSS projects OwnCloude Nextcloud. We perform a scientific literature review, using digital databases such as the Google Scholar and CAPESPeriodic Portal, and also search using the gray literature. We conclude that good practices of software engineering are applied into both cloud storage projects OwnCloudand Nextcloud. However, we found that the major focus is still on coding, and therefore, other development processes, such as documentation, effective control of change management and quality management processes, should receive more emphasis

Despite its early contributions to the development of working life research the UK has lagged behind much of the rest of Northern Europe in establishing a coherent approach to the modernization of work organization. The removal of tripartite structures by the Thatcher and Major governments and their decision to opt out of significant areas of European employment policy left the UK ill-prepared to respond to emerging economic or policy challenges in Europe. Evidence of an increasing gap between leading-edge practice and common practice in UK workplaces has emerged forcibly as a key issue for future productivity and employment. The UK Work Organization Network (UK WON) was first established in 1996 as a coalition between researchers, business support organizations and social partners, slowly building a portfolio of projects designed to support workplace innovation. More recently the creation of the Work Research Foundation, a partnership-based company with responsibility for managing the activities of the Network, firmly establishes UK WON as a significant vehicle for social dialogue and organizational change.

There are limited treatment options available upon diagnosis of dry age-related macular degeneration (AMD), a leading cause of blindness in older people, which progressively threatens central vision and quality of life. Community engagement has the potential to support 'positive health' of individuals with untreatable eye conditions. Eating for Eye Health is an award-winning public-engagement project that aims to raise awareness of research suggesting that nutrition might help protect against progression of AMD and to encourage patients to cook and eat antioxidant-rich food in a community environment. The project engaged patients who had a diagnosis of dry AMD through a focus group and a community cookery day organized in partnership with the healthy food outlet, Pod, and the Manor Gardens Community Kitchen Project, Islington, London. A focus group highlighted participants' potential barriers to engagement with research about lifestyle modification and identified that a co-designed community cookery project could help to address unmet needs for support. Individuals with dry AMD reported increased levels of confidence in cooking skills after participating in the community cookery day. The combination of these methods within the context of AMD highlights how a focus on patient needs and expectations can establish and grow mutually beneficial relationships. There is potential for Eating for Eye Health, or similar community kitchen approaches, to be implemented within the community setting through NHS 'social prescribing' initiatives. In conclusion, Eating for Eye Health is unique in its combination of elements of community consultative and collaborative forms of engagement. These methods could be adopted as part of Sustainability and Transformation Plans (STPs) in local health policy development in the community.

This study analyzed the sustainable activities of a higher education institution, considering its economic, social and environmental dimensions (triple bottom line), from the application of a new framework of analysis. Therefore, we chose to use the case study methodology, held in an HEI, the University of Fortaleza (Unifor), selected as a case for this research by the various awards received in recent years for its targeted actions and projects for sustainability . The sources used include HEI data, documentary evidence related to the university, and semi-structured interviews conducted with vice-deans, directors and heads of university divisions, and the data organized and analyzed with the aid of analysis software of qualitative data NVivo (version 10) and the application of the content analysis technique. As a result, the highlights in terms of major sustainable capacity were the activities related to the economic consequences of activities, social responsibility projects and relationships with stakeholders. In contrast, the activities within the environmental dimension, environmental management and environmental education, had the lowest level of development with sustainable capacity. Thus, the implementation of the new framework of analysis has highlighted the university’s actual development stage around their sustainable activities, highlighting such a framework as an alternative to analysis frameworks already developed in this area.

Institutions for Lithuania’s heritage protection have been declaring the necessity of preserving wooden architecture since 2002; however, there have been very few realistic results. Although the Vilnius City Municipality initiated a strategic programme for saving wooden architecture, there have been no tangible results to date. The purpose of this article s to analyse the needs and opportunities for preserving wooden architecture in Kaunas. Wooden buildings such as small manor and garden estate houses, villas, cottages, summer homes, rental houses and residential military and railway complexes have survived in Kaunas. Representative buildings of all these types need to be preserved in all parts of Kaunas. These reflect the juncture of professional and ethnic traditions in cities, estates and villages. Therefore such buildings are exceptional at conveying local identity. The 2009 educational project carried out at the Faculty of Arts of Vytautas Magnus University revealed that the survival of wooden houses largely depends on the motivation of their owners. The most important condition for preserving wooden architecture is to attract the owners of these buildings to join with the supporters of this architectural heritage. Consultations on the maintenance of such buildings to retain the heritage must be organised. The community interested in rehabilitation of wooden structures could generate and share information in a virtual environment. Santrauka Paveldosaugos institucijos Lietuvoje nuo 2002 m. deklaruoja medinės architektūros išsaugojimo būtinumą, tačiau realių rezultatų pasiekta labai nedaug. Vilniaus miesto savivaldybės iniciatyva parengta medinės architektūros apsaugos strategijos programa kol kas nedavė apčiuopiamų rezultatų. Straipsnis skirtas Kauno medinės architektūros išsaugojimo poreikių ir galimybių analizei. Kaune išliko medinių dvarelių, sodybinių namų, vilų, kotedžų, vasarnamių, nuomojamų namų, kariškių ir geležinkeliečių gyvenamųjų kompleksų. Reikėtų išsaugoti šių tipologinių grupių architektūros reprezentantus visose miesto dalyse. Jie atspindi profesionaliosios ir etninės (miesto, dvaro, kaimo) tradicijų jungtį ir dėl to yra išskirtiniai lokalinio tapatumo perdavėjai. VDU Menų fakultete 2009 m. vykdytas edukacinis projektas atskleidė, jog medinių namų išlikimas daugiausia priklauso nuo savininkų motyvacijos. Savininkų patraukimas į medinio paveldo rėmėjų pusę laikytinas svarbiausia išsaugojimo sąlyga. Būtina organizuoti konsultavimą apie paveldui palankią namų priežiūrą ir tvarkymą. Medinių namų atgaivinimu suinteresuota bendruomenė galėtų kurtis ir dalintis informacija virtualioje aplinkoje.

O trabalho elabora uma retrospectiva mostrando o amplo leque de projetos de cunho modernizante, que, em forma de enclave, acabaram transformando-se em despojos na Amazônia. As intervenções constituíram-se em empreendimentos que, a partir do final do século XIX, pretenderam levar o desenvolvimento capitalista à região, como a construção de ferrovias, formação de plantations e mineradoras, que ocasionaram significativa depredação de recursos naturais e perdas para as comunidades locais. Assim, desmatamento, destruição da biodiversidade, contaminação de solos, assoreamento de corpos d'água e deslocamento de populações revelaram a utilização de tecnologias não adaptadas às realidades locais. A pesquisa analisou contribuições de autores nacionais e estrangeiros, objetivando compreender razões do fracasso e, paralelamente, examinar formas de superação do impasse. Como estudo de caso, foram analisadas as atuais operações da Mineração Rio do Norte, localizada no Médio e Alto Trombetas, considerada o maior empreendimento do gênero no Brasil e na América Latina e o segundo do globo, investigadas através de literatura pertinente e entrevistas abertas. O final é marcado pela constatação que a Mineração Rio do Norte não está conseguindo superar as etapas que marcaram a construção de despojos na Amazônia, com grande possibilidade de não aprender as lições do passado.

Resumo Neste estudo analisou-se como foram inseridas as competências no projeto didático-pedagógico e no processo de formação dos alunos do Curso de graduação em Administração da Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), Minas Gerais. Quanto aos procedimentos metodológicos, o estudo de caso, de caráter descritivo, foi o método escolhido; entrevista, questionário e documentos (projeto didático-pedagógico do Curso e Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais (DCNs) foram as técnicas de coleta de dados. A análise ocorreu por meio de técnicas qualitativas e quantitativas. O projeto didático-pedagógico foi analisado com o intuito de se levantarem as competências propostas pelo Curso, buscando-se verificar a sua correspondência com aquelas definidas pelo MEC nas DCNs. Posteriormente, procedeu-se à aplicação do questionário aos alunos para avaliar o processo de ensino-aprendizagem, considerando-se a formação com base em competências. A entrevista foi realizada com o diretor da Faculdade de Administração. Os resultados demonstram que, mesmo sendo percebido o desenvolvimento de competências e habilidades no Curso, este não se apresenta aderente ao modelo de formação por competências, em sua totalidade. Concluiu-se que se faz necessário um trabalho de conscientização dos docentes quanto às diretrizes de desenvolvimento de competências nos alunos do Curso, visando maior integração entre as disciplinas e alteração, em longo prazo, das metodologias de ensino-aprendizagem aplicadas.Palavras-chave: Competências. Formação por competências. Graduação em Administração. Instituição Federal de Ensino. Abstract This study investigates how competencies were introduced both in the students’ learning process and in the Pedagogical Project of the Business Administration Course of the Federal University of Juiz de Fora (UFJF), in Minas Gerais State. As methodological procedures, the descriptive case study was the chosen method; interview, questionnaire and documents (the Course Pedagogical Project and the Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais (DCNs)) were the techniques of data collection. The analysis took place through qualitative and quantitative techniques. The Course Pedagogical Project was examined in order to know the competencies proposed, seeking to verify their correspondence with the ones defined by the Education Ministry in the DCNs. A questionnaire was subsequently answered by students, which aimed to assess the teaching-learning process as far as students’ competency-based formation is concerned. The findings from the research show that despite the development of competencies and skills in the Course, it is not in fact entirely adherent to the model of competency-based learning. The conclusion is that an awareness program with professors should be conducted as to students’ competency-development guidelines, pursuing more integration among Course disciplines as well as a change, in the long term, in the teaching-learning methodologies used.Keywords: Competencies. Students’ competency-based formation. Undergraduate Business Administration Course. Federal University.

O presente artigo objetiva apresentar a análise do desenvolvimento de um projeto de extensão em educação ambiental, realizado junto a jovens com Síndrome de Down de uma instituição privada sem fins lucrativos, localizada no interior do Estado de São Paulo. Foram realizados 10 encontros com 17 jovens. A sequência didática trabalhada no projeto foi elaborada após a realização do Levantamento de Conhecimentos Prévios dos participantes, no qual os mesmos trouxeram como problema ambiental o lixo. A análise das estratégias metodológicas utilizadas mostrou que o diálogo seguido de discussões foi positivo, porque aumentou a interação de parte do grupo. Porém, alguns jovens participaram menos ou não participaram, provavelmente devido o desenvolvimento da linguagem e abstração diferente daquele considerado como padrão. O registro gráfico gerou resultados importantes, especialmente em relação aos jovens que utilizavam menos o recurso da linguagem oral. O avanço na qualidade da representação gráfica foi observado junto à maior parte do grupo, em especial no caso daqueles que tiveram maior frequência nos encontros. Verificamos a importância das estratégias que contam com a participação ativa dos jovens, de forma a permitir que compartilhem suas experiências. Destacamos a necessidade de não estabelecer expectativas de desenvolvimento pautadas em um padrão de normalidade, e sim examinar as potencialidades de cada um. Palavras-chave: Ensino; Educação Ambiental; Ensino Especial; Síndrome de Down Environmental Education and Inclusive Education: a reflection on didactic strategies Abstract: The present article aims to analyze the development of an extension project that faces environmental education. The project took place on a private non - profit institution that takes care of young people with Down Syndrome and is located in the interior of the State of São Paulo, Brazil. Ten meetings were held with 17 young people. The didactic sequence ministered on the project was elaborated after the accomplishment of the Survey of Prior Knowledge of the participants, in which they brought the garbage as an environmental problem. The analysis of the methodological strategies used showed that the dialogue followed by discussions was positive because it increased the participation of part of the group. However, some of the students participated less or did not participate, probably due to the development of language and abstraction in people with Down Syndrome, which are different from what is considered as standard. The graph registration made by the students resulted in outstanding results, especially about the ones who used less oral language resources. The improvement in the quality of the graph representation was observed with most of the group, even more in the case of those who had more frequency in the meetings. We verify the importance of strategies that count on the active participation of the students, in order to allow them to share their experiences. We emphasize the need not to set development expectations based on a standard of normality, but to examine the potentialities of each person. Keywords: Teaching; Environment Education; Special Education, Down Syndrome Educación Ambiental y Educación Especial: una reflexión sobre estrategias didácticas Resumen: El presente artículo tiene como objetivo presentar el análisis del desarrollo de un proyecto de extensión en educación ambiental, realizado junto a jóvenes con Síndrome de Down de una institución privada sin fines de lucro, ubicada en el interior del Estado de São Paulo, Brasil. Se realizaron 10 encuentros con 17 jóvenes. La secuencia didáctica trabajada en el proyecto fue elaborada después de la realización del Levantamiento de Conocimientos Previos de los participantes, en el cual los mismos trajeron como problema ambiental la basura. El análisis de las estrategias metodológicas utilizadas mostró que el diálogo seguido de discusiones fue positivo, porque aumentó la interacción de parte del grupo, pero algunos jóvenes participaron menos o no participaron, probablemente debido al desarrollo del lenguaje y abstracción diferente de aquel considerado como estándar. El registro gráfico generó resultados importantes, especialmente en relación a los jóvenes que utilizaban menos el recurso del lenguaje oral. El avance en la calidad de la representación gráfica fue observado junto a la mayor parte del grupo, en especial en el caso de aquellos que tuvieron mayor frecuencia en los encuentros. Verificamos la importancia de las estrategias que cuentan con la participación activa de los jóvenes, para permitir que compartan sus experiencias. Destacamos la necesidad de no establecer expectativas de desarrollo pautadas en un patrón de normalidad, sino examinar las potencialidades de cada uno. Palabras-clave: Enseñanza; Educación Ambiental; Educación Especial; Síndrome de Down

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The Swiss Federal Statistical Office (FSO) was founded in 1850 with the first exhaustive Population Census, which from then on was conducted on a ten-year cycle until 2000, and which was replaced after that by the annual “structural surveys” based on a population sample and the use of data from administrative registers. In 2018, the FSO started a project aiming to emphasize the full value of historical data from these previous Population Censuses records in order to publish some significant historical results and present on that basis some of the major developments that have occurred in Switzerland in the last 150 years. In this context, analog data have been digitized, and with this raw material, stories on important themes concerning the development of modern Switzerland have been written. These stories consist of a narrative approach that focuses on visual communication by mixing cartographic visualizations, charts and historical photographs, which support the written text and significantly contribute to the narrative.</p><p>Eight stories were drafted under this project, and their choice is based on both the availability of data over time, as well as the importance of these topics for the Swiss population and society – with the activity of official statistics always being a mirror that reflects society’s concerns. The various topics addressed in this project are population dynamics and demographic structure, cultural and religious aspects, the development of building area and the occupation of the territory, the structural development of the economy and finally the changes in the institutional structure of the country. These topics are addressed in their temporal and spatial dimension, and cover a period of more than 150 years.</p><p>This narrative approach – unique in the context of the FSO’s statistical dissemination – requires important work in the field of data visualization in particular with regard to thematic maps. Indeed, the spatial resolution of the digitized data –the smallest institutional spatial division; the Swiss municipalities – has required the production of new historicized geometries for every single Population Census since 1850. The fusions and dissociations of spatial units that have occurred during the past 150 years have profoundly marked the institutional structure of Switzerland. This dynamic is a challenge in the ongoing work of data management and cartographic production, and the FSO is proud to now have basemaps that precisely describe the state of the geometry for every census. This enables the production of numerous series of thematic maps at municipality level, and provides map readers the opportunity to observe changes in Swisssociety and its structures with unprecedented resolution over a very long time.</p><p>The dissemination of these stories is ensured through a website created ad hoc for the occasion. The production work is carried out in close collaboration with a web developer, a graphic designer and the FSO’s cartography competence center. The aim is to produce a new, original web publication intended for a broad audience, that is both relevant and attractive, and has a layout optimized to invite the user onto a visual journey in time along the history of the Federal Population Census.</p><p>With regard to cartographic visualizations, the produced maps have been the subject of a rehabilitated layout for maximum readability and efficiency and a high aesthetic quality. The addition of comments and the focus on specific observations facilitates reading and interpreting maps and supports the narrative. To provide maximum flexibility with respect to the graphics and enable quick loading of visualizations, these are integrated into HTML pages as SVG, which can subsequently be animated in the website. In a concurrent and complementary way, the produced maps are also made available in the Interactive Statistical Atlas of Switzerland (which is the FSO’s main means of thematic maps dissemination). This allows for the interactive exploration of maps, the visualization of animated time series, and data dissemination in the form of downloadable Excel files directly from the application.</p><p>This attempt at (carto)graphic narration is an opportunity to question narrative approaches in the field of graphic visualization in a very concrete framework of historical data valorization. Since storytelling and its cartographic variants in the form of story maps are an important trend today, this project provides an example and a contribution to this approach. The presentation will focus on presenting the structure and content of the stories, focusing on the cartographic and technical aspects of storytelling, and presenting the different choices and challenges encountered. In addition, editorial and technical strengths and weaknesses will also be discussed. As this project is a work in progress that will take place throughout 2019, this contribution also aims to be submitted to peer review, in order to improve our products in the future.

<p><em>This article expands upon the findings of the paper presented at the 8^th International Conference of Latgalistics. The study is based more generally upon the author’s study that forms the basis of the Master’s thesis “The culturohistorical circumstances of the development of the Rudzāti subdialect”.</em></p><p><em>The Rudzāti₄₃₇ subdialect is spoken in contemporary Līvāni municipality in the parish of Rudzāti, and also in section Z of Rožupe parish. The neighboring subdialect ZR is Atašiene_432,ZA – Stirniene₄₃₃, A – Preiļi₄₃₉, D – Vārkava₄₃₈, bet R – Līvāni₄₃₆ (see Figure 1).</em></p><p><em>Since geographic, economic or political circumstances have differentiated groups of people (In Latvia, the largest factor is in the development of dialects has been the allocation of territory to different manor estates, Rudzīte 2005: 15), the aim of the research is to clarify which culturohistorical boundaries crossed the territory of the Rudzāti dialect until it became a single parish in 1925, which neighboring dialects influenced its development, and whether this is reflected in contemporary phonetic material, especially in the dialect’s vowel sounds.</em></p><p><em>Interviews conducted for the 2010–2012 ESF project “Their nest, their land – Latvian rural population development strategy and cultural change” were used in the research (ESF 2010–2012). Three Rudzāti speakers from the ZA subdialect area were also interviewed (Speaker interviews, 2015).</em></p><p><em>The most important factor in the analysis of the characteristics of the Rudzāti₄₃₇ dialect was the gathering of the most accurate sociolinguistic information possible about the speakers. It was especially important to discern the places of birth and current residence of the speakers, in order to detect peculiarities in the “endpoints” of the Rudzāti_437­dialect and isolate these. For this reason, it was also important to query the place of birth of speakers’ parents. Attention was also paid to each speaker’s religious confession and denomination. The Ošas river was used as a conditional boundary line during analysis of speaker material, because this was the boundary between the counties of Rēzekne and Daugavpils during the Russian Imperial period, and speakers of the dialect were grouped according to which side of the river their place of residence was located.</em></p><em>In the study, correlations to the vowels and diphthongs of standard Latvian were analyzed in the Rudzāti dialect in addition to vowel deletions, reductions and insertions in the final syllables. Special attention was paid to instances in which vowel and diphthong shifts indicated the possibility of intersections with isoglosses. Such differences were found in shifts of the standard Latvian vowels e, ā, ē, ū and the diphthong ei.</em>

Os Territórios Rurais e da Cidadania são importantes instâncias destinadas ao planejamento territorial e ao processo do desenvolvimento sustentável no campo, representando a descentralização das decisões e incentivo à autogestão das políticas públicas. Foram criados pelo extinto Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário (MDA). A proposta desse trabalho é realizar uma análise dos principais programas de apoio à produção da agricultura familiar no contexto da política do desenvolvimento territorial em Goiás. O estudo é resultado de um projeto de pesquisa desenvolvido na Universidade Estadual de Goiás, e foi realizado na etapa de diagnóstico do acesso aos programas e políticas públicas pela agricultura familiar nos Territórios Rurais e da Cidadania em Goiás. A pesquisa classifica-se como básica, de caráter exploratório e descritivo. Foram definidos e utilizados os seguintes passos metodológicos: levantamento bibliográfico; levantamento, tabulação e análise de dados secundários. Conclui-se com este trabalho que há uma disparidade no acesso a alguns programas entre os Territórios, principalmente entre os classificados como rurais. Esse contexto implica na necessidade da manutenção de políticas públicas setoriais focadas no desenvolvimento territorial, bem como do assessoramento aos Territórios para que haja maior eficácia nos resultados. CONSTITUTION OF RURAL TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT POLITIC IN GOIÁS: analysis of access to public policies by territory ABSTRACT Rural areas and citizenship are important instances for territorial planning and the process of sustainable development in the field, representing the decentralization of decisions and encouraging self-management of public policies. Were created by the now defunct Ministry of agrarian development (MDA). The proposal of this work is to carry out an analysis of the main programmers to support the production of family agriculture in the context of territorial development policy in Goiás. The study is the result of a research project developed at the State University of Goiás, and was held at the diagnostic stage access to programs and public policies for family agriculture in rural areas and of citizenship in Goiás. The research is classified as basic, exploratory and descriptive. Were defined and used the following methodological steps: bibliographic survey; survey, tabulation and analysis of secondary data. This work concluded that there is a disparity in access to some programs among the territories, especially among the classified as rural. This context implies the need of maintenance of sectorial public policies focused on territorial development, as well as advice to the territories for greater efficiency in the results. Keywords: Public Politics. Rural. Territory. CONSTITUCIÓN DE POLÍTICA DE DESARROLLO TERRITORIAL RURAL EN GOIÁS: análisis del acceso a las políticas públicas por territorio RESUMEN Los Territorios Rurales e de la Ciudadanía son importantes instancias de ordenamiento territorial y el proceso de desarrollo sostenible en el campo, que representa la descentralización de decisiones y fomentar la autogestión de las políticas públicas. Fueron creados por el ya extinto Ministerio del Desarrollo Agrario (MDA). La propuesta de este trabajo es llevar a cabo un análisis de los principales programas para apoyar la producción de la agricultura familiar en el contexto de la política de desarrollo territorial en Goiás. El estudio es el resultado de un proyecto de investigación desarrollado en la Universidad del estado de Goiás y se llevó a cabo en la entrada de la etapa diagnóstico a los programas y políticas públicas para la agricultura familiar en áreas rurales y de la ciudadanía en Goiás. La investigación se clasifica como básica, exploratorio y descriptivo. Se define y utiliza los siguientes pasos metodológicos: estudio bibliográfico; encuesta, tabulación y análisis de datos secundarios. Este trabajo concluye que existe una disparidad en el acceso a algunos programas entre los territorios, especialmente entre los clasificados como rurales. Este contexto implica la necesidad de mantenimiento de políticas públicas sectoriales que se centró en el desarrollo territorial, así como asesoramiento a los territorios para una mayor eficiencia en los resultados. Palabras-clave: Políticas Públicas. Rural. Territorio.

<p>Research „Poetry by Rainis in Latgalian” tried to establish impulse and reasons for publishing poetry by Rainis in Latgalian (original texts and renderings) using biographical method, but semiotic methods helped to analyze poetic means in poems written in Latgalian, revealing meaning of concept „Munu jaunu dīnu zeme” (Land of My Youth) in poem by Rainis and Latgalian culture.</p><p>Poems by the most significant Latvian literature classic Rainis (1865–1929) in Latgalian can be divided into original texts („Sveicins latgališim”/Greetings to Latgalians), original texts with renderings into Latvian („Munu jaunu dīnu zeme”/Land of My Youth) and renderings from Latvian (at least 16 poems from selections: „Tālas noskaņas zilā vakarā”/Far off Echoes on a Blue Evening, 1903;„Tie, kas neaizmirst”/Those Who Don’t Forget, 1911; „Gals un sākums”/The End and the Beginning, 1912), besides, surely we can say author’s renderings are only „Munu jaunu dīnu zeme” (Land of My Youth) has well as all other texts from literally scientific and social magazine „Reits” (Morning), because Rainis had been one of the editors of this magazine. Poems by Rainis published in Latgalian in newspapers – „Drywa” (Cornfield), „Gaisma” (Light), „Latgolas Wòrds”(Latgalian Word), „Jaunò straume” (New Flow) – are possibly work of authors of these periodicals, considering significant differences in stylistics with magazine „Reits” (Morning) and earlier published poems by Rainis.</p><p>Publishing of original texts and especially renderings in Latgalian press are mainly related to political activities of Rainis. But writing in Latgalian for Rainis also meant remembering his roots, remind of cultural wealth of native land and value; being a mediator in strengthening people’s unity and widening own supporters as well as the number of readers.</p><p>In the discourse of Rainis personality and creative work „Munu jaunu dīnu zeme” (Land of My Youth) is 1) homeland, native nature and home of poet’s childhood and colorful impressions of his youth (Rainis father’s rented manor house (semi-manor house) in Zemgale and Latgale); 2) Rainis’ land of youth is writer’s „second homeland” – Latgale, its’ nature, people and language; 3) particular semi- manor house in Latgale – Jasmuiža.</p><p>Origination of lyrical Me is emphasized in epos „Saules gadi” (Solar years) – Latgalian was born. From Rainis point of view Latgale is multinational keeper of authentic cultural values. About eight languages had been spoken in Rainis family. In Latgale, customs, folk-songs have been maintained untouched owing to certain isolation, historical and administrative separation from other parts – some kind of reserve effect. During years of his studies Rainis had intended to write a book about civilization untouched Latgale, but this intention left unimplemented.</p><p>Memories about homeland motivated Rainis to write and render into Latgalian, but original texts in Latgalian – „Munu jaunu dīnu zeme” (Land of My Youth) and „Sveicins latgališam” (Greetings to Latgalian) – were written on behalf of stylistic searches in particular period of Rainis creative work; they chronologically incorporate with philosophical stage (according to Janīna Kursīte). In this time poet’s ontology forms, still balancing between allegory (transmission transparency, dichotomy) and symbol (polysemy and ambivalence) structures.</p><p>In Rainis’ neo-romantic (1895–1904) and allegoric stage (1905–1909) poetry nature cycles project mainly society, not individual; only humanity will exist and revive eternally, precondition of immortality – death and birth of individual people.</p><p>In the poetry of philosophical stage (starting from 1910) Rainis frequently lingered on individual’s immortality reflection, which he called search and recoveries. A person lives not only according to nature laws, but according to existence laws and dies according to these same laws. Symbol, most frequently mythologeme, becomes a sign of existence glimpse for Rainis; lyrical Me of Rainis is awaiting new experience, knowledge, and moral enlightenment. One has to search in order to find, and searching/cognition signal in his poems is a cycle of time and space (nature, society, human) and three- dimensional structure (outer world/history, individual/soul, philosophy/ being). In the poem „Munu jaunu dīnu zeme” (Land of My Youth) it is possible to follow 3 of the mentioned cycles development in peculiar symmetry: 1st , 6th stanzas are a framework of individual’s inner cycle – dream/illusion/ desideratum and interchange of wakefulness/ reality/ actuality; 2nd and 4th stanzas contain nature cycle allegory – nature in spring awakes from winter sleep; while 3rd and 5th stanzas are related to social processes, which are covered with day-and-night cycle. Basics of symmetry – state of sleep and awakening in all levels of previously mentioned time and space, creating triple parallelism.</p><p>It is interesting how stanzas within a single cycle (1 and 6, 2 and 4, as well as 3 and 5) mutually relate: 1st , 2nd and 3rd stanzas contain reminiscences as symbolic sleep/dream abstractions of Rainis previously written poetry, while 4th , 5th and 6th stanzas specify something in nature, society and individual’s desires, dreams which have to wake up. Reminiscence carries out necessary associations for philosophical perceiving of functions time and space cycle, but especially – form and maintain transmission basics: historical (people’s destinies) – 3rd stanza, psychological (individual’s dreams, desires) – 1st stanza, philosophical (order of existence) – 2nd stanza.</p><p>The above mentioned allows stating that poem created by Rainis in Latgalian „Munu jaunu dīnu zeme” (Land of My Youth) indeed incorporates into Rainis creative work philosophic stage, where allegory as a supplementary tool and symbol as a dominant harmonically gets along with poet’s revelation of ontological sense.</p><p>Poem „Sveicins latgališim” (Greetings to Latgalians) has one addressee – a Latgalian, new reader of the newspaper. The text is artistically created on the allegoric stage standards of Rainis creative work – here features of one cycle (human in society) are present. Social cycle stages revealed in the poem are parting/uniting, hatred/love, old life/new life, celebrations/work.</p><p>Artistic structure of poems in Latgalian indicates on dominance of allegory or symbol in time and space. Cycle has a special meaning in reflection of existence order.</p>

Despite the coming into force of the Algerian Littoral Law 02/2002, which aimed the protection of the coast and a sustainable use of its resources, construction projects have been authorized on brittle unstable lithology. Relating to this, Kharrouba experienced a tremendous change during the period 2004-2012 due to a massive urbanization. Accordingly, expert’s reports concerning the sustainability of construction projects as required by the Law 01-03-2003, were not sufficient. In this work, we analyzed the morphological coastal transformation of Kharrouba between 1989 and 2016 with particular interest in the decline of the dune due to a strong urban growth. For this purpose, a topographic map and Google Earth Pro pictures were used and processed in a geographical information system (SIG). The results of the diachronic analysis and the evolution of the coastal dune showed that the dune surface increased 23.82 % between 1989 and 2004; a period marked by a low construction activity. On the other hand, the surface of the dune regressed 59.67% during the period 2004-2012 that coincided with a major flat construction for the local population and secondary for the tourism. In addition to the environmental impact, the degradation of the dune led to more erosion, sediment balance disturbance of the beach, and coastal risk susceptibility. Moreover, the study area already experienced two landslides between 2012 and 2014 with negative socioeconomic consequences. A sustainable development of the coastal zone in Kharrouba and the province of Mostaganem should consider the environment and its protection as inevitable conditions for long-term economic activities. Therefore, the stakeholder of this region should comply with the existing laws regarding the preservation of the dune and the respect of the legally fixed distance between the coastline and a planned construction project. TítuloIMPACTO DA URBANIZAÇÃO NA DUNA COSTEIRA: CASO DE KHARROUBA, A OESTE DA ARGÉLIAResumoApesar da entrada em vigor da Lei Argelina sobre o Litoral de 02/2002, que visava a proteção do litoral e o uso sustentável de seus recursos, foi autorizada a implementação de projetos de construção sobre litologia instável e frágil. Em consequência disso, Kharrouba sofreu uma tremenda mudança durante o período de 2004-2012 devido a urbanização maciça. Consequentemente, de acordo com a Lei 01-03-2003, os relatórios de especialistas sobre a sustentabilidade dos projetos de construção, revelam que as medidas tomadas não eram suficientes. Neste trabalho, analisamos a transformação costeira morfológica de Kharrouba entre 1989 e 2016 com particular interesse no declínio da duna devido a um forte crescimento urbano. Para isso, um mapa topográfico e imagens do Google Earth Pro foram usados e processados em um sistema de informações geográficas (SIG). Os resultados da análise diacrônica e a evolução da duna costeira mostraram que a superfície das dunas aumentou 23,82% entre 1989 e 2004; um período marcado por uma baixa atividade de construção. Por outro lado, a superfície da duna regrediu 59,67% durante o período 2004-2012, que coincidiu com o aumento significativo de construção para a população local e para o turismo. Além do impacto ambiental, a degradação da duna levou a mais erosão, perturbação no equilíbrio dos sedimentos da praia e vulnerabilidade a riscos costeiros. Além disso, a área de estudo já sofreu dois deslizamentos entre 2012 e 2014, com consequências socioeconômicas negativas. Para um desenvolvimento sustentável da zona costeira de Kharrouba e da província de Mostaganem deve-se considerar o ambiente e sua proteção como condições indispensáveis para o desenvolvimento de atividades econômicas de longo prazo. Para tanto, as entidades desta região devem cumprir as leis existentes sobre a preservação da duna e o respeito da distância legalmente fixada entre o litoral e as construções civis.Palavras-chave: Argélia. Litoral. Dunas. Impacto. Urbanização. SIG.

MUDANÇAS CLIMÁTICAS E A SUSTENTABILIDADES DOS RECURSOS HÍDRICOS EM BACIA HIDROGRÁFICA COM ESCASSEZ HÍDRICA NO BRASIL: O CASO DA BACIA DE RIO VERDE GRANDE A bacia de Rio Verde Grande está localizada 87% na parte norte do estado de Minas Gerais e 13% no estado da Bahia, em uma região com clima semiárido, apresentando longos e intensos períodos de seca. Esta característica climática afeta diretamente a disponibilidade de recursos hídricos e, conseqüentemente, o desenvolvimento das principais atividades da região que são pecuária e agricultura irrigada. Não há estudos que avaliem o efeito das mudanças climáticas na disponibilidade de água e na sustentabilidade de atividades com alta demanda de água na bacia de Rio Verde Grande. O objetivo deste estudo foi analisar as mudanças prováveis na disponibilidade de água na bacia de Rio Verde Grande e a sustentabilidade dos recursos hídricos para as atividades usuárias de água, utilizando séries sintéticas geradas através de programas de modelagem climática e hidrológica. Este estudo realizou as projeções climáticas utilizando os Global Climate Models do Coupled Model Intercomparison Project Phase 5. Com base nos cálculos dos índices de sustentabilidade e na comparação dos cenários atuais e futuros, observou-se que, mesmo com todas as intervenções propostas pelo Plano de Recursos Hídricos da Bacia Rio Verde Grande implementadas, houve uma redução na sustentabilidade da água Recursos em algumas sub-bacias devido à mudança climática.Palavras-chave: CMIP5, modelo WEAP, vulnerabilidade ABSTRACT: The Rio Verde Grande basin is a water-stressed basin, which is 87% in the northern part of Minas Gerais and 13% in Bahia, Brazil. It has a semi-arid climate with long and intense periods of drought. This climatic directly affects the availability of water resources and the development of the main activities in the region. There are presently no studies that evaluate the effect of climate change on the availability of water in the Rio Verde Grande basin and the sustainability of high water demand activities. The objective of this study was to analyze future changes in the availability of water in the Rio Verde Grande basin, and the sustainability of water for the major water users. This was done using a synthetic series generated through climatic and hydrological modeling programs. This study performed climate projections using the Global Climate Models of the Coupled Model Intercomparison Project Phase 5. The calculation of sustainability indexes and a comparison between current and future scenarios, it was observed that even if all the interventions proposed by the Water Resources Plan of the Rio Verde Grande basin are implemented, there will still be a reduction in the sustainability of water resources in some sub-basins, due to climate change.Keywords: CMIP5, WEAP model, vulnerability.

A bovinocultura de leite é uma atividade considerada penosa pelos agricultores, pela elevada carga de trabalho, horários rigorosos, complexidade das atividades e oscilações constantes na remuneração. Consequentemente, é uma das atividades agropecuárias com maior dificuldade na sucessão familiar. O Projeto de Extensão “Quem vai cuidar das “Mimosas”? Sucessão Familiar na Bovinocultura de Leite” foi desenvolvido com o objetivo de auxiliar no processo de sucessão rural, estimulando crianças, adolescentes e jovens de Sertão, Rio Grande do Sul, e entorno a gostarem do campo e da atividade de bovinocultura de leite. O presente trabalho objetivou resgatar e analisar as atividades e resultados do referido projeto. Para tanto, caracteriza-se como pesquisa qualitativa, utilizou o método de estudo de caso e os instrumentos de entrevistas com os participantes do projeto, observação das atividades desenvolvidas, e análise documental das distintas formas de publicações e produção de documentos do grupo condutor do projeto. As ações realizadas pelo Projeto foram: atividades de entretenimento; troca de experiência e diálogo com crianças e adolescentes filhos de pecuaristas de leite da região de atuação do IFRS Campus Sertão; publicações e interação nas mídias digitais e redes sociais com temas relacionados ao campo e a bovinocultura de leite; elaboração e divulgação de materiais didáticos sobre terneiras leiteiras. Destaca-se que, a partir destas atividades, o Projeto atingiu os objetivos propostos ao influenciar positivamente o comportamento participativo, a curiosidade e o envolvimento dos distintos públicos-alvo, gerando um movimento de valorização da agricultura e bovinocultura de leite. As crianças e adolescentes sentiram-se valorizadas pelas suas especificidades de serem do campo e filhas de pecuaristas de leite. Palavras-chave: Crianças, Desenvolvimento Rural, Sucessão Geracional, Pecuária de Leite Incentive to family succession in dairy farming: experience report Abstract: Dairy cattle farming is considered a painful activity by farmers, due to the high workload, strict schedules, complexity of the activities, and constant income fluctuation. Consequently, it is one of the most challenging agricultural activities in family succession. The Extension Project "Who will take care of the ‘Mimosas’? Family Succession in Dairy Cattle" was developed to assist in the process of rural succession, stimulating children, adolescents and young people of Sertão municipality and surroundings, in the Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil, to appreciate the rural lifestyle and the activity of dairy cattle farming. The present work aimed to rescue and to analyze the activities and results of this project. It was characterized as qualitative research, using the case study method and the instruments of interviews with the participants, observation of the developed activities and documentary analysis of the different forms of publications and production of documents of the group who has carried out the project. The actions carried out by the Project were: entertainment activities; exchange of experience and dialogue with children and adolescents of dairy farmers in the IFRS Campus Sertão region; publications and interaction in the digital media and social networks with themes related to the rural life and the dairy cattle farming; elaboration and dissemination of didactic material on dairy calves. It is noteworthy that, based on these activities, the Project achieved the proposed objectives by positively influencing the participatory behavior, curiosity and involvement of the different target audiences, generating the valorization of agriculture and dairy cattle farming. The children and adolescents felt valued for their specificities of being from the field and daughters of milk farmers. Keywords: Children, Rural Development, Generational Succession, Dairy Farmer Estímulo a la sucesión familiar en la ganadería de leche: relato de experiencia Resumen: La ganadería de leche es una actividad considerada penosa por los agricultores, por la elevada carga de trabajo, horarios rigurosos, complejidad de las actividades y oscilaciones constantes en la remuneración. En consecuencia, es una de las actividades agropecuarias con mayor dificultad en la sucesión familiar. El Proyecto de Extensión "¿Quién va a cuidar de las ‘Mimosas’? Sucesión Familiar en la Bovinocultura de Leche" fue desarrollado con el objetivo de auxiliar en el proceso de sucesión rural, estimulando niños, adolescentes y jóvenes del municipio de Sertão y entorno, en el Estado de Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, a gustar del campo y de la actividad de ganadería de leche. El presente trabajo tuvo como objetivo rescatar y analizar las actividades y resultados de dicho proyecto. Para ello, se caracteriza como investigación cualitativa, utilizó el método de estudio de caso y los instrumentos de entrevistas con los participantes del proyecto, observación de las actividades desarrolladas y análisis documental de las distintas formas de publicaciones y producción de documentos del grupo conductor del proyecto. Las acciones realizadas por el Proyecto fueron: actividades de entretenimiento; intercambio de experiencia y diálogo con niños y adolescentes hijos de ganaderos de leche de la región de actuación del IFRS Campus Sertão; publicaciones e interacción en los medios digitales y redes sociales con temas relacionados con el campo y la ganadería de leche; elaboración y divulgación de materiales didácticos sobre terneras lecheras. Se destaca que, a partir de estas actividades, el Proyecto alcanzó los objetivos propuestos al influenciar positivamente el comportamiento participativo, la curiosidad y el envolvimiento de los distintos públicos destinatarios, generando un movimiento de valorización de la agricultura y ganadería de leche. Los niños y adolescentes se sintieron valorados por sus especificidades de ser del campo e hijas de ganaderos de leche. Palabras-clave: Niños, Desarrollo Rural, Sucesión Generacional, Ganadero de Leche

Reflections on the Unsustainability of Touristic Activities in Rural and Natural Spaces: The Cases of Ecotourism and Deep Ecology Even when practiced under new, and allegedly sustainable modalities (as with the case of Ecotourism), touristic activities in the rural and natural spaces of developing countries always suppose the introduction of capitalistic socio-economic relationships, and never the overcoming of these countries’ poverty or the abandonment of their traditional dependency on the dominant countries. Currently, capitalism follows two basic strategic lines with regard to the touristic exploitation of natural resources in developing countries, according to whether, or not, it includes the participation of the peasantry. In the first of these cases, termed Ecotourism, the peasants are driven from their land, but included in a shared management of the landscape's resources. The second is based on the theory of conservationism and on the concept of deep ecology (landscapes without human beings) and consists of the control of the natural areas by capital, without the intervention of peasants, or even of human beings at all. Recently, the ideology of sustainable development, applied to tourism and other economic activities, has been widely promoted by the mass media. Indeed, it can be said that most people easily assume that ecotourism is a beneficial activity that can help local economies in impoverished countries overcome underdevelopment. In ecotourist projects, nature is exploited, sold and consumed, as part of the usual practice for competitive market economies which have, as a fundamental feature, the mistaking of price for value. In this kind of project, it is pretended that certain environments (forests, lakes, beaches, mountains) or their fauna and flora are protected, but in practice these are merely preserved for the rich. Hence, it becomes normal to pay, and pay high prices, for the right to enjoy preserved nature. Through ecotourism, nature becomes a consumer good. Places of leisure are sold and consumed as exchange values, as with other merchandise. The true emancipation of the peasantry, and of the indigenous peoples of these areas of the developing countries does not lie in ecotourism. Instead, it lies in struggles for the land and its fair distribution. There also exist projects which do not include the presence of peasants or any other local people. In these, capital fosters deep ecology and conservationism to control and exploit the resources of natural areas without human intervention. A vision of the human being as necessarily destructive of nature is the ideological foundation of such projects. The environmental services industry generates millions of dollars around the world. Economic, strategic and geopolitical interests linked to this activity proliferate. The major beneficiaries are the big international banks and the most powerful transnational corporations of this sector. Be it conventional, or allegedly sustainable, tourism will never bring modernization to the dependent countries. The origin of the problems and oppression of the peasantry lie in an unjust distribution of landed property. As long as authentic agrarian reform is avoided, peasants in the peripheral countries will continue to be impoverished. Tourism provides capital and states with arguments that hide the true and essential problems of rural areas. Emphasizing the necessity to diversify rural economies by means of the introduction of touristic activities, capital and the state hide the true and essential problems of rural areas. Tourism, be it conventional or not, will never bring modernization to the dependent countries. The origin of the problems and oppression of the peasantry lie in an unjust distribution of landed property. As long as authentic agrarian reform is avoided, peasants in the peripheral countries will continue to be impoverished. RESUMEN Las actividades turísticas que se desarrollan en los espacios rurales y naturales de los países subdesarrollados, aunque se realicen bajo cualquier modalidad de nuevo cuño y supuestamente sustentable (como es el caso del ecoturismo), siempre suponen la introducción de unas relaciones socioeconómicas típicamente capitalistas y nunca la superación de su empobrecimiento crónico o el abandono de su tradicional dependencia respecto a los países dominantes. El capitalismo actual sigue dos líneas estratégicas básicas en la explotación turística de los recursos naturales de los países periféricos según se incluya o no al campesinado. En el primer caso se trata de un corporativismo estatal en el que el campesinado es desarraigado de la tierra para ser incluido en una gestión compartida de los recursos del entorno mediante la implantación del ecoturismo. Por otro lado, existen proyectos turísticos en los que no se considera la presencia campesina, ni siquiera humana, y donde los agentes del capital impulsan el desarrollo de la teoría del conservacionismo y la ecología profunda (paisajes sin seres humanos) para penetrar en ellos y controlar y explotar sus recursos. La ideología del desarrollo sostenible aplicada tanto al turismo como a otras manifestaciones económicas ha sido muy difundida por los medios de comunicación de masas y se encuentra ya tan arraigada que hasta el más común de los ciudadanos puede afirmar sin más disquisiciones que hoy en día el ecoturismo es una actividad beneficiosa capaz de sacar del subdesarrollo a muchas economías locales de los países empobrecidos. En muchos proyectos de ecoturismo la naturaleza es explotada, vendida y consumida. Es decir, lo normal en una economía de mercado competitiva en la que su razón de ser es confundir valor con precio. Este tipo de proyectos pretenden en teoría la preservación de ciertos parajes (bosques, selvas, lagos, playas, montañas) o de las especies animales y vegetales del lugar, pero en la práctica lo que hacen es reservarlos para los más ricos. Entonces parecerá natural pagar, y pagar caro, por el derecho a disfrutar de una naturaleza preservada. Con el ecoturismo, la naturaleza se convierte en muy poco tiempo en un bien de consumo, ya que el modo de producción imperante encuentra en los espacios naturales la posibilidad de explotarlos para el disfrute y recreo de los que pueden pagarlos. Así, produce lugares de ocio, los vende y consume como valores de cambio, como si fueran una mercancía más. La verdadera emancipación del campesinado y de los indígenas de varias zonas de los países subdesarrollados no pasa por la implantación de un ecoturismo que se basa en su articulación corporativa con el Estado capitalista, sino en la lucha por la tierra y el reparto justo de la misma. También existen proyectos turísticos en los que no se considera la presencia campesina, ni de ninguna población local, y donde los agentes del capital impulsan la ecología profunda y el conservacionismo, es decir, áreas naturales sin seres humanos en las que instalarse para controlar y explotar sus recursos. La ideología que subyace en este modelo se basa en la visión de los seres humanos como entes necesariamente destructores de la naturaleza. El negocio de los servicios ambientales genera millones de dólares de ganancias en todo el planeta, lo que significa que existe una proliferación inusitada de intereses económicos, estratégicos y geopolíticos ligados a él, cuyos beneficiarios son la gran banca internacional, las corporaciones transnacionales más pujantes del sector y los países centrales. La modernización de los países dependientes nunca vendrá de la mano del turismo, sea convencional o supuestamente sostenible, pues el origen del problema campesino y de su opresión radica en la injusta distribución de la propiedad de la tierra. Mientras no se produzca una auténtica reforma agraria, el campesinado de los países periféricos seguirá empobreciéndose sin remisión y prestando argumentos a los agentes del capital y a los propios estados para que enmascaren los verdaderos y esenciales problemas y esgriman la necesidad de diversificar la economía rural mediante el desarrollo del turismo.

INFLUÊNCIA DE QUATRO FREQÜÊNCIAS DE IRRIGAÇÃO NA DISTRIBUIÇÂO RADICULAR, EM TRÊS ESTÁDIOS DE DESENVOLVIMENTO DA CULTURA DO FEIJOEIRO(Phaseolus vulgaris L cv. carioca) Marcos Brandão BragaFaculdade de Ciências Agrnonômicas - UNESP - Campus de BotucatuMárcio Mota RamosDepartamento de engenharia agrícola - UFV – Viçosa -MGReinaldo Lúcio GomideCentro Nacional de Pesquisa em Milho e Sorgo – Sete Lagoas - MG 1 RESUMO Para quantificar a profundidade efetiva do sistema radicular do feijoeiro, foi conduzido um experimento no Centro Nacional de Pesquisa de Milho e Sorgo (CNPMS), com objetivo de quantificar a profundidade efetiva do sistema radicular da cultura do feijoeiro (profundidade onde se encontra 80% da raízes de uma planta) em um Latossolo Vermelho-Escuro Álico fase cerrado. As diversas profundidades radicular do feijoeiro foram determinadas para quatro freqüências de irrigação e em três estádios de desenvolvimento da cultura. Para tanto, desenvolveu-se um trado que permitiu a amostragem em várias posições e profundidades do solo, medidos nos seguintes estádios da cultura: V4 (presença da terceira folha trifoliada), R7 (formação das vagens) e R9 (maturação), conforme, escala do CIAT. As profundidades efetivas do sistema radicular do feijoeiro para a máxima freqüência de irrigação de dois dias, foram de 15, 25 e 26cm para os estádios de desenvolvimento V4, R7 e R9, respectivamente. Na menor freqüência de irrigação (14 dias) as profundidades efetivas encontradas foram 19, 32 e 37cm, para os mesmos estádios citados anteriormente. Tais resultados mostraram que há um aumento da profundidade efetiva média, à medida que se diminui a freqüência de irrigação, o que pode ser explicado pela possível ocorrência de estresse hídrico, levando a cultura a explorar um volume maior de solo a fim de suprir suas necessidades hídricas. Também existe pouca diferença entre os valores de profundidade efetiva nos estádios de desenvolvimento R7 e R9, para todos tratamentos, mostrando que a profundidade efetiva que se deve considerar para o dimensionamento de projetos de irrigação é mesma do estádio no qual a cultura atinge o máximo desenvolvimento vegetativo que, nesse caso, é o estádio R7. UNITERMOS: frequência de irrigação, profundidade efetiva, feijoeiro. BRAGA, B. M., RAMOS, M. M., GOMIDE, R. L. Influence of four frequencies of irrigalion on root distribuition in three stadiums of development of the culture of bean(Phaseolus vulgaris L. cv. carioca) 2 ABSTRACT To quantify the effective depth of the root system of the bean crop an experiment was carried out in the National Center of Research of Corn and Sorghum (CNPMS) in a closed Latossolo Red-dark Álico phase. The several depths of the bean’s roots were determined for four irrigation frequencies and in three stages of development of the crop. These fore, a auger was developed that allowed the sampling in several positions and depths of the soil, measured in the following stages of the crop: V4 (presence of the third leaf trifoliatae), R7 (formation of the beans) and R9 (maturation), as scale proposed by the International Center of Tropical Agriculture (CIAT). The effective depths of the roots system of the bean for the maximum frequency of irrigation of two days, were 15, 25 and 26 cm for the various stages of development V4, R7 and R9, respectively. In the least irrigation frequency (14 days) the found effective depths were 19, 32 and 37 cm for the same stages mentioned previously. Such results showed that there is an increase of the avarage effective depth, as the irrigation frequency diminishes, what can be explained by the possible occurrence of stress leading the culture to explore a larger volume of soil in order to supply its need of water. Little difference also exists among the values of effective depth in the stages of development R7 and R9, for all treatments, showing that the effective depth that should be considered for the design of irrigation projects is the same for all the stages on which the culture reaches the maximum vegetative development, that is the case is the stage R7. KEYWORDS: irrigation frequency, effecctive depth, bean

FROM THE COAST TO THE CERRADO BIOME: the caves of the Terra Ronca State Park (GO) as ecoturistic attractiveDE LA COSTA AL BIOMA DE CERRADO: las cuevas del Parque Estatal Terra Ronca (GO) como atractivo ecoturísticoRESUMOO presente texto se propõe a analisar o desenvolvimento do turismo e um de seus segmentos – ecoturismo – na produção de espaços turísticos e seu progresso. O espaço turístico produzido no Brasil foi influenciado pela imagem projetada no início dos anos sessenta, pautando-se nas belas praias brasileiras, bem como no estereótipo da sensualidade da mulher brasileira. Essa imagem originou problemas como o turismo sexual. Contudo, na década de 1990, o Brasil começou a utilizar-se do discurso ambiental, promovido de forma global desde a década de 70 do século XX, para alavancar destinos turísticos ligado à natureza. Diante disso, paisagens como a do bioma Cerrado são “recursos” utilizados pelo ecoturismo para promoção de destinos turísticos. Entre as paisagens cada vez mais procuradas estão as cavernícolas, cujos ambientes são muito sensíveis às atividades antrópicas, tendo no ecoturismo uma preocupação a mais. Busca-se, então, a equalização entre a atividade ecoturística e a conservação desses ambientes que, no caso de Goiás (GO), inserem-se em um bioma que é o 2° maior em degradação ambiental no Brasil.Palavras-chave: Ecoturismo; Cerrado; Unidade de Conservação; Cavernas.ABSTRACTThis paper proposes to analyze the development of tourism and it segment - ecotourism - in the production of tourist spaces and their progress. The tourist space produced in Brazil was influenced by the image projected in the early sixties, based on the beautiful Brazilian beaches, as well as the stereotype of the sensuality of Brazilian women. This image gave rise to problems such as sex tourism. However, in the 1990s, Brazil began to use environmental discourse, promoted globally since the 70s of the 20th century, to leverage tourist destinations linked to nature. Therefore, landscapes such as the Cerrado biome are “resources” used by ecotourism to promote tourist destinations. Among the increasingly sought-after landscapes are cave dwellings, however, this landscape is very sensitive to anthropic activities, with ecotourism being an additional concern. We seek, then, the equalization between the ecotourism activity and the conservation of these environments that, in the case of Goiás (GO), are inserted in a biome that is the 2nd largest in environmental degradation in Brazil.Keywords: Ecotourism; Cerrado; Conservation Unit; Caves.RESUMENEste texto propone analizar el desarrollo del turismo y su segmento - ecoturismo - en la producción de espacios turísticos. El espacio turístico producido en Brasil fue influenciado por la imagen proyectada a principios de los sesenta, basada en las hermosas playas brasileñas, así como el estereotipo de la sensualidad de la mujer brasileña. Esta imagen generó problemas como el turismo sexual. Sin embargo, en la década de 1990, Brasil comenzó a utilizar el discurso ambiental, promovido a nivel mundial desde la década de los 70 del siglo XX, para aprovechar los destinos turísticos vinculados a la naturaleza. Por tanto, paisajes como el bioma del Cerrado son “recursos” que utiliza el ecoturismo para promover destinos turísticos. Entre los paisajes cada vez más buscados se encuentran las viviendas cueva, sin embargo, este paisaje es muy sensible a las actividades antrópicas, siendo el ecoturismo una preocupación adicional. Buscamos, entonces, la equiparación entre la actividad ecoturística y la conservación de estos ambientes que, en el caso de Goiás (GO), se insertan en un bioma que es el segundo más grande en degradación ambiental en Brasil.Palabras clave: Ecoturismo; Cerrado; Unidad de Conservación; Cuevas.

Resumo: A escassez da água em regiões áridas e semiáridas tem sido tema de debates, políticas e pesquisas com o objetivo principal de subsidiar as ações capazes de permitir o seu aproveitamento racional, permitindo a convivência da população com os períodos de seca ou reduzida precipitação. Assim, a escassez de água tem conduzido à implantação de projetos de desenvolvimento, que têm como desafio a busca de alternativas de convivência com a seca que conduzam a melhorias sociais. Com base nesse contexto, este estudo tem como objetivo propor a criação de um modelo de construção de cenários para viabilidade do reúso de água para ser utilizado como elemento mitigador das implicações da seca em regiões semiáridas. O modelo de construção de cenários é um importante instrumento de gerenciamento de recursos naturais, neste caso específico, recursos hídricos, pois permite envolver um grande número de participantes, tem a possibilidade de orientar o debate público para a construção estratégica coletiva de um futuro almejado, contribui para um eficaz processo de aprendizagem organizacional no âmbito do Sistema Nacional de Gerenciamento de Recursos Hídricos visando um melhor entendimento, tanto dos aspectos ambientais quanto dos aspectos sociais e institucionais relacionados aos recursos hídricos no País, em especial, nas regiões semiáridas. Como se trabalham e convivem com a incerteza, os cenários procuram analisar e sistematizar as diversas probabilidades dos eventos e dos processos por meio da exploração dos pontos de mudança e das grandes tendências, de modo que as alternativas mais prováveis sejam antecipadas.Palavras-chaves: Recursos Hídricos. Reúso de Água. Regiões Semiáridas. Construção de Cenários.Abstract: Water scarcity in arid and semi-arid regions has been the subject of debates, policies and research with the main objective of subsidizing actions capable of allowing their rational use, allowing the population to coexist with periods of drought or reduced precipitation. Thus, water scarcity has led to the implementation of development projects, which challenge the search for alternatives to coexistence with drought that lead to social improvements. Based on this context, this study aims to propose the creation of a model for the construction of scenarios for the feasibility of water reuse to be used as a mitigating element of the drought implications in semi-arid regions. The scenario building model is an important tool for managing natural resources, in this specific case, water resources, since it allows a large number of participants to be involved, it has the possibility of guiding the public debate towards the collective strategic construction of a desired future, contributes to an effective organizational learning process within the National Water Resources Management System aiming at a better understanding of both the environmental aspects and the social and institutional aspects related to the water resources in the Country, especially in the semi-arid regions. As they work and coexist with uncertainty, the scenarios seek to analyze and systematize the various probabilities of events and processes by exploring the points of change and the major trends, so that the most likely alternatives are anticipated.Keywords: Water Resources. Water reuse. Semi-Arid Regions. Construction of Scenarios.

O setor da construção civil é apontado como um grande consumidor de recursos naturais e causador de diversos impactos ambientais. Neste sentido, verificam-se, nos últimos anos, iniciativas do setor para melhoria da qualidade e aumento da eficiência de seus processos, entre eles o desenvolvimento de sistemas construtivos mais racionalizados e industrializados, podendo ser citados a alvenaria estrutural e painéis pré-moldados de concreto armado. No entanto, o setor ainda carece de formas de avaliar os reais impactos ambientais desses diferentes sistemas, ao longo de seus ciclos de vida. Assim, o presente estudo buscou aplicar a metodologia de Avaliação do Ciclo de Vida (ACV) para a comparação de impactos ambientais de dois projetos de habitação de interesse social (HIS), sendo um de alvenaria estrutural de blocos cerâmicos e outro de painéis pré-moldados de concreto armado, considerando o impacto dos diferentes desempenhos térmicos desses sistemas em seis zonas bioclimáticas brasileiras. O estudo apresentado é do tipo “berço ao portão com opções”, em que os estágios de produção, substituição dos materiais e uso de energia da habitação foram considerados. Foram utilizados dados secundários, modelagem ambiental no software SimaPro e simulação termoenergética no software DesignBuilder. A habitação de painéis pré-moldados de concreto apresentou maiores impactos ambientais nas seis zonas bioclimáticas estudadas, sendo que a cidade de Teresina foi a maior e Curitiba a menor. O estágio de uso se mostrou o mais significativo para todas categorias de impacto ambiental avaliadas. Conclui-se a importância de se avaliar o desempenho térmico em diferentes zonas bioclimáticas para estudos de ACV aplicados às edificações brasileiras.Resumen El sector de la construcción es señalado como um grande consumidor de recursos naturales por consiguiente de diversos impacto ambientales. En este sentido, se observan en los últimos años iniciativas para beneficio de la calidad y la eficiencia en sus procesos, como por ejemplo el desarrollo de sistemas constructivos más racionalizados e industrializados, pudieran citarse la albañilería estructural y paneles pre-fabricados de hormigón armado. Sin embargo, este sector aún carece de caminos para evaluar los reales impactos ambientales de los diferentes sistemas a lo largo de su ciclo de vida. En este contexto, el presente estudio busco aplicar la metodología de Análisis de Ciclo de Vida (ACV) para comparar los impactos ambientales de dos proyectos de viviendas de interés social (HIS), siendo en este caso uno de ellos de albañilería estructural utilizando bloques cerámicos y el otro, con utilización de paneles pre-fabricados de hormigón armado. El presente estudio es un “cuna a la puerta con opciones” en donde cada etapa que comprendía producción, substitución y el uso de energía en la vivienda fue considerada. Fueron utilizados para procesar los datos, para el modelo ambiental el software SimaPro y para la simulación termo energética DesignBuilder. La vivienda de paneles pre-fabricados de hormigón presentó mayor impacto ambiental en las seis zonas bioclimáticas estudiadas, donde en el caso de la ciudad de Teresina se presento el mayor impacto y en Curitiba el menor. La etapa de uso se mostró lo más significativo para todas las categorías de impacto ambiental evaluadas. Se concluye que evaluar el desempeño térmico en diferentes zonas bioclimáticas es de grande importancia para estudios de ACV aplicados en las viviendas brasileiras. Abstract The construction industry is a large consumer of natural resources and is responsible for several environmental impacts. In this sense, it is verified, in recent years, initiatives of the sector to improve the quality and increase the efficiency of its processes, among them the development of more rationalized and industrialized construction systems, such as structural masonry and precast reinforced concrete panels. However, the sector still lacks ways to assess the real environmental impacts of these different systems, throughout their life cycles. Thus, the present study aimed to apply the Life Cycle Assessment (LCA) methodology for the comparison of environmental impacts of two social housing projects (HIS), one of ceramic brick structural masonry and another one of precast reinforced concrete panels, considering the impact of the different thermal performances of these systems in six Brazilian bioclimatic zones. The study presented is “cradle-to-gate with options” type, including the stages of production and replacement of materials and energy use of the house were considered. Secondary data were used, environmental modeling in SimaPro software and thermal-energetic simulation in DesignBuilder software were done. The precast concrete panel’s house presented larger environmental impacts in the six bioclimatic zones, since the city of Teresina was the largest and Curitiba the smallest. The use stage was the most significant for all environmental impact categories assessed. We conclude the importance of evaluating the thermal performance in different bioclimatic zones for LCA studies applied to Brazilian buildings.

RESUMENDurante el período de 1778- 1808 la Sociedad Económica Mallorquina de Amigos del País centró su interés en la ciencia gracias al papel que podían ejercer las innovaciones científicas en el desarrollo económico de Mallorca. La universidad se encontraba inmersa en una profunda reforma dirigida desde la propia monarquía, de ahí la importancia de la Sociedad en el impulso de una serie de proyectos que expresan el auge de las inquietudes en esta materia.PALABRAS CLAVE: Sociedad Económica Mallorquina de Amigos del País, Mallorca, siglo XVIII, ciencia, Ilustración.ABSTRACTDuring the period 1778 – 1808, the Majorcan Economic Society of Friends of the Country focused its interests on science, thanks to the role which scientific innovations played in the economic development of Majorca. The university found itself immersed in major reform directed by the monarchy. Hence the importance of the Society in the promotion of a series of projects expressing increased concern with subject.KEY WORDS: The Royal Economic Society, Majorca, XVIII century, science, Enlightement. BIBLIOGRAFÍAAguilar, F., “La reforma universitaria de Olavide”, Cuadernos Dieciochistas, 4 (2003), pp. 31-46.Amengual, J., “La preilustración en los medios eclesiásticos de Mallorca (ss. XVII-XVIII)”, Hispania, 212 (2002), pp. 907-956.Arias de Saavedra, I., “Las Sociedades Económicas de Amigos del País: Proyecto y realidad en la España de la Ilustración”, Obradoiro de Historia Moderna, 21 (2012), pp. 219-245.Bertomeu, J. R. y García, A., “La química aplicada a las artes y la Real Sociedad Económica de Amigos de País de Valencia (1788- 1845)”, en Ilustración y Progreso: La Real Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de Valencia (1779-2009). Valencia. Real Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de Valencia, 2010, pp. 321-356.Bujosa, F., La Academia Médico-Práctica de Mallorca (1788-1800), Valencia. Cátedra e Instituto de Historia de la Medicina, 1975.Cantarellas, C., La Lonja de Palma, Govern Balear. Palma de Mallorca, 2003.Cantarella, C., “La institucionalización de la enseñanza artística en Mallorca: la Academia de Nobles Artes”, Mayurca, 19 (1979), pp. 279-293.Cortés, J. M., “Notas sobre la sanidad marítima mallorquina en el siglo XVIII”. BSAL, 57 (2001), pp. 163-170.Cortijo, A., “De la Sentencia- Estatuto de Pero Sarmiento a la problemática chueta (Real Cédula de Carlos III,1782)”, EHumanista, 21 (2012), pp. 483-533.Fernández, F. J., Los ideales científicos y políticos de los marinos ilustrados españoles del siglo XVIII, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2014, Tesis doctoral inédita.Ferrer, M., “La Cofradía de San Jorge y los orígenes de la RSEMAP”, Memòries de la Reial Acadèmia Mallorquina d’Estudis Genealògics, Heràldics i Històrics, 10 (2000), pp. 137-170.Ferrer, M., “Un reformador político del Antiguo Régimen (José Desbrull y Boil de Arenós)”, Memòries de la Reial Acadèmia Mallorquina d’Estudis Genealògics, Heràldics i Històrics, 11 (2001), pp. 107-148.Ginard, A., “Antoni Despuig i Dameto, el mapa de Mallorca (1784-1785) i la Societat d’Amics del País”, Cuadernos de Geografía, 86 (2009), pp. 241-260.González, F., “Jorge Juan innovador de la Educación Superior en la España ilustrada”, Revista Complutense de Educación, 19 (2008), pp. 115-135.Longás, A., “Las fuentes documentales para el estudio de los espacios docentes de laUniversidad de Mallorca en el siglo XVIII”, en Imatges de l’escola, imatge de l’educació. Actes de les XXI Jornades d’Història de l’Educació, Palma de Mallorca, 2014, pp. 435-448.Manera, C., Memorias de la Real Sociedad Económica Mallorquina de Amigos del País, Palma de Mallorca, Lleonard Muntaner Editor, 2014.Moll, I., “Modelo de población y política demográfica. La Sociedad Económica Mallorquina de Amigos del País, 1779- 1808”, Boletín de la Asociación de Demografía Histórica, XV (1997), pp. 125-163.Moll, I., “Algunos aspectos de la organización de la asistencia sanitaria en la Mallorca rural, siglos XVIII y XIX”, Florianópolis, 14 (2005), pp. 469-479.Palma, D., “Una faceta de la política educativa llevada a cabo por los ilustrados de la Real Sociedad Económica Matritense de Amigos del País, durante los reinados de Carlos III y Carlos IV”, Hispania, 157 (1984), pp. 321-342.Pérez, G., “Ciencia y divulgación científica en las Sociedades Económicas a fines del siglo XVIII. El caso de la Real Sociedad Económica Aragonesa”, en Estado actual de los estudios sobre Aragón vol. II. Actas de las segundas jornadas en Huesca, Zaragoza, 1979, pp. 707-711.Perrupato, S., “Antiguos y modernos en la universidad española de la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII. Avances de secularización en el plan de reforma universitaria elaborado por Gregorio Mayans y Siscar (1767)”, Historia y Sociedad, 27 (2014), pp. 165-188.Peset, M. y Peset, J. L., La Universidad Española (siglos XVIII y XIX). Despotismo ilustrado y revolución liberal, Madrid. Taurus, 1974.Poy, R., “Regeneración educativa y cultural de la España Moderna: reformas monárquicas en educación y el papel de los obispos de la Ilustración en el siglo XVIII”, Cuadernos Dieciochistas, 10 (2009), pp. 185-217.Sánchez, J. F. y Candel, M., “El observatorio astronómico de la Academia de Guardias Marinas de Cartagena”, Llull: Revista de la Sociedad Española de Historia de las Ciencias y de las Técnicas, 17 (1994), pp. 343-356.Sarrailh, J., La España Ilustrada de la segunda mitad del siglo XVII, Madrid, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1985.Sureda, B., Els il.lustrats mallorquins i els seus projectes educatius, Govern Balear, Palma de Mallorca, 1989.Urgell, R., Arxiu del Regne de Mallorca. Guía, Conselleria d’Educació i Cultura del Govern de les Illes Balears, Palma de Mallorca, 2000.

A população que apresenta ensino superior nos países desenvolvidos é maior que nos países em desenvolvimento, um dado indicador do avanço tecnológico e do desenvolvimento de um país. O Brasil está acima da média mundial, com uma taxa de 30% de escolarização superior, à frente dos países em desenvolvimento, porém longe da média dos países desenvolvidos. Para reverter este cenário o governo brasileiro tem investido em infraestrutura e em políticas de ampliação do acesso e permanência no ensino superior. Porém, fatores como a falta de informação e a desmotivação, em especial dos alunos de baixa renda, são barreiras a estas ações. Partindo desta análise o grupo PET “A Difusão do Pensamento Científico como Ferramenta para a Cidadania” foi às escolas de Ouro Branco – MG, para desenvolver o projeto “Diálogos sobre o que Significa Cursar Engenharia”, realizando palestras informativas e motivacionais para alunos do último ano do ensino médio, com intuito de impulsioná-los na busca de seus ideais. Nos três anos em que foi realizado o projeto, os alunos do ensino médio foram questionados sobre seu interesse em cursar o ensino superior. A maioria afirmou querer ingressar em uma Instituição de Ensino Superior e muitos desejam complementar os estudos com uma pós-graduação. No entanto, até 40% dos estudantes do noturno tem preferência pelo curso técnico, ou desejam apenas concluir o ensino médio. Observou-se ainda elevada autoconfiança nos alunos de escolas particulares e o sentimento de auto-exclusão dos alunos da rede pública. Estas análises confirmam a necessidade de uma divulgação qualificada do ensino superior público. Abstract: The population with higher education in developed countries is greater than in developing countries. Such index represents the technological advancement and the development of a country. Brazil is above the world average, with a rate of 30% of its population with higher education, ahead of developing countries, but far from the average of the developed ones. To reverse this scenario, the Brazilian government has invested in infrastructure by expanding the access and the permanence policies in higher education. However, factors such as lack of information and motivation are barriers to these actions, particularly for low-income students. By taking into account this perspective, the PET group, a tutorial education program, "The Diffusion of Scientific Thought as a Tool for Citizenship" visited schools in the municipality of Ouro Branco, in the State of Minas Gerais, to develop the project "Dialogues on Studying Engineering". This initiative has as its main objective to deliver informative and motivational lectures to the students of the last year of high school by at promoting the pursuit of their ideals. In the three years the project took place high school students were asked about their interest in pursuing a higher education. Most answered that wanted to enter a Higher Education Institution and many wished to supplement their studies with a post-graduate degree. On the other hand, up to 40% of the students in the evening period intended to take technical courses, or just want to finish high school. Furthermore, high self-confidence in students of private schools and the feeling of self-exclusion of public school students were observed. These analyzes confirm the need for publicizing public higher education. Keywords: High School National Exam, Public University, role of the engineer. El análisis del nivel de conocimiento y la motivación de los estudiantes de secundaria hacia la educación superior: Proyecto “Diálogos acerca de qué significa Estudiar Ingeniería” Resumen: La población con educación superior en los países desarrollados es mayor que en los países en desarrollo, un índice de avance tecnológico y de desarrollo del país. Brasil está arriba del promedio mundial, con una tasa del 30% de la educación superior, delante de los países en desarrollo, pero muy lejos del promedio de los países desarrollados. Para revertir esta situación, el gobierno brasileño ha invertido en infraestructura y en políticas de ampliación del acceso y permanencia en la educación superior. Sin embargo, factores como la falta de información y la desmotivación son barreras a estas acciones, especialmente para los estudiantes de bajos ingresos. A partir de este análisis, el grupo de PET "la difusión del pensamiento científico como herramienta para la Ciudadanía" visitó las escuelas del municipio de Ouro Branco, Estado de Minas Gerais/Brasil, para desarrollar el proyecto "Diálogos acerca de qué significa estudiar Ingeniería", dictando palestras y charlas motivacionales a los estudiantes del último año de la escuela secundaria, con el objetivo de impulsarlos en la búsqueda de sus ideales. En los tres años en que el proyecto fue llevado a cabo, a los estudiantes de secundaria se les preguntó sobre su interés en ingresar a la educación superior. La mayoría respondió que quería unirse a una Institución de Educación Superior y muchos deseen complementar sus estudios con un título de postgrado. Sin embargo, hasta un 40% de los estudiantes nocturnos tienen preferencia por un curso técnico, o simplemente quieren terminar la escuela secundaria. Por otra parte, se observaron una alta auto-confianza en los estudiantes de las escuelas privadas y el sentimiento de auto-exclusión de los estudiantes de las escuelas públicas. Estos análisis confirman la necesidad de una divulgación cualificada de la educación superior pública. Palabras-clave: Examen Nacional de la Secundaria, Universidad Pública, el papel del Ingeniero.

A austeridade permanente e a disputa de quem ganha o quê, quando e como, lógica intrínseca às políticas públicas, colocam as políticas sociais brasileiras em constantes testes. O universalismo tentativo iniciado com a Constituição de 1988 pareceu caminhar para uma ampliação da cidadania social no país, mas tem sofrido constantes ataques por falta de um compromisso de classes em torno de um projeto de país mais ou menos homogêneo. Diante dessa falta de precisão no estabelecimento Estado de Bem-estar brasileiro, em especial, pelo encolhimento no investimento público previsto para os próximos anos e com os governos mais alinhados a maior mercadorização dos serviços sociais, torna-se importante revisitar a trajetória do Welfare State em suas origens e objetivos, a fim de compreender como chegamos até aqui, o que podemos esperar do futuro e quais a intervenções necessárias para que nos aproximemos de uma inclusão sensível do grande contingente de pessoas ainda sujeitas a uma cidadania de segunda classe no Brasil. Para atender a esse objetivo, este trabalho realizou uma revisão bibliográfica convencional sobre o Estado de Bem-Estar Social, elencando a partir dela as razões históricas de seu surgimento, a tipologia de Esping-Andersen, a noção de funcionamentos e capacitações de Amartya Sen e os períodos constitutivos do bem-estar no Brasil. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Proteção social. Desenvolvimento. Direitos sociais. ABSTRACT The permanent austerity and the dispute over who wins what, when and how, logic intrinsic to public policies, puts Brazilian social policies in constant tests. The tentative universalism that began with the 1988 Constitution seemed to be heading for a broadening of social citizenship in the country, but it has been under constant attack for the lack of a class compromise around a homogeneous country project. Given this lack of precision in the establishment of the Brazilian Welfare State due to the shrinking public investment expected in the coming years and with the governments most aligned to the greater commodification of social services, it is important to revisit the trajectory of the Welfare State in its origins and objectives, in order to understand how far we have come, what we can expect from the future and what interventions are needed to bring us closer to a sensitive inclusion of the large contingent of people still subject to second class citizenship in Brazil. To meet this objective, this paper has carried out a conventional bibliographical review of the Welfare State, listing from it the historical reasons for its emergence, Esping-Andersen's typology, Amartya Sen's notion of functioning and capabilities and the constitutive periods of welfare in Brazil. KEYWORDS: Social protection. Development. Social rights. RESUMEN La austeridad permanente y la disputa sobre quién gana qué, cuándo y cómo, la lógica intrínseca a las políticas públicas, pone a las políticas sociales brasileñas en pruebas constantes. El tentativo universalismo que comenzó con la Constitución de 1988 parecía dirigirse a una ampliación de la ciudadanía social en el país, pero ha estado bajo ataque constante por la falta de un compromiso de clase en torno a un proyecto de país más o menos homogéneo. Dada esta falta de precisión en el establecimiento del Estado de bienestar brasileño, en particular, debido a la reducción de la inversión pública esperada en los próximos años y con los gobiernos más alineados con la mayor mercantilización de los servicios sociales, es importante revisar la trayectoria del Estado de bienestar en sus orígenes y objetivos, para comprender cómo hemos llegado hasta ahora, qué podemos esperar del futuro y qué intervenciones son necesarias para acercarnos a una inclusión sensible del gran contingente de personas aún sujetas a una ciudadanía de segunda clase en Brasil. Para cumplir con este objetivo, este documento ha llevado a cabo una revisión bibliográfica convencional del Estado del Bienestar, enumerando de él las razones históricas de su surgimiento, la tipología de Esping-Andersen, la noción de funcionamiento y capacidadess de Amartya Sen, y períodos constitutivos de bienestar en Brasil. PALABRAS CLAVE: Protección social. Desarrollo. Derechos sociales.

A crise mundial deflagrada em 2008, pela especulação financeira, serviu para acentuou nos países ricos o que os países pobres já vêm enfrentando a muitas décadas, recessão, inflação, desemprego, desigualdade, exclusão social, violência, entre outras mazelas sociais. E no epicentro das grandes demandas surgem alternativas de enfrentamento, sejam oriundas dos governos, das organizações empresariais ou da sociedade civil organizada, a essa tríade tem se denominado de primeiro setor (governo) segundo setor (empresas privadas) e terceiro setor (sociedade civil). Vive-se sem dúvida num momento hibrido de ações interventivas no campo social, campo esse que via de regra sempre foi renegado a caridade, filantropia e ao bel prazer dos poderosos. Ao se analisar a atual conjuntura, é possível constatar que em alguns aspectos isso não mudou, mas não é essa questão que quero abordar. Ressaltando o fato de que na prática esses setores estão se encontrado, e em alguns momentos até gerando certa conexão. No entanto, ao analisar as questões conceituais e as dimensões políticas, práticas postas e que permeiam essas organizações e seus respectivos sujeitos, é possível encontrar diferenças significativas. Principalmente no campo ideológico, notadamente no caso da economia solidária. No entanto, na prática, será que existem muitas diferenças? Pois, seja no uso de instrumentos, estratégias e ações de intervenção, principalmente quando se trata de ações de geração de trabalho e renda de populações em risco e vulnerabilidade social, encontramos muitas diferenças? É sobre isso que o presente artigo trata. De uma análise a partir de dados empíricos de uma pesquisa referente ao perfil de organizações empresarias da região Oeste do Paraná, Brasil, da prática de um projeto de extensão e da participação de organizações da sociedade civil, e empresarial na criação e desenvolvimento de ações de intervenção no campo da responsabilidade social empresarial, do Empreendedorismo Social, e mais recentemente no viés da economia solidaria. E com isso apontar as possíveis conexões, ambivalências e inflexões necessárias para melhor compreensão desse momento e processo. Palavras-chave: responsabilidade social, empreendedorismo social, economia solidária. ABSTRACT The global crisis triggered in 2008 by financial speculation, served to accented in rich countries, poor countries are already facing many decades, recession, inflation, unemployment, inequality, social exclusion, violence, among other social ills. And at the epicenter of the major demands arise coping alternatives are coming from the governments, business organizations or organized civil society, this triad has been called the first sector (government) second sector (private companies) and third sector (civil society) . We live in a hybrid undoubtedly moment of intervening actions in the social field this that a rule has always renegade charity, philanthropy and the whim of the powerful. When analyzing the current situation, it is clear that in some ways it has not changed, but not the issue I want to address. Highlighting the fact that in practice these sectors are found, and at times even generating some connection. However, when analyzing the conceptual issues and the political dimensions, and put practices that permeate these organizations and their subject, you can find significant differences. Especially in the ideological field, especially in the case of solidarity economy. However, in practice, are there many differences? Therefore, is the use of tools, intervention strategies and actions, especially when it comes to job generation of shares and income populations at risk and social vulnerability, we find many differences? That's what this article is about. An analysis from empirical data from a related research profile of business organizations of western Paraná, Brazil, the practice of a civil society outreach project and the participation of organizations and business in the creation and development of actions intervention in the field of corporate social responsibility, Social Entrepreneurship, and most recently in the bias of the solidarity economy. And with that point out the possible connections, ambivalence and inflections necessary for better understanding of this time and process. Keywords: social responsibility, social entrepreneurship, solidarity economy. RESUMEN La crisis mundial desencadenada en 2008 por la especulación financiera, sirvió para acentuado en los países ricos, los países pobres ya enfrentan muchas décadas, la recesión, la inflación, el desempleo, la desigualdad, la exclusión social, la violencia, entre otros males sociales. Y en el epicentro de las principales demandas surgen alternativas vienen de los gobiernos, las organizaciones empresariales o de la sociedad civil organizada para hacer frente, esta tríada se ha llamado el primer sector (gobierno) segundo sector (empresas privadas) y el tercer sector (la sociedad civil). Vivimos en un híbrido, sin duda, momento de las acciones que intervienen en el ámbito social que esta regla tiene caridad siempre renegado, la filantropía y el capricho de los poderosos. Al analizar la situación actual, es evidente que en algunos aspectos no ha cambiado, pero no el tema que quiero tratar. Destacando el hecho de que en la práctica se encuentran estos sectores, ya veces incluso generar algún tipo de conexión. Sin embargo, al analizar las cuestiones conceptuales y las dimensiones políticas y prácticas puestas que impregnan estas organizaciones y su tema, usted puede encontrar diferencias significativas. Especialmente en el campo ideológico, especialmente en el caso de la economía solidaria. Sin embargo, en la práctica, ¿hay muchas diferencias? Por lo tanto, es el uso de herramientas, estrategias de intervención y acciones, sobre todo cuando se trata de la generación de empleo de las acciones y de las poblaciones de ingresos en situación de riesgo y vulnerabilidad social, encontramos muchas diferencias? Eso es lo que este artículo se trata. Un análisis de los datos empíricos de un perfil de investigación relacionados con las organizaciones empresariales del oeste de Paraná, Brasil, la práctica de un proyecto de extensión de la sociedad civil y la participación de las organizaciones y las empresas en la creación y desarrollo de acciones intervención en el ámbito de la responsabilidad social corporativa, Emprendimiento Social, y más recientemente en el sesgo de la economía solidaria. Y con ese punto las posibles conexiones, la ambivalencia y las inflexiones necesarias para una mejor comprensión de este tiempo y proceso. Palavras-clave: responsabilidad social, emprendimiento social, economía solidaria. Referências ALMEIDA, Fernando.(2007) Os desafios da sustentabilidade: uma ruptura urgente Rio de Janeiro: Campus. DAWBOR, Ladislau. 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This article is about a work developed between 2013 and 2015 within the Sociological Observatory of Student Life at the Federal University of Viçosa –UFV – (Brazil), a research group that produces and disseminates knowledge about students from working classes’ university life. This work aimed at creating possibilities for poor students do an intellectual affiliation to the public university. First, eighteen pedagogy female students developed a self-analysis of their own school trajectories and academic experiences, describing them reflexively based on Bourdieu ideas. Then, projects and researches were done about the themes that emerged from the self-analysis stage. The method used to generate the data was the biographical stories, and, most of those who were investigated were UFV’s students, consequently, it was possible to do a connection between the knowledge from the students as researchers and as research subjects. Among the results of this work was the fact that the self-analysis enabled the students to interpret principles, which engendered their practices and the incorporation and/or updating of favorable dispositions, which constituted the academic quality of their trajectories. It also showed that the trajectories may promote the intellectual affiliation to the public university and that it can face up the effects that social origin may have on the academic trajectories. The association of self-analysis, as an interpretive work of dispositions and practices, with the research development, and the connection of knowledge among students, with affinities of habitus, made possible the constitution sociability networks and permanence at UFV.ResumoO artigo trata de um trabalho realizado nos anos de 2013 a 2015, no âmbito do Observatório Sociológico da Vida Estudantil da Universidade Federal de Viçosa – UFV – (Brasil), instância formativa, de produção e de divulgação do conhecimento sobre a vida estudantil de universitários das camadas populares. O objetivo do trabalho foi criar possibilidades para a afiliação intelectual de estudantes pobres à universidade pública. Na primeira etapa, dezoito universitárias, do curso de Pedagogia, realizaram autoanálises das trajetórias escolares e vivências acadêmicas, tendo como referência o pensamento bourdieusiano, e fzeram a descrição reflexiva delas. Na segunda etapa, foram elaborados projetos e desenvolvidas pesquisas sobre temas que emergiram dessas autoanálises. O método de geração de dados foi o relato biográfico, e os investigados, em sua maior parte, eram estudantes da UFV, o que, juntamente com as autoanálises realizadas, viabilizou a conexão de saberes entre as estudantes na condição de pesquisadoras e os sujeitos investigados. Dentre os resultados desse trabalho há o fato de que as autoanálises permitiram às estudantes a interpretação dos princípios que engendram suas práticas e a incorporação e/ou atualização de disposições favoráveis à constituição de percursos acadêmicos de qualidade e se mostraram uma forma de promover a afiliação intelectual à universidade pública e de enfrentamento dos efeitos que a origem social possa ter nos percursos acadêmicos. 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This article is part of a joint project conducted by Finnish and Estonian scholars that aims to comparatively study the famine of the 1860s in those countries. Unlike Finland, research into the last large-scale famine of the 19th century has begun only rather recently in Estonia. Kersti Lust has contributed the most to this area of research. The task of this article is to trace the development of agriculture in the present-day Estonian area in the 1860s, focusing primarily on the size of harvests. Attention is paid to some factors that still made agriculture vulnerable even in the 1860s. Additionally, the article also considers methods adopted at the local level in attempts to resolve the situation, alleviate food shortages, and ward off famine. The appendices to the annual reports drawn up by the governors general of Estland and Livland include statistical data on the amounts of winter grain (rye), summer grains (barley, oats) and potatoes sowed, the size of their harvests (in chetverts), and the number of inhabitants. These appendices also provide an estimate of crop yields (how many seeds these types of crops produced). The fact that more precise information from Estland on 1868 is missing has to be pointed out as the largest gap. In spite of imperfection, the absolute numbers presented in the appendices of the reports from the governors are used in this article since there are no better options. The archives of rural municipal governments provide the opportunity to ascertain how different localities tried to alleviate the situation that emerged as the result of crop failure and to ensure that all members of the rural municipality were supplied with grain. The extent of crop failure, the use of communal grain, and the purchase of grain using money from the rural municipal treasury or on loan unfold from rural municipal council transcripts. Many archives of rural municipal governments have been lost over time. There are only 156 collections in total that contain transcripts from 1868 and 1869. The most important grain was rye, which could withstand poor growing conditions. The amount of winter grains sowed in Estonian territory as a whole was around 200,000 chetverts in the 1860s, and in the better years, the harvest of winter grains exceeded the threshold of 1,000,000 chetverts. The average crop yield of winter grains was 4.8 in the 1860s (excluding 1868). Barley and oats were primarily grown as summer grains, whereas oats were mostly used as animal feed. It was only starting in the 1830s that potato cultivation had begun spreading more extensively in the Baltic region, whereas it started being used primarily in distilleries, where it was cheaper raw material compare to rye. Unlike grains, potatoes were cultivated considerably less in Livland than in Estland. The potato harvest failed in Estland in 1866 and 1867, when the crop yield was only 2.8. The crop nevertheless did not fail in 1868 in the northern part of Livland as a whole, but it was poor (the crop yield was 3.4). Good potato harvests in Estland in both 1869 and 1870, when it set a record, surpassing the 662,000 chetvert threshold, contributed to recovery from the famine. Crop failure (less than three seeds) was not universal, rather it affected only one crop type and was mostly regional. In Northern Estonia and primarily in Saaremaa, the years of poor harvests in 1865 and 1867 were followed by the rainy summer of 1868, which brought with it crop failure and famine. The most complicated situation was in Saaremaa because the soil there was not very fertile. There winter grain yielded 2 seeds, summer grains 2.5 and potatoes 0.5 seeds. Thus, less potatoes were harvested there than were planted. Tartu County was the only district in Livland where average or satisfactory, and even good harvests were almost consistently achieved in the 1860s. Grain grown in Estland and Northern Livland was mostly consumed in the domestic market. Manorial estates cultivated grain primarily with the needs of the market in mind, while farms had to look after covering their own needs first and foremost. At that time, 1 chetvert of winter grain and 1 chetvert of summer grains was considered the food requirement of one person for a year. In Estland, 1.1–1.7 chetverts of rye and 1.2–2.2 chetverts of summer grains were produced per inhabitant in the 1860s. Rye was produced in quantities below this norm (0.8) in 1865, 1867, as well as in 1868, according to indirect data. In Northern Livland, 1–1.4 chetverts of rye and 1.1–2.0 chetverts of summer grains were produced per inhabitant. There the production of rye was slightly below the norm (0.9) in 1865, 1867, 1868 and also in 1870. Although crop yield was higher in Northern Livland, the large number of very small holdings in the crown manorial estates there, where secondary livelihoods, primarily fishing, occupied an important place, caused lower indices per person. The rye harvest per person was lowest in Pärnu County and Saaremaa (0.6) in 1868. The relative proportion of crown manors was especially large in these two counties. Alongside harvests and crop yields, it is also necessary to examine how the population coped in situations of crop failure and hunger, and what measures were taken for alleviating grain shortages. This particular crop failure was the first serious touchstone for the rural municipal communities that had only just been liberated from the control of the manorial estates by the Baltic Rural Municipalities Act in 1866. According to this act, each rural municipal community had to elect a council, which was the governing body of the rural municipal community. Thus, the council was the body that had to make the decisions concerning the use of the communal granary’s grain reserves, the taking out of loans, and distributing aid. Harvests in many regions of Estland and Northern Livland, and especially in Saaremaa, were so small in 1868 as the result of crop failure that they did not make it possible to survive over the winter or to allocate grain for the next sowing. The crisis reached its culmination in the winter of 1868 and the spring of 1869, when famine struck the most backward regions, gripping the province of Estland more or less as a whole, whereas the situation in Lääne County was the worst. Of the counties of the northern part of Livland, it struck only Saaremaa severely. Epidemics broke out in addition to the famine, primarily typhus, as well as dysentery, measles, smallpox, etc. The rural municipality was obliged to care for all its members, especially if they encountered difficulties due to either illness or poverty. Particular attention started being paid to providing poorer people with food and shelter. Food supply policy in the Russian state was founded on maintaining reserves in local communal granaries in order to prevent famine in the event of crop failure. In an emergency, members of the community could borrow grain from the granary for food or sowing, but the borrowed grain had to be returned together with interest in the form of grain from the new crop. In good years, the rural municipality could sell the surplus grain and set aside the money earned from such sales in the rural municipal treasury. When the communal granary’s grain reserves had been distributed and the granary was empty, the next measure was to purchase additional grain in return for the savings of the rural municipality, using both money from the treasury as well as obligations. In some rural municipalities, such measures were sufficient, and the rural municipality managed in this way to ride out this difficult period and also to feed its poor. More exceptional measures did not have to be adopted. This, of course, depended on the condition of the rural municipal treasury, which differed widely. Money taken from the rural municipal treasury was also a loan that had to be paid back. Here the principle of joint surety applied, thus this also had to be paid back on behalf of those who were themselves incapable of doing so. These measures nevertheless were not sufficient everywhere because primarily in Northern Estonia and Saaremaa, rural municipality transcripts record that the whole rural municipality had declined into great need and poverty, and all of the poor were starving. If the rural municipality had spent its own financial resources, the next step was to apply for a crown loan with which to procure grain, which would in turn be loaned out to the people of the rural municipality. The public authorities already made it known well in advance that rural municipalities could take out loans in an emergency, stressing that this was not aid and that it had to be paid back. The rural municipality could use granary reserves and money from the rural municipal treasury and receive support loans from the state only with the consent of the parish judge. The threshold for requesting permission was quite high because rural municipalities mostly already had communal granary debts, and the authorities feared the creation of new debts. The decision to take out a loan was not taken lightly in the rural municipalities because both paying back the loan and the payment of interest were considered to be too difficult. Taking out a crown loan was placed on the agenda only in the event of a very serious emergency, when reserves were completely depleted. The need for loans continued to grow at the end of 1868 and over the first half of 1869, when there were shortages of bread grains as well as seed grain. Different types of tactics can be seen in the case of taking out loans that corresponded to the size and opportunities of the rural municipality. In some rural municipalities, it was common procedure to assess the situation separately for each month, and smaller sums within the range of 100–600 roubles were taken out repeatedly as loans. Elsewhere – primarily in larger rural municipalities – the aim was to borrow a larger sum all at once that exceeded 1,000 roubles. A small proportion of the rural municipalities in Järva, Viru and Lääne counties had taken out a loan by then, but the sum could even extend to 3,000 roubles. Since the rural municipalities had been made responsible for looking after supplying the peasantry with food, resolving the situation depended on the extent of the famine and the economic condition of the rural municipality. At the same time, the rural municipality lacked sufficient power for coping with the tasks assigned to it. The resources of the rural municipality were limited, and it did not have possibilities for redistributing reserves between rural municipalities. In cases of more serious famine when communal granary reserves were insufficient, the manorial estate and, above all, the state had the means for assisting the population. Grain harvests did not depend solely upon the weather or other natural conditions, but also on agrarian relations. The farm economy was still almost entirely dependent on the manorial estate economy in the 1860s. Major changes took place in the 1860s aimed at accelerating the transition from the mode of management based on corvée to a system based on a money economy. The reorganisation of relations between farm and manorial estate did not immediately bring any noticeable changes. The three-field system remained in use in compact hamlets with fields divided into strips in Estland and Saaremaa until the enclosure of farms, which was usually carried out just before the manor put the farms up for sale. Enclosure became universal in the latter half of the 19th century, when the sale of farmland to peasants as hereditary property became its primary impetus. The outright purchase of farms took place early in Livland precisely in those areas with predominantly dispersed settlement where farms had accumulated money from the sale of flax and where it was not necessary to carry out the enclosure of farms before starting to sell farms. At the same time, this is precisely what led to Northern Livland’s more rapid commercial and financial development compared to Estland. Areas with enclosed farms that had been purchased outright were naturally not immune to unfavourable weather conditions and crop failure. They nevertheless had better chances for coping with grain shortages. Only the establishment of new economic relations, primarily the enclosure of farms and the growth of peasant smallholdings, created the prerequisites for the transition to crop rotation and for increased crop yields, which made it possible to cope better with setbacks.

At present, Technological Universities present their quality through the affinity of their teaching methods with the needs of the productive sector, although the competences that the graduated students acquire are not always the expected, due to the constant evolution of technologies. Given this problem, the present work has the purpose of increasing the capacities and positioning of the University through the development of predictive maintenance projects with students from the engineering to industrial maintenance majors, focused on the industry 4.0, through a program for developing predictive maintenance applications in order to increase professional skills, brand positioning and the sense of belonging of students with the University. The methodology consists of gathering a group of students of the IMAI major (29 students and 3 teachers), identifying the initial status for each of them during the 4 phases of the program; the first phase seeks the development of human capital; the second an application development predictive maintenance approach; the third, a development of research and brand positioning; and the fourth, a final product.

Este trabalho teve como principal objetivo contribuir na formulação de políticas regionais voltadas ao desenvolvimento econômico rural sustentável. Analisa a viabilidade econômica de pequenas unidades de produção, sob diferentes percentuais de reserva legal em um projeto de assentamento no Estado do Acre. Esta análise considerou o potencial de geração de renda da floresta, utilizando a experiência no Projeto de Assentamento Dirigido Pedro Peixoto, que consta do manejo florestal sustentável para o fornecimento de produtos madeireiros e não-madeireiros de maior relevância, e a geração da renda das famílias considerando quatro cenários de cobertura florestal, sendo a pecuária a atividade predominante na área passiva de conversão. A partir da análise empresarial o estudo identificou como resultados que, comparado à pecuária, o uso múltiplo da floresta apresenta baixa capacidade em gerar receitas para as famílias. Haveria necessidade de investimentos da sociedade direcionados a garantir a manutenção das famílias nas áreas rurais para que estas não arcassem sozinhas com os custos de conservação do ecossistema florestal. A metodologia utilizada poderia ser replicada nas outras unidades de assentamentos que estão em curso no Acre e na Amazônia como um todo. The importance of legal reserve on the genarate of revenue from farmers: one case study in the Acre state, Amazon Abstract This study has as the main objective to contribute for the formulation of regional polices forward to the sustainable economics rural development. For that, this study analyzed the economic viability of small production units under unequal percentage of forest cover in a settlement project in the state of Acre. This analysis considerate the potential forest generation, using experience from the Colonization Project Pedro Peixoto which consist of sustainable forest management for supply of timber and more relevant non-timber products, and the farmers revenue generation taking into account four cenarious of forest cover, as well as the cattle ranch as the predominant activity in the subjected to the forest conversion. From private analysis, the study showed results that, compared with the cattle, the multiple use of forest presented a lower capacity of generating revenue for farmers. Should be necessary investments from society for guaranteeing maintenance of rural families, for they for thenselve do not account for cost of ecosystem forest conservation. The methodology used on this study proved that it is possible to be replied in other settlement units in course in the Acre State and all Amazon.

Resumo: No modelo de desenvolvimento científico nacional, fração expressiva dos projetos de pesquisa são fomentados por chamadas públicas, que estabelecem os critérios para a seleção das propostas de maior relevância e de mérito científico. A Chamada Pública Universal do Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) apoiou, no período de 2005 a 2016, diferentes instituições, precisamente 569, distribuídas em todo o território nacional. Dessas instituições, 52% eram Instituições de Ensino Superior (IES) e 40% delas possuíam Programas de Pós-Graduação (PPG). Grande parte dos recursos apoiados, cerca de 86%, foram para as grandes áreas tradicionais do conhecimento e para a compra de bens e equipamentos. A produção do conhecimento dessas instituições demonstrou sensibilidade aos grandes temas nacionais, como no caso do surto do zika vírus, de 2015, ocasião em que foram submetidos 179 trabalhos sobre o tema. Contudo, o modelo de fomento necessita ser aperfeiçoado e adequar-se às demandas dos núcleos produtores do conhecimento e da sociedade.Palavras-chaves: Fomento. Programa de Pós-Graduação. Promoção de pesquisa científica. NATIONAL FOSTERING SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH: FINANCIAL SUPPORT TO THE RESEARCHER IN THE UNIVERSAL CALL Abstract: In the model of national scientific development, the expressive fraction of the research projects are fomented by public calls, which establish the criteria for the selection of proposals of greater relevance and scientific merit. The Universal Public Call of the National Council of Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) supported, between 2005 and 2016, different institutions, precisely 569, distributed throughout the national territory. Of these institutions, 52% were Higher Education Institutions (HEI) and 40% of them had Postgraduate Programs (PPG). A large part of the resources supported, about 86%, went to the large traditional areas of knowledge and to the purchase of goods and equipment. The knowledge production of these institutions showed sensitivity to the major national issues, as in the case of the zika virus outbreak of 2015, when 179 papers were submitted on the subject. However, the model of development needs to be improved and adapted to the demands of the knowledge-producing nuclei and society.Keywords: Fostering. Graduate program. Scientific research promotion.

RESUMEN El presente trabajo de investigación, se desarrolló en el ámbito rural, en la localidad de Papayal, provincia de Zarumilla, Región Tumbes, con el propósito de analizar el mercado de trabajo a partir de la relación entre ingresos laborales, la baja productividad y cómo influye la dimensión social. Para las acciones del proyecto se efectuó un diagnóstico, se validó información de pobladores rurales, municipio, gobernación, Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática - INEI; para la recolección de datos de campo, se efectuaron encuestas a pobladores rurales del distrito, asimismo entrevistas a pobladores, autoridades y organizaciones de la sociedad civil; tomándose en cuenta el funcionamiento de las instituciones del mercado de trabajo, los procesos laborales y la dinámica del desempleo. Se determinó que las unidades productivas son de menor tamaño, 1 hectárea en promedio, esta restricción constituye una limitación importante para los hogares rurales; se constató la presencia de un determinado número de productores capaces de satisfacer requerimientos laborales con mano de obra familiar y sus requerimientos de capital con medios de producción propios; en consecuencia, el escaso desarrollo del mercado de trabajo rural, se debe a la necesidad de obtener mayores ingresos en actividades no agropecuarias y también a restricciones presentes en el mercado de crédito. ABSTRACT This investigation work was developed in rural areas, in the locality of Papayal, province of Zarumilla, Tumbes Region, in order to analyze the labor market from the relationship between labor income and the low productivity and how it influences the social dimension. For the project actions, diagnosis was made, It was validated the information of rural people, Municipality, Government, National Institute of Statistics and Information from – INEI. In order to get a data collection of the field, we conducted some survey to rural residents of the district and also interviews with residents, authorities and civil society organizations, taking into account the functioning of market institutions, the labor processes and the unemployment dynamics,It was determined that the production units are smaller, 1 hectare on average, this restriction is a major limitation for rural households, it was found the presence of a determined number of producers capable of satisfying labor requirements with family labor and their capital requirements with own production means, in consequence, the poor development of the rural labor market is due to the need to earn more incomes in non-agricultural activities and also to restrictions contained in the credit market.

Resumo: O presente artigo trata de um estudo realizado com adultos maduros, que têm no seu cotidiano o fazer musical, seja através do canto, regência, execução instrumental ou da prática de ensino. O foco deste trabalho é elucidar as razões que os levam a esta prática e qual a repercussão na sua qualidade de vida, visto ser a longevidade um tema atual e desafiador para todas as áreas do conhecimento. Foram entrevistados treze sujeitos, sendo sete amadores e seis profissionais de diferentes áreas da arte musical. A partir das respostas obtidas, foram organizadas cinco categorias para os amadores e seis para os profissionais. Os dados mostraram que a prática musical traz contribuição significativa aos indivíduos porque mobiliza os organismos intensamente, ativando suas funções psico-biológicas. Constata-se que há ampliação na qualidade de vida evidenciada pelos relatos que contemplam os benefícios que a música proporciona às pessoas que dela desfrutam e com ela interagem. Conclui-se, também, que a longevidade alarga a vida e as possibilidades de crescimento da mente humana. Tal desenvolvimento é resultado das ações experienciadas ao longo da vida, sendo a música um importante canal que possibilita que a criatividade e a consciência formem um construto dinâmico de aprendizagem e sabedoria. Palavras-chave: Fazer musical. Qualidade de vida. Longevidade. Abstract: This article resports a study performed with senior adults who have on its daily activities the music, through singing, conducting, playing instruments and teaching music. The focus of this project was to identify the reasons that leads this group of individuals to practice music and which were the consequences on their life quality. Thirteen individuals were interviewed, seven amateurs and six professionals of different areas of the musical art. From the answers obtained, fi ve categories were organized for amateurs and six for professionals. The data obtained showed that the musical practice brings a major contribution to the individuals because it stimulates the organisms intensively, activating its psycho-biologics functions. It was also concluded that there is an improvement in the life quality supported by answers referring to the benefi ts that the music brings to the persons that are involved directly with it. Finally, it was percept that the longevity allows to amplify the life and the possibilities of the development of the human mind. This development is resultant of the actions experienced through life, being the music an important channel to allow that the creativity and the conscience become a continuous flow of knowledge and wisdom. Keywords: Music practice. Life quality. Longevity.

Foreword1 Introduction 1.1 Thesis hypothesis, objective and research methodology 1.2 Objectives 1.3 Research methodology2 Sustainable city and microclimate 2.1 The public space in the city 2.2 Urban regeneration: a commitment towards the sustainability 2.3 The climate in the urban environment3 Selection and analysis of the case studies 3.1 Use of numerical method 3.2 Description of simulation model4 Simulation results 4.1 Case Study Simulation 4.2 Validation of the simulation model 4.3 Discussion of Case Studies Analysis 4.4 Results of scenarios simulation 4.5 Discussion of Scenarios Simulation Result5 Conclussion6 Recommendations for further work7 Bibliography8 Annex IResumenEl microclima urbano juega un rol importante en el consumo energético de los edificios y en las sensaciones de confort en los espacios exteriores. La urgente necesidad de aumentar la eficiencia energética, reducir las emisiones de los contaminantes y paliar la evidente falta de sostenibilidad que afecta a las ciudades, ha puesto la atención en el urbanismo bioclimático como referente para una propuesta de cambio en la forma de diseñar y vivir la ciudad. Hasta ahora las investigaciones en temas de microclima y eficiencia energética se han concentrado principalmente en como orientar el diseño de nuevos desarrollo. Sin embargo los principales problemas de la insostenibilidad de las actuales conurbaciones son el resultado del modelo de crecimiento especulativo y altamente agotador de recursos que han caracterizado el boom inmobiliario de las últimas décadas. Vemos entonces, tanto en España como en el resto de los Países Europeos, la necesidad de reorientar el sector de la construcción hacía la rehabilitación del espacio construido, como una alternativa capaz de dar una solución más sostenible para el mercado inmobiliario. La sensación térmica condiciona la percepción de un ambiente, así que el microclima puede ser determinante para el éxito o el fracaso de un espacio urbano. Se plantea entonces cómo principal objetivo de la investigación, la definición de estrategias para el diseño bioclimático de los entornos urbanos construidos, fundamentados en las componentes morfotipológica, climática y de los requerimientos de confort para los ciudadanos. Como ulterior elemento de novedad se decide estudiar la rehabilitación de los barrios de construcción de mediado del siglo XX, que en muchos casos constituyen bolsas de degrado en la extendida periferia de las ciudades modernas. La metodología empleada para la investigación se basa en la evaluación de las condiciones climáticas y de confort térmico de diferentes escenarios de proyecto, aplicados a tres casos de estudio situados en un barrio periurbano de la ciudad de Madrid. Para la determinación de los parámetros climáticos se han empleado valores obtenidos con un proceso de simulación computarizada, basados en los principios de fluidodinámica, termodinámica y del intercambio radioactivo en el espacio construido. A través de uso de programas de simulación podemos hacer una previsión de las condiciones microclimáticas de las situaciones actuales y de los efectos de la aplicación de medidas. La gran ventaja en el uso de sistemas de cálculo es que se pueden evaluar diferentes escenarios de proyecto y elegir entre ellos el que asegura mejores prestaciones ambientales. Los resultados obtenidos en los diferentes escenarios han sido comparados con los valores de confort del estado actual, utilizando como indicador de la sensación térmica el índice UTCI. El análisis comparativo ha permitido la realización de una tabla de resumen donde se muestra la evaluación de las diferentes soluciones de rehabilitación. Se ha podido así demostrar que no existe una solución constructiva eficaz para todas las aplicaciones, sino que cada situación debe ser estudiada individualmente, aplicando caso por caso las medidas más oportunas. Si bien los sistemas de simulación computarizada pueden suponer un importante apoyo para la fase de diseño, es responsabilidad del proyectista emplear las herramientas más adecuadas en cada fase y elegir las soluciones más oportunas para cumplir con los objetivos del proyecto.Palabras clave:Microclima urbano / Sensación térmica / Isla de calor urbana / Cañón urbanoAbstract:The urban microclimate plays an important role on buildings energy consumption and comfort sensation in exterior spaces. Nowadays, cities need to increase energy efficiency, reduce the pollutants emissions and mitigate the evident lack of sustainability. In reason of this, attention has focused on the bioclimatic urbanism as a reference of change proposal of the way to design and live the city. Hitherto, the researches on microclimate and energy efficiency have mainly concentrated on guiding the design of new constructions. However the main problems of unsustainability of existing conurbations are the result of the growth model highly speculative and responsible of resources depletion that have characterized the real estate boom of recent decades. In Spain and other European countries, become define the need to redirect the construction sector towards urban refurbishment. This alternative is a more sustainable development model and is able to provide a solution for the real estate sector. The thermal sensation affects the environment perception, so microclimate conditions can be decisive for the success or failure of urban space. For this reasons, the main objective of this work is focused on the definition of bioclimatic strategies for existing urban spaces, based on the morpho-typological components, climate and comfort requirements for citizens. As novelty element, the regeneration of neighborhoods built in middle of the twentieth century has been studied, because are the major extended in periphery of modern cities and, in many cases, they represent deprived areas. The research methodology is based on the evaluation of climatic conditions and thermal comfort of different project scenarios, applied to three case studies located in a suburban neighborhood of Madrid. The climatic parameters have been obtained by computer simulation process, based on fluid dynamics, thermodynamics and radioactive exchange in urban environment using numerical approach. The great advantage in the use of computing systems is the capacity for evaluate different project scenarios. The results in the different scenarios were compared with the comfort value obtained in the current state, using the UTCI index as indicator of thermal sensation. Finally, an abacus of the thermal comfort improvement obtained by different countermeasures has been performed. One of the major achievement of doctoral work is the demonstration of there are not any design solution suitable for different cases. Each situation should be analyzed and specific design measures should be proposed. Computer simulation systems can be a significant support and help the designer in the decision making phase. However, the election of the most suitable tools and the appropriate solutions for each case is designer responsibility.Keywords:Urban microclimate / Thermal sensation / Urban heat island / Urban canyon

The objective of this article is to explore how suitable Team-Based Learning (TBL) is for students with social and communication disabilities, such as those on the autism spectrum or with social anxiety. TBL is a structured form of Active Collaborative Learning, combining a flipped classroom approach with students working in permanent teams to apply concepts, models and theories into practice. The design of the study was based on an idiographic case study approach at Anglia Ruskin University, UK, treating each student as an individual rather than a representative sample. Towards the end of the academic year 2017/18, an electronic questionnaire was sent out to all students who had taken TBL modules at ARU during the preceding academic year, asking about various aspects of TBL experience. The questionnaire was repeated towards the end of the first semester of 2018/19. The questionnaire was analysed with a focus on questions relating to inclusivity, and the responses related to students who had declared a disability. The questionnaire was followed by semi-structured interviews with students with disabilities who had experienced TBL. We focused primarily on disabilities broadly related to communication, notably with dyslexia, dysgraphia, social phobia and autism that may impair students’ abilities to work in teams. Interviews were audio recorded and then transcribed. Transcriptions were thematically analysed by the research team using NVivo. The results of the study provide anonymized case studies for each of the students who took part in an interview, explaining their disability or condition, their coping strategies for studying in HE, and their experiences, both positive and negative, of the TBL modules they had taken. References Active Collaborative Learning. (2019). Scaling Up Active Collaborative Learning for Student Success. Project website. https://aclproject.org.uk. ARU. (2017). Equality, Diversity and Inclusion at our University. Annual Report. Anglia Ruskin University.https://web.anglia.ac.uk/anet/student_services/public/AngliaRuskinReport_2017_AW_ACCESSIBLE.pdf. ARU. (2018). Student Snapshots. Anglia Ruskin University. https://aru.ac.uk/about-us/equality-diversity-and-inclusion/equality-diversity-and-inclusion-for-students/aru-student-snapshots. ARU. (2020). Disability Support. Anglia Ruskin University. https://aru.ac.uk/student-life/support-and-facilities/study-skills/disability-support. ARU. (2020b). Inclusive Practices. Anglia Ruskin University. https://aru.ac.uk/about-us/equality-diversity-and-inclusion/equality-diversity-and-inclusion-for-students/inclusive-practices. Berkson, R., & Richter, U.M. (2019). Can Active Collaborative Learning Improve Equality? The European Conference on Education 2019 Official Conference Proceedings. https://papers.iafor.org/submission51859/. Berkson, R.G., & Richter, U.M. (2020). Barriers to scaling up active collaborative learning. IN S. Pratt-Adams, U.M. Richter & M. Warnes (Eds.), Innovations in Active Learning in Higher Education, Ch 7. Anglia Ruskin University (in press). Chenail, R. J. (2009). Interviewing the Investigator: Strategies for Addressing Instrumentation and Researcher Bias Concerns in Qualitative Research. The Qualitative Report, 13(4): 14-21. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/tqr/vol13/iss4/14/. Dearnley, Ch., Rhodes, Ch., Roberts, P., Williams, P., & Prenton, S. (2018). Team based learning in nursing and midwifery higher education; a systematic review of the evidence for change. Nurse Education Today, 60: 75-83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.nedt.2017.09.012. Eksteen, M.J. (2019). Does team-based learning develop essential generic skills in pharmacy students? South African Journal of Higher Education, 33(1). https://www.journals.ac.za/index.php/sajhe/article/view/1332. http://dx.doi.org//10.20853/33-1-1332. Haidet, P., Kubitz, K., & McCormack, W. T. (2014). Analysis of the team-based learning literature: TBL comes of age. Journal on Excellence in College Teaching, 25(3-4): 303-333. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4643940/. Hefce. (2018). Differences in student outcomes. The effect of student characteristics. Data Analysis report March 2018/05. https://dera.ioe.ac.uk/31412/1/HEFCE2017_05%20.pdf HM Government. (2017). Industrial Strategy. Building a Britain fit for the future. UK Government White Paper. https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/664563/industrial-strategy-white-paper-web-ready-version.pdf. Kent, S., Wanzek, J., Swanson, E.A., & Vaughn, S. (2015). Team-Based Learning for Students with High-Incidence Disabilities in High School Social Studies Classrooms. Learning Disabilities Research & Practice, 30(1): 3-14. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ldrp.12048. Koles, P.G., Stolfi, A., Borges, N.J., Nelson S., & Parmelee, D.X. (2010). The impact of team-based learning on medical students' academic performance. Academic Medicine: Journal of the Association of American Medical Colleges, 85(11): 1739-1745. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/20881827/ http://dx.doi.org/: 10.1097/ACM.0b013e3181f52bed. Michaelsen, L. K., Davidson, N., & Major, C. H. (2014). Team-based learning practices and principles in comparison with cooperative learning and problem-based learning. Journal on Excellence in College Teaching, 25(3&4): 57-84. https://www.lhthompson.com/uploads/4/2/1/1/42117203/team_based_learning_-_group_work.pdf. Michaelsen, L. K., Knight, A. B., & Fink, L. D. (2004). Team-based learning: A transformative use of small groups in higher education. Sterling, VA: Stylus. McNeil, J., Borg, M., Kennedy, E., Cui, V., Puntha, H., Rashid, Z., Churchill, T., Howitt, E. and Trivedy, K., (2019a). SCALE-UP Handbook 2019-20 (3rd ed). Centre for Academic Development and Quality, Nottingham Trent University. https://www.ntu.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0033/906927/FINAL-SCALE-UP-Handbook-2019-20.pdf. McNeil, J., Borg, M., Kerrigan, M., Waller, S., Richter, U., Berkson, R., Tweddell, S., & McCarter, R. (2019b). Addressing barriers to student success. Scaling up Active Collaborative Learning for Student Success. Final Report, 28 March 2019, Updated 28 October 2019. https://aclproject.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/NTU-ABSS-Final-Report-revised-Oct-2019.pdf. OECD. (2019). OECD Future of Education and Skills 2030. OECD Learning Compass 2030. A Series of Concept Notes. OECD. http://www.oecd.org/education/2030-project/contact/OECD_Learning_Compass_2030_Concept_Note_Series.pdf. Office for Students. (2019a). Addressing Barriers to Student Success programme. https://www.officeforstudents.org.uk/advice-and-guidance/promoting-equal-opportunities/addressing-barriers-to-student-success-programme/ Office for Students. (2019b). Beyond the bare minimum: Are universities and colleges doing enough for disabled students? OfS Insight Brief 4. https://www.officeforstudents.org.uk/publications/beyond-the-bare-minimum-are-universities-and-colleges-doing-enough-for-disabled-students/#participation. Roulston, K., & Shelton, St. A. (2015). Reconceptualizing Bias in Teaching Qualitative Research Methods. Qualitative Inquiry, (21)4: 332-342. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1077800414563803. Sangwan, P., & Sangwan, S. (2011). Inclusive Education: A Developmental Approach in Special Education. Journal of Indian Education, 36(4): 18-32. http://www.ncert.nic.in/publication/journals/pdf_files/iea/JIE_FEB2011.pdf#page=20 Sibley, J., & Ostafichuk, P. (2014). Getting Started with Team-Based Learning. Sterling, VA, USA: Stylus. Sisk, R. J. (2011). Team-based learning: systematic research review. Journal of Nursing Education, 50(12): 665–669. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/22007709/. Vaccaro, A., Daly-Cano, M., & Newman, B. M. (2015). A sense of belonging among college students with disabilities: An emergent theoretical model. Journal of College Student Development, 56(7): 670-686. https://muse.jhu.edu/article/597267 Vaughn, S., Danielson, L., Zumeta, R., & Holdheide, L. (2015). Deeper Learning for Students with Disabilities. Students at the Center. Deeper Learning Research Series. Boston, MA: Jobs for the Future. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED560790.pdf. Wanzek, J., Vaughn, S., Kent, S.C., Swanson, E.A., Roberts, G., Haynes, M., & Solis, M. (2014). The Effects of Team-Based Learning on Social Studies Knowledge Acquisition in High School. Journal of Research on Educational Effectiveness. 7(2): 183-204. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/19345747.2013.836765. Williams, M., Pollard, E., Helena Takala, H., & Houghton, A-M. (2019). Review of Support for Disabled Students in Higher Education in England. Report to the Office for Students by the Institute for Employment Studies and Researching Equity, Access and Participation. IES Report. Institute for Employment Studies and Researching Equity, Access and Participation. https://www.officeforstudents.org.uk/media/a8152716-870b-47f2-8045-.fc30e8e599e5/review-of-support-for-disabled-students-in-higher-education-in-england.pdf World Economic Forum. (2018). The Future of Jobs 2018. Insight Report. Centre for the New Economy and Society. http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_Future_of_Jobs_2018.pdf.

By most accounts, “resilience” is a pretty resilient concept. Or policy instrument. Or heuristic tool. It’s this last that really concerns us here: resilience not as a politics, but rather as a descriptive device for attempts in the humanities—particularly in rhetoric and cultural studies—to adequately describe a discursive event. Or rather, to adequately describe a class of discursive events: those that involve rhetorical resistance by victimised subjects. I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Descriptive; Reading) that Peircean semiosis, inflected by a rhetorical postulate of genre, equips us well to closely describe a discursive event. Here, I want briefly to suggest that resilience—“discursive” resilience, to coin a term—might usefully supplement these hypotheses, at least from time to time. To support this suggestion, I’ll signal some uses of resilience before turning briefly to a case study: a sensational Argentine homicide case, which occurred in October 2002, and came to be known as the caso Belsunce. At the time, Argentina was wracked by economic crises and political instability. The imposition of severe restrictions on cash withdrawals from bank deposits had provoked major civil unrest. Between 21 December 2001 and 2 January 2002, Argentines witnessed a succession of five presidents. “Resilient” is a term that readily comes to mind to describe many of those who endured this catastrophic period. To describe the caso Belsunce, however—to describe its constitution and import as a discursive event—we might appeal to some more disciplinary-specific understandings of resilience. Glossing Peircean semiosis as a teleological process, Short notes that “one and the same thing […] may be many different signs at once” (106). Any given sign, in other words, admits of multiple interpretants or uptakes. And so it is with resilience, which is both a keyword in academic disciplines ranging from psychology to ecology and political science, and a buzzword in several corporate domains and spheres of governmental activity. It’s particularly prevalent in the discourses of highly networked post-9/11 Anglophone societies. So what, pray tell, is resilience? To the American Psychological Association, resilience comprises “the process of adapting well in the face of adversity.” To the Resilience Solutions Group at Arizona State University, resilience is “the capacity to recover fully from acute stressors, to carry on in the face of chronic difficulties: to regain one’s balance after losing it.” To the Stockholm Resilience Centre, resilience amounts to the “capacity of a system to continually change and adapt yet remain within critical thresholds,” while to the Resilience Alliance, resilience is similarly “the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and still retain its basic function and structure” (Walker and Salt xiii). The adjective “resilient” is thus predicated of those entities, individuals or collectivities, which exhibit “resilience”. A “resilient Australia,” for example, is one “where all Australians are better able to adapt to change, where we have reduced exposure to risks, and where we are all better able to bounce back from disaster” (Australian Government). It’s tempting here to synthesise these statements with a sense of “ordinary language” usage to derive a definitional distillate: “resilience” is a capacity attributed to an entity which recovers intact from major injury. This capacity is evidenced in a reaction or uptake: a “resilient” entity is one which suffers some insult or disturbance, but whose integrity is held to have been maintained, or even enhanced, by its resistive or adaptive response. A conjecturally “resilient” entity is thus one which would presumably evince resilience if faced with an unrealised aversive event. However, such abstractions ignore how definitional claims do rhetorical work. On any given occasion, how “resilience” and its cognates are construed and what they connote are a function, at least in part, of the purposes of rhetorical agents and the protocols and objects of the disciplines or genres in which these agents put these terms to work. In disciplines operating within the same form of life or sphere of activity—disciplines sharing general conventions and broad objects of inquiry, such as the capacious ecological sciences or the contiguous fields of study within the ambit of applied psychology—resilience acts, at least at times, as a something of a “boundary object” (Star and Griesemer). Correlatively, across more diverse and distant fields of inquiry, resilience can work in more seemingly exclusive or contradictory ways (see Handmer and Dovers). Rhetorical aims and disciplinary objects similarly determine the originary tales we are inclined to tell. In the social sciences, the advent of resilience is often attributed to applied psychology, indebted, in turn, to epidemiology (see Seery, Holman and Cohen Silver). In environmental science, by contrast, resilience is typically taken to be a theory born in ecology (indebted to engineering and to the physical sciences, in particular to complex systems theory [see Janssen, Schoon, Ke and Börner]). Having no foundational claim to stake and, moreover, having different purposes and taking different objects, some more recent uptakes of resilience, in, for instance, securitisation studies, allow for its multidisciplinary roots (see Bourbeau; Kaufmann). But if resilience is many things to many people, a couple of commonalities in its range of translations should be drawn out. First, irrespective of its discipline or sphere of activity, talk of resilience typically entails construing an object of inquiry qua system, be that system an individual, a community of circumstance, a state, a socio-ecological unit or some differently delimited entity. This bounded system suffers some insult with no resulting loss of structural, relational, functional or other integrity. Second, resilience is usually marshalled to promote a politics. Resilience talk often consorts with discourses of meliorative action and of readily quantifiable practical effects. When the environmental sciences take the “Earth system” and the dynamics of global change as their objects of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the elaboration and implementation of natural resource management policy. Proponents of socio-ecological resilience see the resilience hypothesis as enabling a demonstrably more enlightened stewardship of the biosphere (see Folke et al.; Holling; Walker and Salt). When applied psychology takes the anomalous situation of disadvantaged, at-risk individuals triumphing over trauma as its declared object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the positing and identification of personal and environmental resources or protective factors which would enable the overcoming of adversity. Proponents of psychosocial resilience see this concept as enabling the elaboration and implementation of interventions to foster individual and collective wellbeing (see Goldstein and Brooks; Ungar). Similarly, when policy think-tanks and government departments and agencies take the apprehension of particular threats to the social fabric as their object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience—or of a lack thereof—is critical to the elaboration and implementation of urban infrastructure, emergency planning and disaster management policies (see Drury et al.; Handmer and Dovers). However, despite its often positive connotations, resilience is well understood as a “normatively open” (Bourbeau 11) concept. This openness is apparent in some theories and practices of resilience. In limnological modelling, for example, eutrophication can result in a lake’s being in an undesirable, albeit resilient, turbid-water state (see Carpenter et al.; Walker and Meyers). But perhaps the negative connotations or indeed perverse effects of resilience are most apparent in some of its political uptakes. Certainly, governmental operationalisations of resilience are coming under increased scrutiny. Chief among the criticisms levelled at the “muddled politics” (Grove 147) of and around resilience is that its mobilisation works to constitute a particular neoliberal subjectivity (see Joseph; Neocleous). By enabling a conservative focus on individual responsibility, preparedness and adaptability, the topos of resilience contributes critically to the development of neoliberal governmentality (Joseph). In a practical sense, this deployment of resilience silences resistance: “building resilient subjects,” observe Evans and Reid (85), “involves the deliberate disabling of political habits. […] Resilient subjects are subjects that have accepted the imperative not to resist or secure themselves from the difficulties they are faced with but instead adapt to their enabling conditions.” It’s this prospect of practical acquiescence that sees resistance at times opposed to resilience (Neocleous). “Good intentions not withstanding,” notes Grove (146), “the effect of resilience initiatives is often to defend and strengthen the political economic status quo.” There’s much to commend in these analyses of how neoliberal uses of resilience constitute citizens as highly accommodating of capital and the state. But such critiques pertain to the governmental mobilisation of resilience in the contemporary “advanced liberal” settings of “various Anglo-Saxon countries” (Joseph 47). There are, of course, other instances—other events in other times and places—in which resilience indisputably sorts with resistance. Such an event is the caso Belsunce, in which a rhetorically resilient journalistic community pushed back, resisting some of the excesses of a corrupt neoliberal Argentine regime. I’ll turn briefly to this infamous case to suggest that a notion of “discursive resilience” might afford us some purchase when it comes to describing discursive events. To be clear: we’re considering resilience here not as an anticipatory politics, but rather as an analytic device to supplement the descriptive tools of Peircean semiosis and a rhetorical postulate of genre. As such, it’s more an instrument than an answer: a program, perhaps, for ongoing work. Although drawing on different disciplinary construals of the term, this use of resilience would be particularly indebted to the resilience thinking developed in ecology (see Carpenter el al.; Folke et al.; Holling; Walker et al.; Walker and Salt). Things would, of course, be lost in translation (see Adger; Gallopín): in taking a discursive event, rather than the dynamics of a socio-ecological system, as our object of inquiry, we’d retain some topological analogies while dispensing with, for example, Holling’s four-phase adaptive cycle (see Carpenter et al.; Folke; Gunderson; Gunderson and Holling; Walker et al.). For our purposes, it’s unlikely that descriptions of ecosystem succession need to be carried across. However, the general postulates of ecological resilience thinking—that a system is a complex series of dynamic relations and functions located at any given time within a basin of attraction (or stability domain or system regime) delimited by thresholds; that it is subject to multiple attractors and follows trajectories describable over varying scales of time and space; that these trajectories are inflected by exogenous and endogenous perturbations to which the system is subject; that the system either proves itself resilient to these perturbations in its adaptive or resistive response, or transforms, flipping from one domain (or basin) to another may well prove useful to some descriptive projects in the humanities. Resilience is fundamentally a question of uptake or response. Hence, when examining resilience in socio-ecological systems, Gallopín notes that it’s useful to consider “not only the resilience of the system (maintenance within a basin) but also coping with impacts produced and taking advantage of opportunities” (300). Argentine society in the early-to-mid 2000s was one such socio-political system, and the caso Belsunce was both one such impact and one such opportunity. Well-connected in the world of finance, 57-year-old former stockbroker Carlos Alberto Carrascosa lived with his 50-year-old sociologist turned charity worker wife, María Marta García Belsunce, close to their relatives in the exclusive gated community of Carmel Country Club, Pilar, Provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina. At 7:07 pm on Sunday 27 October 2002, Carrascosa called ambulance emergencies, claiming that his wife had slipped and knocked her head while drawing a bath alone that rainy Sunday afternoon. At the time of his call, it transpired, Carrascosa was at home in the presence of intimates. Blood was pooled on the bathroom floor and smeared and spattered on its walls and adjoining areas. María Marta lay lifeless, brain matter oozing from several holes in her left parietal and temporal lobes. This was the moment when Carrascosa, calm and coherent, called emergency services, but didn’t advert the police. Someone, he told the operator, had slipped in the bath and bumped her head. Carrascosa described María Marta as breathing, with a faint pulse, but somehow failed to mention the holes in her head. “A knock with a tap,” a police source told journalist Horacio Cecchi, “really doesn’t compare with the five shots to the head, the spillage of brain matter and the loss of about half a litre of blood suffered by the victim” (Cecchi and Kollmann). Rather than a bathroom tap, María Marta’s head had met with five bullets discharged from a .32-calibre revolver. In effect, reported Cecchi, María Marta had died twice. “While perhaps a common conceit in fiction,” notes Cecchi, “in reality, dying twice is, by definition, impossible. María Marta’s two obscure endings seem to unsettle this certainty.” Her cadaver was eventually subjected to an autopsy, and what had been a tale of clumsiness and happenstance was rewritten, reinscribed under the Argentine Penal Code. The autopsy was conducted 36 days after the burial of María Marta; nine days later, she was mentioned for the second time in the mainstream Argentine press. Her reappearance, however, was marked by a shift in rubrics: from a short death notice in La Nación, María Marta was translated to the crime section of Argentina’s dailies. Until his wife’s mediatic reapparition, Carroscosa and other relatives had persisted with their “accident” hypothesis. Indeed, they’d taken a range of measures to preclude the sorts of uptakes that might ordinarily be expected to flow, under functioning liberal democratic regimes, from the discovery of a corpse with five projectiles lodged in its head. Subsequently recited as part of Carrascosa’s indictment, these measures were extensively reiterated in media coverage of the case. One of the more notorious actions involved the disposal of the sixth bullet, which was found lying under María Marta. In the course of moving the body of his half-sister, John Hurtig retrieved a small metallic object. This discovery was discussed by a number of family members, including Carrascosa, who had received ballistics training during his four years of naval instruction at the Escuela Nacional de Náutica de la Armada. They determined that the object was a lug or connector rod (“pituto”) used in library shelving: nothing, in any case, to indicate a homicide. With this determination made, the “pituto” was duly wrapped in lavatory paper and flushed down the toilet. This episode occasioned a range of outraged articles in Argentine dailies examining the topoi of privilege, power, corruption and impunity. “Distinguished persons,” notes Viau pointedly, “are so disposed […] that in the midst of all that chaos, they can locate a small, hard, steely object, wrap it in lavatory paper and flush it down the toilet, for that must be how they usually dispose of […] all that rubbish that no longer fits under the carpet.” Most often, though, critical comment was conducted by translating the reporting of the case to the genres of crime fiction. In an article entitled Someone Call Agatha Christie, Quick!, H.A.T. writes that “[s]omething smells rotten in the Carmel Country; a whole pile of rubbish seems to have been swept under its plush carpets.” An exemplary intervention in this vein was the work of journalist and novelist Vicente Battista, for whom the case (María Marta) “synthesizes the best of both traditions of crime fiction: the murder mystery and the hard-boiled novels.” “The crime,” Battista (¿Hubo Otra Mujer?) has Rodolfo observe in the first of his speculative dialogues on the case, “seems to be lifted from an Agatha Christie novel, but the criminal turns out to be a copy of the savage killers that Jim Thompson usually depicts.” Later, in an interview in which he correctly predicted the verdict, Battista expanded on these remarks: This familiar plot brings together the English murder mystery and the American hard-boiled novels. The murder mystery because it has all the elements: the crime takes place in a sealed room. In this instance, sealed not only because it occurred in a house, but also in a country, a sealed place of privilege. The victim was a society lady. Burglary is not the motive. In classic murder mystery novels, it was a bit unseemly that one should kill in order to rob. One killed either for a juicy sum of money, or for revenge, or out of passion. In those novels there were neither corrupt judges nor fugitive lawyers. Once Sherlock Holmes […] or Hercule Poirot […] said ‘this is the murderer’, that was that. That’s to say, once fingered in the climactic living room scene, with everyone gathered around the hearth, the perpetrator wouldn’t resist at all. And everyone would be happy because the judges were thought to be upright persons, at least in fiction. […] The violence of the crime of María Marta is part of the hard-boiled novel, and the sealed location in which it takes place, part of the murder mystery (Alarcón). I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Belsunce) that the translation of the case to the genres of crime fiction and their metaanalysis was a means by which a victimised Argentine public, represented by a disempowered and marginalised fourth estate, sought some rhetorical recompense. The postulate of resilience, however, might help further to describe and contextualise this notorious discursive event. A disaffected Argentine press finds itself in a stability domain with multiple attractors: on the one hand, an acquiescence to ever-increasing politico-juridical corruption, malfeasance and elitist impunity; on the other, an attractor of increasing contestation, democratisation, accountability and transparency. A discursive event like the caso Belsunce further perturbs Argentine society, threatening to displace it from its democratising trajectory. Unable to enforce due process, Argentina’s fourth estate adapts, doing what, in the circumstances, amounts to the next best thing: it denounces the proceedings by translating the case to the genres of crime fiction. In so doing, it engages a venerable reception history in which the co-constitution of true crime fiction and investigative journalism is exemplified by the figure of Rodolfo Walsh, whose denunciatory works mark a “politicisation of crime” (see Amar Sánchez Juegos; El sueño). Put otherwise, a section of Argentina’s fourth estate bounced back: by making poetics do rhetorical work, it resisted the pull towards what ecology calls an undesirable basin of attraction. Through a show of discursive resilience, these journalists worked to keep Argentine society on a democratising track. 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Alfred Hermida recently posited ‘ambient journalism’ as a new framework for para- and professional journalists, who use social networks like Twitter for story sources, and as a news delivery platform. Beginning with this framework, this article explores the following questions: How does Hermida define ‘ambient journalism’ and what is its significance? Are there alternative definitions? What lessons do current platforms provide for the design of future, real-time platforms that ‘ambient journalists’ might use? What lessons does the work of Brian Eno provide–the musician and producer who coined the term ‘ambient music’ over three decades ago? My aim here is to formulate an alternative definition of ambient journalism that emphasises craft, skills acquisition, and the mental models of professional journalists, which are the foundations more generally for journalism practices. Rather than Hermida’s participatory media context I emphasise ‘institutional adaptiveness’: how journalists and newsrooms in media institutions rely on craft and skills, and how emerging platforms can augment these foundations, rather than replace them. Hermida’s Ambient Journalism and the Role of Journalists Hermida describes ambient journalism as: “broad, asynchronous, lightweight and always-on communication systems [that] are creating new kinds of interactions around the news, and are enabling citizens to maintain a mental model of news and events around them” (Hermida 2). His ideas appear to have two related aspects. He conceives ambient journalism as an “awareness system” between individuals that functions as a collective intelligence or kind of ‘distributed cognition’ at a group level (Hermida 2, 4-6). Facebook, Twitter and other online social networks are examples. Hermida also suggests that such networks enable non-professionals to engage in ‘communication’ and ‘conversation’ about news and media events (Hermida 2, 7). In a helpful clarification, Hermida observes that ‘para-journalists’ are like the paralegals or non-lawyers who provide administrative support in the legal profession and, in academic debates about journalism, are more commonly known as ‘citizen journalists’. Thus, Hermida’s ambient journalism appears to be: (1) an information systems model of new platforms and networks, and (2) a normative argument that these tools empower ‘para-journalists’ to engage in journalism and real-time commentary. Hermida’s thesis is intriguing and worthy of further discussion and debate. As currently formulated however it risks sharing the blind-spots and contradictions of the academic literature that Hermida cites, which suffers from poor theory-building (Burns). A major reason is that the participatory media context on which Hermida often builds his work has different mental models and normative theories than the journalists or media institutions that are the target of critique. Ambient journalism would be a stronger and more convincing framework if these incorrect assumptions were jettisoned. Others may also potentially misunderstand what Hermida proposes, because the academic debate is often polarised between para-journalists and professional journalists, due to different views about institutions, the politics of knowledge, decision heuristics, journalist training, and normative theoretical traditions (Christians et al. 126; Cole and Harcup 166-176). In the academic debate, para-journalists or ‘citizen journalists’ may be said to have a communitarian ethic and desire more autonomous solutions to journalists who are framed as uncritical and reliant on official sources, and to media institutions who are portrayed as surveillance-like ‘monitors’ of society (Christians et al. 124-127). This is however only one of a range of possible relationships. Sole reliance on para-journalists could be a premature solution to a more complex media ecology. Journalism craft, which does not rely just on official sources, also has a range of practices that already provides the “more complex ways of understanding and reporting on the subtleties of public communication” sought (Hermida 2). Citizen- and para-journalist accounts may overlook micro-studies in how newsrooms adopt technological innovations and integrate them into newsgathering routines (Hemmingway 196). Thus, an examination of the realities of professional journalism will help to cast a better light on how ambient journalism can shape the mental models of para-journalists, and provide more rigorous analysis of news and similar events. Professional journalism has several core dimensions that para-journalists may overlook. Journalism’s foundation as an experiential craft includes guidance and norms that orient the journalist to information, and that includes practitioner ethics. This craft is experiential; the basis for journalism’s claim to “social expertise” as a discipline; and more like the original Linux and Open Source movements which evolved through creative conflict (Sennett 9, 25-27, 125-127, 249-251). There are learnable, transmissible skills to contextually evaluate, filter, select and distil the essential insights. This craft-based foundation and skills informs and structures the journalist’s cognitive witnessing of an event, either directly or via reconstructed, cultivated sources. The journalist publishes through a recognised media institution or online platform, which provides communal validation and verification. There is far more here than the academic portrayal of journalists as ‘gate-watchers’ for a ‘corporatist’ media elite. Craft and skills distinguish the professional journalist from Hermida’s para-journalist. Increasingly, media institutions hire journalists who are trained in other craft-based research methods (Burns and Saunders). Bethany McLean who ‘broke’ the Enron scandal was an investment banker; documentary filmmaker Errol Morris first interviewed serial killers for an early project; and Neil Chenoweth used ‘forensic accounting’ techniques to investigate Rupert Murdoch and Kerry Packer. Such expertise allows the journalist to filter information, and to mediate any influences in the external environment, in order to develop an individualised, ‘embodied’ perspective (Hofstadter 234; Thompson; Garfinkel and Rawls). Para-journalists and social network platforms cannot replace this expertise, which is often unique to individual journalists and their research teams. Ambient Journalism and Twitter Current academic debates about how citizen- and para-journalists may augment or even replace professional journalists can often turn into legitimation battles whether the ‘de facto’ solution is a social media network rather than a media institution. For example, Hermida discusses Twitter, a micro-blogging platform that allows users to post 140-character messages that are small, discrete information chunks, for short-term and episodic memory. Twitter enables users to monitor other users, to group other messages, and to search for terms specified by a hashtag. Twitter thus illustrates how social media platforms can make data more transparent and explicit to non-specialists like para-journalists. In fact, Twitter is suitable for five different categories of real-time information: news, pre-news, rumours, the formation of social media and subject-based networks, and “molecular search” using granular data-mining tools (Leinweber 204-205). In this model, the para-journalist acts as a navigator and “way-finder” to new information (Morville, Findability). Jaron Lanier, an early designer of ‘virtual reality’ systems, is perhaps the most vocal critic of relying on groups of non-experts and tools like Twitter, instead of individuals who have professional expertise. For Lanier, what underlies debates about citizen- and para-journalists is a philosophy of “cybernetic totalism” and “digital Maoism” which exalts the Internet collective at the expense of truly individual views. He is deeply critical of Hermida’s chosen platform, Twitter: “A design that shares Twitter’s feature of providing ambient continuous contact between people could perhaps drop Twitter’s adoration of fragments. We don’t really know, because it is an unexplored design space” [emphasis added] (Lanier 24). In part, Lanier’s objection is traceable back to an unresolved debate on human factors and design in information science. Influenced by the post-war research into cybernetics, J.C.R. Licklider proposed a cyborg-like model of “man-machine symbiosis” between computers and humans (Licklider). In turn, Licklider’s framework influenced Douglas Engelbart, who shaped the growth of human-computer interaction, and the design of computer interfaces, the mouse, and other tools (Engelbart). In taking a system-level view of platforms Hermida builds on the strength of Licklider and Engelbart’s work. Yet because he focuses on para-journalists, and does not appear to include the craft and skills-based expertise of professional journalists, it is unclear how he would answer Lanier’s fears about how reliance on groups for news and other information is superior to individual expertise and judgment. Hermida’s two case studies point to this unresolved problem. Both cases appear to show how Twitter provides quicker and better forms of news and information, thereby increasing the effectiveness of para-journalists to engage in journalism and real-time commentary. However, alternative explanations may exist that raise questions about Twitter as a new platform, and thus these cases might actually reveal circumstances in which ambient journalism may fail. Hermida alludes to how para-journalists now fulfil the earlier role of ‘first responders’ and stringers, in providing the “immediate dissemination” of non-official information about disasters and emergencies (Hermida 1-2; Haddow and Haddow 117-118). Whilst important, this is really a specific role. In fact, disaster and emergency reporting occurs within well-established practices, professional ethics, and institutional routines that may involve journalists, government officials, and professional communication experts (Moeller). Officials and emergency management planners are concerned that citizen- or para-journalism is equated with the craft and skills of professional journalism. The experience of these officials and planners in 2005’s Hurricane Katrina in the United States, and in 2009’s Black Saturday bushfires in Australia, suggests that whilst para-journalists might be ‘first responders’ in a decentralised, complex crisis, they are perceived to spread rumours and potential social unrest when people need reliable information (Haddow and Haddow 39). These terms of engagement between officials, planners and para-journalists are still to be resolved. Hermida readily acknowledges that Twitter and other social network platforms are vulnerable to rumours (Hermida 3-4; Sunstein). However, his other case study, Iran’s 2009 election crisis, further complicates the vision of ambient journalism, and always-on communication systems in particular. Hermida discusses several events during the crisis: the US State Department request to halt a server upgrade, how the Basij’s shooting of bystander Neda Soltan was captured on a mobile phone camera, the spread across social network platforms, and the high-velocity number of ‘tweets’ or messages during the first two weeks of Iran’s electoral uncertainty (Hermida 1). The US State Department was interested in how Twitter could be used for non-official sources, and to inform people who were monitoring the election events. Twitter’s perceived ‘success’ during Iran’s 2009 election now looks rather different when other factors are considered such as: the dynamics and patterns of Tehran street protests; Iran’s clerics who used Soltan’s death as propaganda; claims that Iran’s intelligence services used Twitter to track down and to kill protestors; the ‘black box’ case of what the US State Department and others actually did during the crisis; the history of neo-conservative interest in a Twitter-like platform for strategic information operations; and the Iranian diaspora’s incitement of Tehran student protests via satellite broadcasts. Iran’s 2009 election crisis has important lessons for ambient journalism: always-on communication systems may create noise and spread rumours; ‘mirror-imaging’ of mental models may occur, when other participants have very different worldviews and ‘contexts of use’ for social network platforms; and the new kinds of interaction may not lead to effective intervention in crisis events. Hermida’s combination of news and non-news fragments is the perfect environment for psychological operations and strategic information warfare (Burns and Eltham). Lessons of Current Platforms for Ambient Journalism We have discussed some unresolved problems for ambient journalism as a framework for journalists, and as mental models for news and similar events. Hermida’s goal of an “awareness system” faces a further challenge: the phenomenological limitations of human consciousness to deal with information complexity and ambiguous situations, whether by becoming ‘entangled’ in abstract information or by developing new, unexpected uses for emergent technologies (Thackara; Thompson; Hofstadter 101-102, 186; Morville, Findability, 55, 57, 158). The recursive and reflective capacities of human consciousness imposes its own epistemological frames. It’s still unclear how Licklider’s human-computer interaction will shape consciousness, but Douglas Hofstadter’s experiments with art and video-based group experiments may be suggestive. Hofstadter observes: “the interpenetration of our worlds becomes so great that our worldviews start to fuse” (266). Current research into user experience and information design provides some validation of Hofstadter’s experience, such as how Google is now the ‘default’ search engine, and how its interface design shapes the user’s subjective experience of online search (Morville, Findability; Morville, Search Patterns). Several models of Hermida’s awareness system already exist that build on Hofstadter’s insight. Within the information systems field, on-going research into artificial intelligence–‘expert systems’ that can model expertise as algorithms and decision rules, genetic algorithms, and evolutionary computation–has attempted to achieve Hermida’s goal. What these systems share are mental models of cognition, learning and adaptiveness to new information, often with forecasting and prediction capabilities. Such systems work in journalism areas such as finance and sports that involve analytics, data-mining and statistics, and in related fields such as health informatics where there are clear, explicit guidelines on information and international standards. After a mid-1980s investment bubble (Leinweber 183-184) these systems now underpin the technology platforms of global finance and news intermediaries. Bloomberg LP’s ubiquitous dual-screen computers, proprietary network and data analytics (www.bloomberg.com), and its competitors such as Thomson Reuters (www.thomsonreuters.com and www.reuters.com), illustrate how financial analysts and traders rely on an “awareness system” to navigate global stock-markets (Clifford and Creswell). For example, a Bloomberg subscriber can access real-time analytics from exchanges, markets, and from data vendors such as Dow Jones, NYSE Euronext and Thomson Reuters. They can use portfolio management tools to evaluate market information, to make allocation and trading decisions, to monitor ‘breaking’ news, and to integrate this information. Twitter is perhaps the para-journalist equivalent to how professional journalists and finance analysts rely on Bloomberg’s platform for real-time market and business information. Already, hedge funds like PhaseCapital are data-mining Twitter’s ‘tweets’ or messages for rumours, shifts in stock-market sentiment, and to analyse potential trading patterns (Pritchett and Palmer). The US-based Securities and Exchange Commission, and researchers like David Gelernter and Paul Tetlock, have also shown the benefits of applied data-mining for regulatory market supervision, in particular to uncover analysts who provide ‘whisper numbers’ to online message boards, and who have access to material, non-public information (Leinweber 60, 136, 144-145, 208, 219, 241-246). Hermida’s framework might be developed further for such regulatory supervision. Hermida’s awareness system may also benefit from the algorithms found in high-frequency trading (HFT) systems that Citadel Group, Goldman Sachs, Renaissance Technologies, and other quantitative financial institutions use. Rather than human traders, HFT uses co-located servers and complex algorithms, to make high-volume trades on stock-markets that take advantage of microsecond changes in prices (Duhigg). HFT capabilities are shrouded in secrecy, and became the focus of regulatory attention after several high-profile investigations of traders alleged to have stolen the software code (Bray and Bunge). One public example is Streambase (www.streambase.com), a ‘complex event processing’ (CEP) platform that can be used in HFT, and commercialised from the Project Aurora research collaboration between Brandeis University, Brown University, and Massachusetts Institute of Technology. CEP and HFT may be the ‘killer apps’ of Hermida’s awareness system. Alternatively, they may confirm Jaron Lanier’s worst fears: your data-stream and user-generated content can be harvested by others–for their gain, and your loss! Conclusion: Brian Eno and Redefining ‘Ambient Journalism’ On the basis of the above discussion, I suggest a modified definition of Hermida’s thesis: ‘Ambient journalism’ is an emerging analytical framework for journalists, informed by cognitive, cybernetic, and information systems research. It ‘sensitises’ the individual journalist, whether professional or ‘para-professional’, to observe and to evaluate their immediate context. In doing so, ‘ambient journalism’, like journalism generally, emphasises ‘novel’ information. It can also inform the design of real-time platforms for journalistic sources and news delivery. Individual ‘ambient journalists’ can learn much from the career of musician and producer Brian Eno. His personal definition of ‘ambient’ is “an atmosphere, or a surrounding influence: a tint,” that relies on the co-evolution of the musician, creative horizons, and studio technology as a tool, just as para-journalists use Twitter as a platform (Sheppard 278; Eno 293-297). Like para-journalists, Eno claims to be a “self-educated but largely untrained” musician and yet also a craft-based producer (McFadzean; Tamm 177; 44-50). Perhaps Eno would frame the distinction between para-journalist and professional journalist as “axis thinking” (Eno 298, 302) which is needlessly polarised due to different normative theories, stances, and practices. Furthermore, I would argue that Eno’s worldview was shaped by similar influences to Licklider and Engelbart, who appear to have informed Hermida’s assumptions. These influences include the mathematician and game theorist John von Neumann and biologist Richard Dawkins (Eno 162); musicians Eric Satie, John Cage and his book Silence (Eno 19-22, 162; Sheppard 22, 36, 378-379); and the field of self-organising systems, in particular cyberneticist Stafford Beer (Eno 245; Tamm 86; Sheppard 224). Eno summed up the central lesson of this theoretical corpus during his collaborations with New York’s ‘No Wave’ scene in 1978, of “people experimenting with their lives” (Eno 253; Reynolds 146-147; Sheppard 290-295). Importantly, he developed a personal view of normative theories through practice-based research, on a range of projects, and with different creative and collaborative teams. Rather than a technological solution, Eno settled on a way to encode his craft and skills into a quasi-experimental, transmittable method—an aim of practitioner development in professional journalism. Even if only a “founding myth,” the story of Eno’s 1975 street accident with a taxi, and how he conceived ‘ambient music’ during his hospital stay, illustrates how ambient journalists might perceive something new in specific circumstances (Tamm 131; Sheppard 186-188). More tellingly, this background informed his collaboration with the late painter Peter Schmidt, to co-create the Oblique Strategies deck of aphorisms: aleatory, oracular messages that appeared dependent on chance, luck, and randomness, but that in fact were based on Eno and Schmidt’s creative philosophy and work guidelines (Tamm 77-78; Sheppard 178-179; Reynolds 170). In short, Eno was engaging with the kind of reflective practices that underpin exemplary professional journalism. He was able to encode this craft and skills into a quasi-experimental method, rather than a technological solution. Journalists and practitioners who adopt Hermida’s framework could learn much from the published accounts of Eno’s practice-based research, in the context of creative projects and collaborative teams. In particular, these detail the contexts and choices of Eno’s early ambient music recordings (Sheppard 199-200); Eno’s duels with David Bowie during ‘Sense of Doubt’ for the Heroes album (Tamm 158; Sheppard 254-255); troubled collaborations with Talking Heads and David Byrne (Reynolds 165-170; Sheppard; 338-347, 353); a curatorial, mentor role on U2’s The Unforgettable Fire (Sheppard 368-369); the ‘grand, stadium scale’ experiments of U2’s 1991-93 ZooTV tour (Sheppard 404); the Zorn-like games of Bowie’s Outside album (Eno 382-389); and the ‘generative’ artwork 77 Million Paintings (Eno 330-332; Tamm 133-135; Sheppard 278-279; Eno 435). Eno is clearly a highly flexible maker and producer. Developing such flexibility would ensure ambient journalism remains open to novelty as an analytical framework that may enhance the practitioner development and work of professional journalists and para-journalists alike.Acknowledgments The author thanks editor Luke Jaaniste, Alfred Hermida, and the two blind peer reviewers for their constructive feedback and reflective insights. References Bray, Chad, and Jacob Bunge. “Ex-Goldman Programmer Indicted for Trade Secrets Theft.” The Wall Street Journal 12 Feb. 2010. 17 March 2010 ‹http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703382904575059660427173510.html›. Burns, Alex. “Select Issues with New Media Theories of Citizen Journalism.” M/C Journal 11.1 (2008). 17 March 2010 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/30›.———, and Barry Saunders. “Journalists as Investigators and ‘Quality Media’ Reputation.” Record of the Communications Policy and Research Forum 2009. Eds. Franco Papandrea and Mark Armstrong. Sydney: Network Insight Institute, 281-297. 17 March 2010 ‹http://eprints.vu.edu.au/15229/1/CPRF09BurnsSaunders.pdf›.———, and Ben Eltham. “Twitter Free Iran: An Evaluation of Twitter’s Role in Public Diplomacy and Information Operations in Iran’s 2009 Election Crisis.” Record of the Communications Policy and Research Forum 2009. Eds. Franco Papandrea and Mark Armstrong. Sydney: Network Insight Institute, 298-310. 17 March 2010 ‹http://eprints.vu.edu.au/15230/1/CPRF09BurnsEltham.pdf›. Christians, Clifford G., Theodore Glasser, Denis McQuail, Kaarle Nordenstreng, and Robert A. White. Normative Theories of the Media: Journalism in Democratic Societies. Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2009. Clifford, Stephanie, and Julie Creswell. “At Bloomberg, Modest Strategy to Rule the World.” The New York Times 14 Nov. 2009. 17 March 2010 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/2009/11/15/business/media/15bloom.html?ref=businessandpagewanted=all›.Cole, Peter, and Tony Harcup. Newspaper Journalism. 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Phillip Noyce is one of Australia’s most prominent film makers—a successful feature film director with both iconic Australian narratives and many a Hollywood blockbuster under his belt. Still, his beginnings were quite humble and far from his role today when he grew up in the midst of the counterculture of the late sixties. Millions of young people his age joined the various ‘movements’ of the day after experiences that changed their lives—mostly music but also drugs or fashion. The counterculture was a turbulent time in Sydney artistic circles as elsewhere. Everything looked possible, you simply had to “Do It!”—and Noyce did. He dived head-on into these times and with a voracious appetite for its many aspects—film, theatre, rallies, music, art and politics in general. In fact he often was the driving force behind such activities. Noyce described his personal epiphany occurring in 1968: A few months before I was due to graduate from high school, […] I saw a poster on a telegraph pole advertising American 'underground' movies. There was a mesmerising, beautiful blue-coloured drawing on the poster that I later discovered had been designed by an Australian filmmaker called David Perry. The word 'underground' conjured up all sorts of delights to an eighteen-year-old in the late Sixties: in an era of censorship it promised erotica, perhaps; in an era of drug-taking it promised some clandestine place where marijuana, or even something stronger, might be consumed; in an era of confrontation between conservative parents and their affluent post-war baby-boomer children, it promised a place where one could get together with other like-minded youth and plan to undermine the establishment, which at that time seemed to be the aim of just about everyone aged under 30. (Petzke 8) What the poster referred to was a new, highly different type of film. In the US these films were usually called “underground”. This term originates from film critic Manny Farber who used it in his 1957 essay Underground Films. Farber used the label for films whose directors today would be associated with independent and art house feature films. More directly, film historian Lewis Jacobs referred to experimental films when he used the words “film which for most of its life has led an underground existence” (8). The term is used interchangeably with New American Cinema. It was based on a New York group—the Film-Makers’ Co-operative—that started in 1960 with mostly low-budget filmmakers under the guidance of Jonas Mekas. When in 1962 the group was formally organised as a means for new, improved ways of distributing their works, experimental filmmakers were the dominant faction. They were filmmakers working in a more artistic vein, slightly influenced by the European Avant-garde of the 1920s and by attempts in the late 1940s and early 1950s. In film history, this era is also known as the Third Avant-garde. In their First Statement of the New American Cinema Group, the group drew connections to both the British Free Cinema and the French Nouvelle Vague. They also claimed that contemporary cinema was “morally corrupt, aesthetically obsolete, thematically superficial, temperamentally boring” (80). An all-encompassing definition of Underground Film never was available. Sheldon Renan lists some of the problems: There are underground films in which there is no movement and films in which there is nothing but movement. There are films about people and films about light. There are short, short underground films and long, long underground films. There are some that have been banned, and there is one that was nominated for an Academy Award. There are sexy films and sexless films, political films and poetical films, film epigrams and film epics … underground film is nothing less than an explosion of cinematic styles, forms and directions. (Renan 17) No wonder that propelled by frequent serious articles in the press—notably Jonas Mekas in the Village Voice—and regular screenings at other venues like the Film-makers’ Cinemathèque and the Gallery of Modern Art in New York, these films proved increasingly popular in the United States and almost immediately spread like bush fires around the world. So in early September 1968 Noyce joined a sold-out crowd at the Union Theatre in Sydney, watching 17 shorts assembled by Ubu Films, the premier experimental and underground film collective in 1960s Australia (Milesago). And on that night his whole attitude to art, his whole attitude to movies—in fact, his whole life—changed. He remembered: I left the cinema that night thinking, "I’m gonna make movies like that. I can do it." Here was a style of cinema that seemed to speak to me. It was immediate, it was direct, it was personal, and it wasn’t industrial. It was executed for personal expression, not for profit; it was individual as opposed to corporate, it was stylistically free; it seemed to require very little expenditure, innovation being the key note. It was a completely un-Hollywood-like aesthetic; it was operating on a visceral level that was often non-linear and was akin to the psychedelic images that were in vogue at the time—whether it was in music, in art or just in the patterns on your multi-coloured shirt. These movies spoke to me. (Petzke 9) Generally speaking, therefore, these films were the equivalent of counterculture in the area of film. Theodore Roszak railed against “technocracy” and underground films were just the opposite, often almost do-it-yourself in production and distribution. They were objecting to middle-class culture and values. And like counterculture they aimed at doing away with repression and to depict a utopian lifestyle feeling at ease with each imaginable form of liberality (Doggett 469). Underground films transgressed any Hollywood rule and convention in content, form and technique. Mobile hand-held cameras, narrow-gauge or outright home movies, shaky and wobbly, rapid cutting, out of focus, non-narrative, disparate continuity—you name it. This type of experimental film was used to express the individual consciousness of the “maker”—no longer calling themselves directors—a cinematic equivalent of the first person in literature. Just as in modern visual art, both the material and the process of making became part of these artworks. Music often was a dominant factor, particularly Eastern influences or the new Beat Music that was virtually non-existent in feature films. Drug experiences were reflected in imagery and structure. Some of the first comings-out of gay men can be found as well as films that were shown at the appropriately named “Wet Dreams Festival” in Amsterdam. Noyce commented: I worked out that the leading lights in this Ubu Films seemed to be three guys — Aggy Read, Albie Thoms and David Perry […They] all had beards and […] seemed to come from the basement of a terrace house in Redfern. Watching those movies that night, picking up all this information, I was immediately seized by three great ambitions. First of all, I wanted to grow a beard; secondly, I wanted to live in a terrace house in the inner city; and thirdly, I wanted to be a filmmaker. (Ubu Films) Noyce soon discovered there were a lot of people like him who wanted to make short films for personal expression, but also as a form of nationalism. They wanted to make Australian movies. Noyce remembered: “Aggy, Albie and David encouraged everyone to go and make a film for themselves” (Petzke 11). This was easy enough to do as these films—not only in Australia—were often made for next to nothing and did not require any prior education or training. And the target audience group existed in a subculture of people willing to pay money even for extreme entertainment as long as it was advertised in an appealing way—which meant: in the way of the rampaging Zeitgeist. Noyce—smitten by the virus—would from then on regularly attend the weekly meetings organised by the young filmmakers. And in line with Jerry Rubin’s contemporary adage “Do it!” he would immediately embark on a string of films with enthusiasm and determination—qualities soon to become his trademark. All his films were experimental in nature, shot on 16mm and were so well received that Albie Thoms was convinced that Noyce had a great career ahead of him as an experimental filmmaker. Truly alternative was Noyce’s way to finally finance Better to Reign in Hell, his first film, made at age 18 and with a total budget of $600. Noyce said on reflection: I had approached some friends and told them that if they invested in my film, they could have an acting role. Unfortunately, the guy whose dad had the most money — he was a doctor’s son — was also maybe the worst actor that was ever put in front of a camera. But he had invested four hundred dollars, so I had to give him the lead. (Petzke 13) The title was taken from Milton’s poem Paradise Lost (“better to reign in hell than serve in heaven”). It was a film very much inspired by the images, montage and narrative techniques of the underground movies watched at Ubu. Essentially the film is about a young man’s obsession with a woman he sees repeatedly in advertising and the hallucinogenic dreams he has about her. Despite its later reputation, the film was relatively mundane. Being shot in black and white, it lacks the typical psychedelic ingredients of the time and is more reminiscent of the surrealistic precursors to underground film. Some contempt for the prevailing consumer society is thrown in for good measure. In the film, “A youth is persecuted by the haunting reappearance of a girl’s image in various commercial outlets. He finds escape from this commercial brainwashing only in his own confused sexual hallucinations” (Sydney Filmmakers Co-operative). But despite this advertising, so convincingly capturing the “hint! hint!” mood of the time, Noyce’s first film isn’t really outstanding even in terms of experimental film. Noyce continued to make short experimental films. There was not even the pretence of a story in any of them. He was just experimenting with his gear and finding his own way to use the techniques of the underground cinema. Megan was made at Sydney University Law School to be projected as part of the law students’ revue. It was a three-minute silent film that featured a woman called Megan, who he had a crush on. Intersection was 2 minutes 44 seconds in length and shot in the middle of a five-way or four-way intersection in North Sydney. The camera was walked into the intersection and spun around in a continuous circle from the beginning of the roll of film to the end. It was an experiment with disorientation and possibly a comment about urban development. Memories was a seven-minute short in colour about childhood and the bush, accompanied by a smell-track created in the cinema by burning eucalyptus leaves. Sun lasted 90 seconds in colour and examined the pulsating winter sun by way of 100 single frame shots. And finally, Home was a one-and-a-half-minute single frame camera exploration of the filmmaker’s home, inside and out, including its inhabitants and pets. As a true experimental filmmaker, Noyce had a deep interest in technical aspects. It was recommended that Sun “be projected through a special five image lens”, Memories and Intersection with “an anamorphic lens” (Sydney Filmmakers Co-operative). The double projection for Better to Reign in Hell and the two screens required for Good Afternoon, as well as the addition of the smell of burning leaves in Memories, were inroads into the subgenre of so-called Expanded Cinema. As filmmaking in those days was not an isolated enterprise but an integral part of the all-encompassing Counterculture, Noyce followed suit and became more and more involved and politiced. He started becoming a driving force of the movement. Besides selling Ubu News, he organised film screenings. He also wrote film articles for both Honi Soit and National U, the Sydney University and Canberra University newspapers—articles more opinionated than sophisticated. He was also involved in Ubu’s Underground Festival held in August and in other activities of the time, particularly anti-war protests. When Ubu Films went out of business after the lack of audience interest in Thoms’s long Marinetti film in 1969, Aggy Read suggested that Ubu be reinvented as a co-operative for tax reasons and because they might benefit from their stock of 250 Australian and foreign films. On 28 May 1970 the reinvention began at the first general meeting of the Sydney Filmmakers Cooperative where Noyce volunteered and was elected their part-time manager. He transferred the 250 prints to his parents’ home in Wahroonga where he was still living he said he “used to sit there day after day just screening those movies for myself” (Petzke 18). The Sydney University Film Society screened feature films to students at lunchtime. Noyce soon discovered they had money nobody was spending and equipment no one was using, which seemed to be made especially for him. In the university cinema he would often screen his own and other shorts from the Co-op’s library. The entry fee was 50 cents. He remembered: “If I handed out the leaflets in the morning, particularly concentrating on the fact that these films were uncensored and a little risqué, then usually there would be 600 people in the cinema […] One or two screenings per semester would usually give me all the pocket money I needed to live” (Petzke 19). Libertine and risqué films were obviously popular as they were hard to come by. Noyce said: We suffered the worst censorship of almost any Western country in the world, even worse than South Africa. Books would be seized by customs officers at the airports and when ships docked. Customs would be looking for Lady Chatterley’s Lover. We were very censored in literature and films and plays, and my film [Better to Reign in Hell] was banned from export. I tried to send it to a film festival in Holland and it was denied an export permit, but because it had been shot in Australia, until someone in the audience complained it could still be screened locally. (Castaway's Choice) No wonder clashes with the law happened frequently and were worn like medals of honour in those days of fighting the system, proving that one was fighting in the front line against the conservative values of law and order. Noyce encountered three brushes with the law. The first occurred when selling Ubu Films’ alternative culture newspaper Ubu News, Australia’s first underground newspaper (Milesago). One of the issues contained an advertisement—a small drawing—for Levi’s jeans, showing a guy trying to put his Levis on his head, so that his penis was showing. That was judged by the police to be obscene. Noyce was found guilty and given a suspended sentence for publishing an indecent publication. There had been another incident including Phil’s Pill, his own publication of six or eight issues. After one day reprinting some erotic poems from The Penguin Collection of Erotic Poetry he was found guilty and released on a good behaviour bond without a conviction being recorded. For the sake of historical truth it should be remembered, though, that provocation was a genuine part of the game. How else could one seriously advertise Better to Reign in Hell as “a sex-fantasy film which includes a daring rape scene”—and be surprised when the police came in after screening this “pornographic film” (Stratton 202) at the Newcastle Law Students Ball? The Newcastle incident also throws light on the fact that Noyce organised screenings wherever possible, constantly driving prints and projectors around in his Mini Minor. Likewise, he is remembered as having been extremely helpful in trying to encourage other people with their own ideas—anyone could make films and could make them about anything they liked. He helped Jan Chapman, a fellow student who became his (first) wife in December 1971, to shoot and edit Just a Little Note, a documentary about a moratorium march and a guerrilla theatre group run by their friend George Shevtsov. Noyce also helped on I Happened to Be a Girl, a documentary about four women, friends of Chapman. There is no denying that being a filmmaker was a hobby, a full-time job and an obsessive religion for Noyce. He was on the organising committee of the First Australian Filmmakers’ Festival in August 1971. He performed in the agit-prop acting troupe run by George Shevtsov (later depicted in Renegades) that featured prominently at one of Sydney’s rock festival that year. In the latter part of 1971 and early 1972 he worked on Good Afternoon, a documentary about the Combined Universities’ Aquarius Arts Festival in Canberra, which arguably was the first major manifestation of counterculture in Australia. For this the Aquarius Foundation—the cultural arm of the Australian Union of Students—had contracted him. This became a two-screen movie à la Woodstock. Together with Thoms, Read and Ian Stocks, in 1972 he participated in cataloguing the complete set of films in distribution by the Co-op (see Sydney Filmmakers Cooperative). As can be seen, Noyce was at home in many manifestations of the Sydney counterculture. His own films had slowly become more politicised and bent towards documentary. He even started a newsreel that he used to screen at the Filmmakers’ Cooperative Cinema with a live commentary. One in 1971, Springboks Protest, was about the demonstrations at the Sydney Cricket Ground against the South African rugby tour. There were more but Noyce doesn’t remember them and no prints seem to have survived. Renegades was a diary film; a combination of poetic images and reportage on the street demonstrations. Noyce’s experimental films had been met with interest in the—limited—audience and among publications. His more political films and particularly Good Afternoon, however, reached out to a much wider audience, now including even the undogmatic left and hard-core documentarists of the times. In exchange, and for the first time, there were opposing reactions—but as always a great discussion at the Filmmakers’ Cinema, the main venue for independent productions. This cinema began with those initial screenings at Sydney University in the union room next to the Union Theatre. But once the Experimental Film Fund started operating in 1970, more and more films were submitted for the screenings and consequently a new venue was needed. Albie Thoms started a forum in the Yellow House in Kings Cross in May 1970. Next came—at least briefly—a restaurant in Glebe before the Co-op took over a space on the top floor of the socialist Third World Bookshop in Goulburn Street that was a firetrap. Bob Gould, the owner, was convinced that by first passing through his bookshop the audience would buy his books on the way upstairs. Sundays for him were otherwise dead from a commercial point of view. Noyce recollected that: The audience at this Filmmakers’ Cinema were mightily enthusiastic about seeing themselves up on the screen. And there was always a great discussion. So, generally the screenings were a huge success, with many full houses. The screenings grew from once a week, to three times on Sunday, to all weekend, and then seven days a week at several locations. One program could play in three different illegal cinemas around the city. (Petzke 26) A filmmakers’ cinema also started in Melbourne and the groups of filmmakers would visit each other and screen their respective films. But especially after the election of the Whitlam Labor government in December 1972 there was a shift in interest from risqué underground films to the concept of Australian Cinema. The audience started coming now for a dose of Australian culture. Funding of all kind was soon freely available and with such a fund the film co-op was able to set up a really good licensed cinema in St. Peters Lane in Darlinghurst, running seven days a week. But, Noyce said, “the move to St. Peters Lane was sort of the end of an era, because initially the cinema was self-funded, but once it became government sponsored everything changed” (Petzke 29). With money now readily available, egotism set in and the prevailing “we”-feeling rather quickly dissipated. But by the time of this move and the resulting developments, everything for Noyce had already changed again. He had been accepted into the first intake of the Interim Australian Film & TV School, another one of the nation-awareness-building projects of the Whitlam government. He was on his “long march through the institutions”—as this was frequently called throughout Europe—that would bring him to documentaries, TV and eventually even Hollywood (and return). Noyce didn’t linger once the alternative scene started fading away. Everything those few, wild years in the counterculture had taught him also put him right on track to become one of the major players in Hollywood. He never looked back—but he remembers fondly…References Castaway’s Choice. Radio broadcast by KCRW. 1990. Doggett, Peter. There’s a Riot Going On: Revolutionaries, Rock Stars and the Rise and Fall of ’60s Counter-Culture. Edinburgh: Canongate, 2007. Farber, Manny. “Underground Films.” Negative Space: Manny Farber on the Movies. Ed. Manny Farber. New York: Da Capo, 1998. 12–24. Jacobs, Lewis. “Morning for the Experimental Film”. Film Culture 19 (1959): 6–9. Milesago. “Ubu Films”. n.d. 26 Nov. 2014 ‹http://www.milesago.com/visual/ubu.htm›. New American Cinema Group. “First Statement of the New American Cinema Group.” Film Culture Reader. Ed. P. Adams Sitney. New York: Praeger, 1970. 73–75. Petzke, Ingo. Phillip Noyce: Backroads to Hollywood. Sydney: Pan McMillan, 2004. Renan, Sheldon. The Underground Film: An Introduction to Its Development in America. London: Studio Vista, 1968. Roszak, Theodore. The Making of Counter Culture. New York: Anchor, 1969. Stratton, David. The Last New Wave: The Australian Film Revival. Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1980. Sydney Filmmakers Co-operative. Film Catalogue. Sydney: Sydney Filmmakers Co-operative, 1972. Ubu Films. Unreleased five-minute video for the promotion of Mudie, Peter. Ubu Films: Sydney Underground Movies 1965-1970. Sydney: UNSW Press, 1997.

Permaculture is a creative design process that is based on ethics and design principles. It guides us to mimic the patterns and relationships we can find in nature and can be applied to all aspects of human habitation, from agriculture to ecological building, from appropriate technology to education and even economics. (permacultureprinciples.com)This paper considers permaculture as an example of counterculture in Australia. Permaculture is a neologism, the result of a contraction of ‘permanent’ and ‘agriculture’. In accordance with David Holmgren and Richard Telford definition quoted above, we intend permaculture as a design process based on a set of ethical and design principles. Rather than describing the history of permaculture, we choose two moments as paradigmatic of its evolution in relation to counterculture.The first moment is permaculture’s beginnings steeped in the same late 1960s turbulence that saw some people pursue an alternative lifestyle in Northern NSW and a rural idyll in Tasmania (Grayson and Payne). Ideas of a return to the land circulating in this first moment coalesced around the publication in 1978 of the book Permaculture One: A Perennial Agriculture for Human Settlements by Bill Mollison and David Holmgren, which functioned as “a disruptive technology, an idea that threatened to disrupt business as usual, to change the way we thought and did things”, as Russ Grayson writes in his contextual history of permaculture. The second moment is best exemplified by the definitions of permaculture as “a holistic system of design … most often applied to basic human needs such as water, food and shelter … also used to design more abstract systems such as community and economic structures” (Milkwood) and as “also a world wide network and movement of individuals and groups working in both rich and poor countries on all continents” (Holmgren).We argue that the shift in understanding of permaculture from the “back to the land movement” (Grayson) as a more wholesome alternative to consumer society to the contemporary conceptualisation of permaculture as an assemblage and global network of practices, is representative of the shifting dynamic between dominant paradigms and counterculture from the 1970s to the present. While counterculture was a useful way to understand the agency of subcultures (i.e. by countering mainstream culture and society) contemporary forms of globalised capitalism demand different models and vocabularies within which the idea of “counter” as clear cut alternative becomes an awkward fit.On the contrary we see the emergence of a repertoire of practices aimed at small-scale, localised solutions connected in transnational networks (Pink 105). These practices operate contrapuntally, a concept we borrow from Edward Said’s Culture and Imperialism (1993), to define how divergent practices play off each other while remaining at the edge, but still in a relation of interdependence with a dominant paradigm. In Said’s terms “contrapuntal reading” reveals what is left at the periphery of a mainstream narrative, but is at the same time instrumental to the development of events in the narrative itself. To illustrate this concept Said makes the case of novels where colonial plantations at the edge of the Empire make possible a certain lifestyle in England, but don’t appear in the narrative of that lifestyle itself (66-67).In keeping with permaculture design ecological principles, we argue that today permaculture is best understood as part of an assemblage of design objects, bacteria, economies, humans, plants, technologies, actions, theories, mushrooms, policies, affects, desires, animals, business, material and immaterial labour and politics and that it can be read as contrapuntal rather than as oppositional practice. Contrapuntal insofar as it is not directly oppositional preferring to reframe and reorientate everyday practices. The paper is structured in three parts: in the first one we frame our argument by providing a background to our understanding of counterculture and assemblage; in the second we introduce the beginning of permaculture in its historical context, and in third we propose to consider permaculture as an assemblage.Background: Counterculture and Assemblage We do not have the scope in this article to engage with contested definitions of counterculture in the Australian context, or their relation to contraculture or subculture. There is an emerging literature (Stickells, Robinson) touched on elsewhere in this issue. In this paper we view counterculture as social movements that “undermine societal hierarchies which structure urban life and create, instead a city organised on the basis of values such as action, local cultures, and decentred, participatory democracy” (Castells 19-20). Our focus on cities demonstrates the ways counterculture has shifted away from oppositional protest and towards ways of living sustainably in an increasingly urbanised world.Permaculture resonates with Castells’s definition and with other forms of protest, or what Musgrove calls “the dialectics of utopia” (16), a dynamic tension of political activism (resistance) and personal growth (aesthetics and play) that characterised ‘counterculture’ in the 1970s. McKay offers a similar view when he says such acts of counterculture are capable of “both a utopian gesture and a practical display of resistance” (27). But as a design practice, permaculture goes beyond the spectacle of protest.In this sense permaculture can be understood as an everyday act of resistance: “The design act is not a boycott, strike, protest, demonstration, or some other political act, but lends its power of resistance from being precisely a designerly way of intervening into people’s lives” (Markussen 38). We view permaculture design as a form of design activism that is embedded in everyday life. It is a process that aims to reorient a practice not by disrupting it but by becoming part of it.Guy Julier cites permaculture, along with the appropriate technology movement and community architecture, as one of many examples of radical thinking in design that emerged in the 1970s (225). This alignment of permaculture as a design practice that is connected to counterculture in an assemblage, but not entirely defined by it, is important in understanding the endurance of permaculture as a form of activism.In refuting the common and generalized narrative of failure that is used to describe the sixties (and can be extended to the seventies), Julie Stephens raises the many ways that the dominant ethos of the time was “revolutionised by the radicalism of the period, but in ways that bore little resemblance to the announced intentions of activists and participants themselves” (121). Further, she argues that the “extraordinary and paradoxical aspects of the anti-disciplinary protest of the period were that while it worked to collapse the division between opposition and complicity and problematised received understandings of the political, at the same time it reaffirmed its commitment to political involvement as an emancipatory, collective endeavour” (126).Many foresaw the political challenge of counterculture. From the belly of the beast, in 1975, Craig McGregor wrote that countercultures are “a crucial part of conventional society; and eventually they will be judged on how successful they transform it” (43). In arguing that permaculture is an assemblage and global network of practices, we contribute to a description of the shifting dynamic between dominant paradigms and counterculture that was identified by McGregor at the time and Stephens retrospectively, and we open up possibilities for reexamining an important moment in the history of Australian protest movements.Permaculture: Historical Context Together with practical manuals and theoretical texts permaculture has produced its foundation myths, centred around two father figures, Bill Mollison and David Holmgren. The pair, we read in accounts on the history of permaculture, met in the 1970s in Hobart at the University of Tasmania, where Mollison, after a polymath career, was a senior lecturer in Environmental Psychology, and Holmgren a student. Together they wrote the first article on permaculture in 1976 for the Organic Farmer and Gardener magazine (Grayson and Payne), which together with the dissemination of ideas via radio, captured the social imagination of the time. Two years later Holmgren and Mollison published the book Permaculture One: A Perennial Agricultural System for Human Settlements (Mollison and Holmgren).These texts and Mollison’s talks articulated ideas and desires and most importantly proposed solutions about living on the land, and led to the creation of the first ecovillage in Australia, Max Lindegger’s Crystal Waters in South East Queensland, the first permaculture magazine (titled Permaculture), and the beginning of the permaculture network (Grayson and Payne). In 1979 Mollison taught the first permaculture course, and published the second book. Grayson and Payne stress how permaculture media practices, such as the radio interview mentioned above and publications like Permaculture Magazine and Permaculture International Journal were key factors in the spreading of the design system and building a global network.The ideas developed around the concept of permaculture were shaped by, and in turned contributed to shape, the social climate of the late 1960s and early 1970s that captured the discontent with both capitalism and the Cold War, and that coalesced in “alternative lifestyles groups” (Metcalf). In 1973, for instance, the Aquarius Festival in Nimbin was not only a countercultural landmark, but also the site of emergence of alternative experiments in living that found their embodiment in experimental housing design (Stickells). The same interest in technological innovation mixed with rural skills animated one of permaculture’s precursors, the “back to the land movement” and its attempt “to blend rural traditionalism and technological and ideological modernity” (Grayson).This character of remix remains one of the characteristics of permaculture. Unlike movements based mostly on escape from the mainstream, permaculture offered a repertoire, and a system of adaptable solutions to live both in the country and the city. Like many aspects of the “alternative lifestyle” counterculture, permaculture was and is intensely biopolitical in the sense that it is concerned with the management of life itself “from below”: one’s own, people’s life and life on planet earth more generally. This understanding of biopolitics as power of life rather than over life is translated in permaculture into malleable design processes across a range of diversified practices. These are at the basis of the endurance of permaculture beyond the experiments in alternative lifestyles.In distinguishing it from sustainability (a contested concept among permaculture practitioners, some of whom prefer the notion of “planning for abundance”), Barry sees permaculture as:locally based and robustly contextualized implementations of sustainability, based on the notion that there is no ‘one size fits all’ model of sustainability. Permaculture, though rightly wary of more mainstream, reformist, and ‘business as usual’ accounts of sustainability can be viewed as a particular localized, and resilience-based conceptualization of sustainable living and the creation of ‘sustainable communities’. (83)The adaptability of permaculture to diverse solutions is stressed by Molly Scott-Cato, who, following David Holmgren, defines it as follows: “Permaculture is not a set of rules; it is a process of design based around principles found in the natural world, of cooperation and mutually beneficial relationships, and translating these principles into actions” (176).Permaculture Practice as Assemblage Scott Cato’s definition of permaculture helps us to understand both its conceptual framework as it is set out in permaculture manuals and textbooks, and the way it operates in practice at an individual, local, regional, national and global level, as an assemblage. Using the idea of assemblage, as defined by Jane Bennett, we are able to understand permaculture as part of an “ad hoc grouping”, a “collectivity” made up of many types of actors, humans, non humans, nature and culture, whose “coherence co-exists with energies and countercultures that exceed and confound it” (445-6). Put slightly differently, permaculture is part of “living” assemblage whose existence is not dependent on or governed by a “central power”. Nor can it be influenced by any single entity or member (445-6). Rather, permaculture is a “complex, gigantic whole” that is “made up variously, of somatic, technological, cultural, and atmospheric elements” (447).In considering permaculture as an assemblage that includes countercultural elements, we specifically adhere to John Law’s description of Actor Network Theory as an approach that relies on an empirical foundation rather than a theoretical one in order to “tell stories about ‘how’ relationships assemble or don’t” (141). The hybrid nature of permaculture design involving both human and non human stakeholders and their social and material dependencies can be understood as an “assembly” or “thing,” where everything not only plays its part relationally but where “matters of fact” are combined with “matters of concern” (Latour, "Critique"). As Barry explains, permaculture is a “holistic and systems-based approach to understanding and designing human-nature relations” (82). Permaculture principles are based on the enactment of interconnections, continuous feedback and reshuffling among plants, humans, animals, chemistry, social life, things, energy, built and natural environment, and tools.Bruno Latour calls this kind of relationality a “sphere” or a “network” that comprises of many interconnected nodes (Latour, "Actor-Network" 31). The connections between the nodes are not arbitrary, they are based on “associations” that dissolve the “micro-macro distinctions” of near and far, emphasizing the “global entity” of networks (361-381). Not everything is globalised but the global networks that structure the planet affect everything and everyone. In the context of permaculture, we argue that despite being highly connected through a network of digital and analogue platforms, the movement remains localised. In other words, permaculture is both local and global articulating global matters of concern such as food production, renewable energy sources, and ecological wellbeing in deeply localised variants.These address how the matters of concerns engendered by global networks in specific places interact with local elements. A community based permaculture practice in a desert area, for instance, will engage with storing renewable energy, or growing food crops and maintaining a stable ecology using the same twelve design principles and ethics as an educational business doing rooftop permaculture in a major urban centre. The localised applications, however, will result in a very different permaculture assemblage of animals, plants, technologies, people, affects, discourses, pedagogies, media, images, and resources.Similarly, if we consider permaculture as a network of interconnected nodes on a larger scale, such as in the case of national organisations, we can see how each node provides a counterpoint that models ecological best practices with respect to ingrained everyday ways of doing things, corporate and conventional agriculture, and so on. This adaptability and ability to effect practices has meant that permaculture’s sphere of influence has grown to include public institutions, such as city councils, public and private spaces, and schools.A short description of some of the nodes in the evolving permaculture assemblage in Sydney, where we live, is an example of the way permaculture has advanced from its alternative lifestyle beginnings to become part of the repertoire of contemporary activism. These practices, in turn, make room for accepted ways of doing things to move in new directions. In this assemblage each constellation operates within well established sites: local councils, public spaces, community groups, and businesses, while changing the conventional way these sites operate.The permaculture assemblage in Sydney includes individuals and communities in local groups coordinated in a city-wide network, Permaculture Sydney, connected to similar regional networks along the NSW seaboard; local government initiatives, such as in Randwick, Sydney, and Pittwater and policies like Sustainable City Living; community gardens like the inner city food forest at Angel Street or the hybrid public open park and educational space at the Permaculture Interpretive Garden; private permaculture gardens; experiments in grassroot urban permaculture and in urban agriculture; gardening, education and landscape business specialising in permaculture design, like Milkwood and Sydney Organic Gardens; loose groups of permaculturalists gathering around projects, such as Permablitz Sydney; media personalities and programs, as in the case of the hugely successful garden show Gardening Australia hosted by Costa Georgiadis; germane organisations dedicated to food sovereignty or seed saving, the Transition Towns movement; farmers’ markets and food coops; and multifarious private/public sustainability initiatives.Permaculture is a set of practices that, in themselves are not inherently “against” anything, yet empower people to form their own lifestyles and communities. After all, permaculture is a design system, a way to analyse space, and body of knowledge based on set principles and ethics. The identification of permaculture as a form of activism, or indeed as countercultural, is externally imposed, and therefore contingent on the ways conventional forms of housing and food production are understood as being in opposition.As we have shown elsewhere (2014) thinking through design practices as assemblages can describe hybrid forms of participation based on relationships to broader political movements, disciplines and organisations.Use Edges and Value the Marginal The eleventh permaculture design principle calls for an appreciation of the marginal and the edge: “The interface between things is where the most interesting events take place. These are often the most valuable, diverse and productive elements in the system” (permacultureprinciples.com). In other words the edge is understood as the site where things come together generating new possible paths and interactions. In this paper we have taken this metaphor to think through the relations between permaculture and counterculture. We argued that permaculture emerged from the countercultural ferment of the late 1960s and 1970s and intersected with other fringe alternative lifestyle experiments. In its contemporary form the “counter” value needs to be understood as counterpoint rather than as a position of pure oppositionality to the mainstream.The edge in permaculture is not a boundary on the periphery of a design, but a site of interconnection, hybridity and exchange, that produces adaptable and different possibilities. Similarly permaculture shares with forms of contemporary activism “flexible action repertoires” (Mayer 203) able to interconnect and traverse diverse contexts, including mainstream institutions. Permaculture deploys an action repertoire that integrates not segregates and that is aimed at inviting a shift in everyday practices and at doing things differently: differently from the mainstream and from the way global capital operates, without claiming to be in a position outside global capital flows. In brief, the assemblages of practices, ideas, and people generated by permaculture, like the ones described in this paper, as a counterpoint bring together discordant elements on equal terms.ReferencesBarry, John. The Politics of Actually Existing Unsustainability: Human Flourishing in a Climate-Changed, Carbon Constrained World. 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McKay, ed., DiY Culture: Party and Protest in Nineties Britain, London: Verso, 1988. 1-53.Metcalf, William J. “A Classification of Alternative Lifestyle Groups.” Journal of Sociology 20.66 (1984): 66–80.Milkwood. “Frequently Asked Questions.” 30 Sep. 2014. 6 Dec. 2014 ‹http://www.milkwoodpermaculture.com.au/permaculture/faqs›.Mollison, Bill, and David Holmgren. Permaculture One: A Perennial Agricultural System for Human Settlements. Melbourne: Transworld Publishers, 1978.Musgrove, F. Ecstasy and Holiness: Counter Culture and the Open Society. London: Methuen and Co., 1974.permacultureprinciples.com. 25 Nov. 2014.Pink, Sarah. Situating Everyday Life. London: Sage, 2012.Robinson, Shirleene. “1960s Counter-Culture in Australia: the Search for Personal Freedom.” In The 1960s in Australia: People, Power and Politics, eds. Shirleene Robinson and Julie Ustinoff. Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2012.Said, Edward. Culture and Imperialism. London: Chatto & Windus, 1993.Scott-Cato. Molly. Environment and Economy. Abingdon: Routledge, 2011.Stephens, Julie. Anti-Disciplinary Protest: Sixties Radicalism and Postmodernism. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge UP, 1998.Stickells, Lee. “‘And Everywhere Those Strange Polygonal Igloos’: Framing a History of Australian Countercultural Architecture.” In Proceedings of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand 30: Open. Vol. 2. Eds. Alexandra Brown and Andrew Leach. Gold Coast, Qld: SAHANZ, 2013. 555-568.

A same-but-different dichotomy has recently been encapsulated within the US Food and Drug Administration’s ill-defined concept of “substantial equivalence” (USFDA, FDA). By invoking this concept the genetically modified organism (GMO) industry has escaped the rigors of safety testing that might otherwise apply. The curious concept of “substantial equivalence” grants a presumption of safety to GMO food. This presumption has yet to be earned, and has been used to constrain labelling of both GMO and non-GMO food. It is an idea that well serves corporatism. It enables the claim of difference to secure patent protection, while upholding the contrary claim of sameness to avoid labelling and safety scrutiny. It offers the best of both worlds for corporate food entrepreneurs, and delivers the worst of both worlds to consumers. The term “substantial equivalence” has established its currency within the GMO discourse. As the opportunities for patenting food technologies expand, the GMO recruitment of this concept will likely be a dress rehearsal for the developing debates on the labelling and testing of other techno-foods – including nano-foods and clone-foods. “Substantial Equivalence” “Are the Seven Commandments the same as they used to be, Benjamin?” asks Clover in George Orwell’s “Animal Farm”. By way of response, Benjamin “read out to her what was written on the wall. There was nothing there now except a single Commandment. It ran: ALL ANIMALS ARE EQUAL BUT SOME ANIMALS ARE MORE EQUAL THAN OTHERS”. After this reductionist revelation, further novel and curious events at Manor Farm, “did not seem strange” (Orwell, ch. X). Equality is a concept at the very core of mathematics, but beyond the domain of logic, equality becomes a hotly contested notion – and the domain of food is no exception. A novel food has a regulatory advantage if it can claim to be the same as an established food – a food that has proven its worth over centuries, perhaps even millennia – and thus does not trigger new, perhaps costly and onerous, testing, compliance, and even new and burdensome regulations. On the other hand, such a novel food has an intellectual property (IP) advantage only in terms of its difference. And thus there is an entrenched dissonance for newly technologised foods, between claiming sameness, and claiming difference. The same/different dilemma is erased, so some would have it, by appeal to the curious new dualist doctrine of “substantial equivalence” whereby sameness and difference are claimed simultaneously, thereby creating a win/win for corporatism, and a loss/loss for consumerism. This ground has been pioneered, and to some extent conquered, by the GMO industry. The conquest has ramifications for other cryptic food technologies, that is technologies that are invisible to the consumer and that are not evident to the consumer other than via labelling. Cryptic technologies pertaining to food include GMOs, pesticides, hormone treatments, irradiation and, most recently, manufactured nano-particles introduced into the food production and delivery stream. Genetic modification of plants was reported as early as 1984 by Horsch et al. The case of Diamond v. Chakrabarty resulted in a US Supreme Court decision that upheld the prior decision of the US Court of Customs and Patent Appeal that “the fact that micro-organisms are alive is without legal significance for purposes of the patent law”, and ruled that the “respondent’s micro-organism plainly qualifies as patentable subject matter”. This was a majority decision of nine judges, with four judges dissenting (Burger). It was this Chakrabarty judgement that has seriously opened the Pandora’s box of GMOs because patenting rights makes GMOs an attractive corporate proposition by offering potentially unique monopoly rights over food. The rear guard action against GMOs has most often focussed on health repercussions (Smith, Genetic), food security issues, and also the potential for corporate malfeasance to hide behind a cloak of secrecy citing commercial confidentiality (Smith, Seeds). Others have tilted at the foundational plank on which the economics of the GMO industry sits: “I suggest that the main concern is that we do not want a single molecule of anything we eat to contribute to, or be patented and owned by, a reckless, ruthless chemical organisation” (Grist 22). The GMO industry exhibits bipolar behaviour, invoking the concept of “substantial difference” to claim patent rights by way of “novelty”, and then claiming “substantial equivalence” when dealing with other regulatory authorities including food, drug and pesticide agencies; a case of “having their cake and eating it too” (Engdahl 8). This is a clever slight-of-rhetoric, laying claim to the best of both worlds for corporations, and the worst of both worlds for consumers. Corporations achieve patent protection and no concomitant specific regulatory oversight; while consumers pay the cost of patent monopolization, and are not necessarily apprised, by way of labelling or otherwise, that they are purchasing and eating GMOs, and thereby financing the GMO industry. The lemma of “substantial equivalence” does not bear close scrutiny. It is a fuzzy concept that lacks a tight testable definition. It is exactly this fuzziness that allows lots of wriggle room to keep GMOs out of rigorous testing regimes. Millstone et al. argue that “substantial equivalence is a pseudo-scientific concept because it is a commercial and political judgement masquerading as if it is scientific. It is moreover, inherently anti-scientific because it was created primarily to provide an excuse for not requiring biochemical or toxicological tests. It therefore serves to discourage and inhibit informative scientific research” (526). “Substantial equivalence” grants GMOs the benefit of the doubt regarding safety, and thereby leaves unexamined the ramifications for human consumer health, for farm labourer and food-processor health, for the welfare of farm animals fed a diet of GMO grain, and for the well-being of the ecosystem, both in general and in its particularities. “Substantial equivalence” was introduced into the food discourse by an Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) report: “safety evaluation of foods derived by modern biotechnology: concepts and principles”. It is from this document that the ongoing mantra of assumed safety of GMOs derives: “modern biotechnology … does not inherently lead to foods that are less safe … . Therefore evaluation of foods and food components obtained from organisms developed by the application of the newer techniques does not necessitate a fundamental change in established principles, nor does it require a different standard of safety” (OECD, “Safety” 10). This was at the time, and remains, an act of faith, a pro-corporatist and a post-cautionary approach. The OECD motto reveals where their priorities lean: “for a better world economy” (OECD, “Better”). The term “substantial equivalence” was preceded by the 1992 USFDA concept of “substantial similarity” (Levidow, Murphy and Carr) and was adopted from a prior usage by the US Food and Drug Agency (USFDA) where it was used pertaining to medical devices (Miller). Even GMO proponents accept that “Substantial equivalence is not intended to be a scientific formulation; it is a conceptual tool for food producers and government regulators” (Miller 1043). And there’s the rub – there is no scientific definition of “substantial equivalence”, no scientific test of proof of concept, and nor is there likely to be, since this is a ‘spinmeister’ term. And yet this is the cornerstone on which rests the presumption of safety of GMOs. Absence of evidence is taken to be evidence of absence. History suggests that this is a fraught presumption. By way of contrast, the patenting of GMOs depends on the antithesis of assumed ‘sameness’. Patenting rests on proven, scrutinised, challengeable and robust tests of difference and novelty. Lightfoot et al. report that transgenic plants exhibit “unexpected changes [that] challenge the usual assumptions of GMO equivalence and suggest genomic, proteomic and metanomic characterization of transgenics is advisable” (1). GMO Milk and Contested Labelling Pesticide company Monsanto markets the genetically engineered hormone rBST (recombinant Bovine Somatotropin; also known as: rbST; rBGH, recombinant Bovine Growth Hormone; and the brand name Prosilac) to dairy farmers who inject it into their cows to increase milk production. This product is not approved for use in many jurisdictions, including Europe, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and Japan. Even Monsanto accepts that rBST leads to mastitis (inflammation and pus in the udder) and other “cow health problems”, however, it maintains that “these problems did not occur at rates that would prohibit the use of Prosilac” (Monsanto). A European Union study identified an extensive list of health concerns of rBST use (European Commission). The US Dairy Export Council however entertain no doubt. In their background document they ask “is milk from cows treated with rBST safe?” and answer “Absolutely” (USDEC). Meanwhile, Monsanto’s website raises and answers the question: “Is the milk from cows treated with rbST any different from milk from untreated cows? No” (Monsanto). Injecting cows with genetically modified hormones to boost their milk production remains a contested practice, banned in many countries. It is the claimed equivalence that has kept consumers of US dairy products in the dark, shielded rBST dairy farmers from having to declare that their milk production is GMO-enhanced, and has inhibited non-GMO producers from declaring their milk as non-GMO, non rBST, or not hormone enhanced. This is a battle that has simmered, and sometimes raged, for a decade in the US. Finally there is a modest victory for consumers: the Pennsylvania Department of Agriculture (PDA) requires all labels used on milk products to be approved in advance by the department. The standard issued in October 2007 (PDA, “Standards”) signalled to producers that any milk labels claiming rBST-free status would be rejected. This advice was rescinded in January 2008 with new, specific, department-approved textual constructions allowed, and ensuring that any “no rBST” style claim was paired with a PDA-prescribed disclaimer (PDA, “Revised Standards”). However, parsimonious labelling is prohibited: No labeling may contain references such as ‘No Hormones’, ‘Hormone Free’, ‘Free of Hormones’, ‘No BST’, ‘Free of BST’, ‘BST Free’,’No added BST’, or any statement which indicates, implies or could be construed to mean that no natural bovine somatotropin (BST) or synthetic bovine somatotropin (rBST) are contained in or added to the product. (PDA, “Revised Standards” 3) Difference claims are prohibited: In no instance shall any label state or imply that milk from cows not treated with recombinant bovine somatotropin (rBST, rbST, RBST or rbst) differs in composition from milk or products made with milk from treated cows, or that rBST is not contained in or added to the product. If a product is represented as, or intended to be represented to consumers as, containing or produced from milk from cows not treated with rBST any labeling information must convey only a difference in farming practices or dairy herd management methods. (PDA, “Revised Standards” 3) The PDA-approved labelling text for non-GMO dairy farmers is specified as follows: ‘From cows not treated with rBST. No significant difference has been shown between milk derived from rBST-treated and non-rBST-treated cows’ or a substantial equivalent. Hereinafter, the first sentence shall be referred to as the ‘Claim’, and the second sentence shall be referred to as the ‘Disclaimer’. (PDA, “Revised Standards” 4) It is onto the non-GMO dairy farmer alone, that the costs of compliance fall. These costs include label preparation and approval, proving non-usage of GMOs, and of creating and maintaining an audit trail. In nearby Ohio a similar consumer versus corporatist pantomime is playing out. This time with the Ohio Department of Agriculture (ODA) calling the shots, and again serving the GMO industry. The ODA prescribed text allowed to non-GMO dairy farmers is “from cows not supplemented with rbST” and this is to be conjoined with the mandatory disclaimer “no significant difference has been shown between milk derived from rbST-supplemented and non-rbST supplemented cows” (Curet). These are “emergency rules”: they apply for 90 days, and are proposed as permanent. Once again, the onus is on the non-GMO dairy farmers to document and prove their claims. GMO dairy farmers face no such governmental requirements, including no disclosure requirement, and thus an asymmetric regulatory impost is placed on the non-GMO farmer which opens up new opportunities for administrative demands and technocratic harassment. Levidow et al. argue, somewhat Eurocentrically, that from its 1990s adoption “as the basis for a harmonized science-based approach to risk assessment” (26) the concept of “substantial equivalence” has “been recast in at least three ways” (58). It is true that the GMO debate has evolved differently in the US and Europe, and with other jurisdictions usually adopting intermediate positions, yet the concept persists. Levidow et al. nominate their three recastings as: firstly an “implicit redefinition” by the appending of “extra phrases in official documents”; secondly, “it has been reinterpreted, as risk assessment processes have … required more evidence of safety than before, especially in Europe”; and thirdly, “it has been demoted in the European Union regulatory procedures so that it can no longer be used to justify the claim that a risk assessment is unnecessary” (58). Romeis et al. have proposed a decision tree approach to GMO risks based on cascading tiers of risk assessment. However what remains is that the defects of the concept of “substantial equivalence” persist. Schauzu identified that: such decisions are a matter of “opinion”; that there is “no clear definition of the term ‘substantial’”; that because genetic modification “is aimed at introducing new traits into organisms, the result will always be a different combination of genes and proteins”; and that “there is no general checklist that could be followed by those who are responsible for allowing a product to be placed on the market” (2). Benchmark for Further Food Novelties? The discourse, contestation, and debate about “substantial equivalence” have largely focussed on the introduction of GMOs into food production processes. GM can best be regarded as the test case, and proof of concept, for establishing “substantial equivalence” as a benchmark for evaluating new and forthcoming food technologies. This is of concern, because the concept of “substantial equivalence” is scientific hokum, and yet its persistence, even entrenchment, within regulatory agencies may be a harbinger of forthcoming same-but-different debates for nanotechnology and other future bioengineering. The appeal of “substantial equivalence” has been a brake on the creation of GMO-specific regulations and on rigorous GMO testing. The food nanotechnology industry can be expected to look to the precedent of the GMO debate to head off specific nano-regulations and nano-testing. As cloning becomes economically viable, then this may be another wave of food innovation that muddies the regulatory waters with the confused – and ultimately self-contradictory – concept of “substantial equivalence”. Nanotechnology engineers particles in the size range 1 to 100 nanometres – a nanometre is one billionth of a metre. This is interesting for manufacturers because at this size chemicals behave differently, or as the Australian Office of Nanotechnology expresses it, “new functionalities are obtained” (AON). Globally, government expenditure on nanotechnology research reached US$4.6 billion in 2006 (Roco 3.12). While there are now many patents (ETC Group; Roco), regulation specific to nanoparticles is lacking (Bowman and Hodge; Miller and Senjen). The USFDA advises that nano-manufacturers “must show a reasonable assurance of safety … or substantial equivalence” (FDA). A recent inventory of nano-products already on the market identified 580 products. Of these 11.4% were categorised as “Food and Beverage” (WWICS). This is at a time when public confidence in regulatory bodies is declining (HRA). In an Australian consumer survey on nanotechnology, 65% of respondents indicated they were concerned about “unknown and long term side effects”, and 71% agreed that it is important “to know if products are made with nanotechnology” (MARS 22). Cloned animals are currently more expensive to produce than traditional animal progeny. In the course of 678 pages, the USFDA Animal Cloning: A Draft Risk Assessment has not a single mention of “substantial equivalence”. However the Federation of Animal Science Societies (FASS) in its single page “Statement in Support of USFDA’s Risk Assessment Conclusion That Food from Cloned Animals Is Safe for Human Consumption” states that “FASS endorses the use of this comparative evaluation process as the foundation of establishing substantial equivalence of any food being evaluated. It must be emphasized that it is the food product itself that should be the focus of the evaluation rather than the technology used to generate cloned animals” (FASS 1). Contrary to the FASS derogation of the importance of process in food production, for consumers both the process and provenance of production is an important and integral aspect of a food product’s value and identity. Some consumers will legitimately insist that their Kalamata olives are from Greece, or their balsamic vinegar is from Modena. It was the British public’s growing awareness that their sugar was being produced by slave labour that enabled the boycotting of the product, and ultimately the outlawing of slavery (Hochschild). When consumers boycott Nestle, because of past or present marketing practices, or boycott produce of USA because of, for example, US foreign policy or animal welfare concerns, they are distinguishing the food based on the narrative of the food, the production process and/or production context which are a part of the identity of the food. Consumers attribute value to food based on production process and provenance information (Paull). Products produced by slave labour, by child labour, by political prisoners, by means of torture, theft, immoral, unethical or unsustainable practices are different from their alternatives. The process of production is a part of the identity of a product and consumers are increasingly interested in food narrative. It requires vigilance to ensure that these narratives are delivered with the product to the consumer, and are neither lost nor suppressed. Throughout the GM debate, the organic sector has successfully skirted the “substantial equivalence” debate by excluding GMOs from the certified organic food production process. This GMO-exclusion from the organic food stream is the one reprieve available to consumers worldwide who are keen to avoid GMOs in their diet. The organic industry carries the expectation of providing food produced without artificial pesticides and fertilizers, and by extension, without GMOs. Most recently, the Soil Association, the leading organic certifier in the UK, claims to be the first organisation in the world to exclude manufactured nonoparticles from their products (Soil Association). There has been the call that engineered nanoparticles be excluded from organic standards worldwide, given that there is no mandatory safety testing and no compulsory labelling in place (Paull and Lyons). The twisted rhetoric of oxymorons does not make the ideal foundation for policy. Setting food policy on the shifting sands of “substantial equivalence” seems foolhardy when we consider the potentially profound ramifications of globally mass marketing a dysfunctional food. If there is a 2×2 matrix of terms – “substantial equivalence”, substantial difference, insubstantial equivalence, insubstantial difference – while only one corner of this matrix is engaged for food policy, and while the elements remain matters of opinion rather than being testable by science, or by some other regime, then the public is the dupe, and potentially the victim. “Substantial equivalence” has served the GMO corporates well and the public poorly, and this asymmetry is slated to escalate if nano-food and clone-food are also folded into the “substantial equivalence” paradigm. Only in Orwellian Newspeak is war peace, or is same different. It is time to jettison the pseudo-scientific doctrine of “substantial equivalence”, as a convenient oxymoron, and embrace full disclosure of provenance, process and difference, so that consumers are not collateral in a continuing asymmetric knowledge war. References Australian Office of Nanotechnology (AON). 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