Journal articles on the topic 'Cattle trade Marketing'

The aim of the study was to analyze marketing channel, marketing margin, and marketing efficiency of in North Sulawesi, Indonesia. The research was conducted in two cities, such as City of Manado and Tomohon, and one regency, such as Regency of Minahasa, as the trade center of cattle in North Sulawesi province. There were 120 respondents, consisting of 100 farmers, 10 livestock brokers or intermediaries, 5 collecting traders (business scale of 20-30 cattle), and 5 end user or end consumer of live beef cattle, business consumer, and owner or user of abattoirs as well as beef distributors in North Sulawesi. The determining of respondents was snowball sampling starting with information of farmers as owner or user of abattoirs or slaughterhouse as well as both business and end users or end consumers of beef cattle. Analysis of marketing channel was performed by descriptively qualitative analysis via interview to marketing agencies and farmers of beef cattle, likewise with the analysis of marketing margin and marketing efficiency. The result of study showed marketing channel of beef cattle from farmers in North Sulawesi consists of two channels, such as via livestock brokers or intermediaries and through collecting wholesalers. the marketing margin of live beef cattle in North Sulawesi was large enough as of IDR 8,400,000, where the biggest marketing margin was on end users or business consumers. The market of beef cattle in North Sulawesi tends efficient due to the equal profit share and share of marketing cost in each marketing agency.

This article examines innovations in livestock marketing that livestock traders in northern Kenya use to overcome a host of trading obstacles. Livestock trading in northern Kenya is one of the toughest and most risk-prone jobs in the region, yet livestock traders have been able not only to transform the ways in which trading is conducted through ‘home-made’ innovations, but also to mitigate trading risks. The article demonstrates how livestock traders have become resilient to risks and have been able to succeed in a trade that in the past many have had to abandon. Trust embedded in social networks and relations reinforces the adoption of risk-minimizing strategies. The article focuses on the broad field of pastoral risk management to illustrate how an innovative risk management strategy can be used to create a successful business entrepreneurship in a risk-prone environment. I draw on fieldwork conducted during 2001–2 among cattle traders in Moyale District of northern Kenya and Nairobi, and on recent work among Somali livestock traders-cum-ranchers in Garissa District of North Eastern and Coast provinces.

<p class="ber"><span lang="EN-GB">While many Zimbabweans are searching for foreign based economic opportunities for trade and exchange, the local market can also be used as a source of adding value through identifying and capitalising on the existing domestic absolute and comparative advantages. The development of linkages between rural markets and urban markets based on agricultural produce, farm implements, manufactured products and furniture products were used as case study products for identifying and evaluating comparative advantages in this study. A quantitative approach that collected and analysed rural and urban product units and price perceptions of 40 rural peasant farmers and 20 urban business people was used. The study established the comparative advantages that outweighed transport costs in the domestic rural and urban trade opportunities. Major products that attracted comparative advantages were cattle, goats, maize, ground nuts, farm implements, furniture and packaged food products. The research was unique due to its focus on stimulating inbuilt economic development projects.</span></p>

The study was aimed at analysing the fundamental characteristics of milk collection, processing and marketing among agro-pastoralists in North West Nigeria. A three stage (multi-stage) sampling technique was used for the study. The first stage is the purposive selection of four States (Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano and Katsina States purposively selected based on the high concentration of agro-pastoralists). In the second stage, two Local Government Areas (LGA) from each of the State were purposively selected. The third stage involved the use of snowball sampling method for the selection of communities where agropastoralist were interviewed using structured questionnaire. Two communities were selected per LGA. Data were collected from 157 respondents from the target populatuion out of sampled agro-pastoral households. The survey instrument was pretested and subjected to face validity. The data obtained were analysed using descriptive statistics of frequency counts and percentages. The average length of time for milk storage before processing was 1 hour and 41 minutes. Pasteurization was the method of choice used to prevent milk spoilage by 63.8% of respondents in all the States considered in this study. Almost all (91.2%) of the respondents market their milks. Spoilage of milk during the period before processing was reported as the highest constraint to milk production, processing and marketing in all the four States. Inadequate equipment and milk loss during processing were also reported as constraints by 18.9 and 14.7%, respectively. Low quality of milk, especially during dry season, also constitute a constraint to about 4% of the respondents. The agro-pastoralists in North West Nigeria are engaged in peasantry profitable ventures of milk processing and marketing. Most of them are not members of groups and cooperatives. Their volume of trade in milk processing and marketing can be greatly enhanced if they are organized into productive groups along the value chain. Past efforts at organizing milk processors and marketers into groups and cooperatives need to be revisited by relevant agencies of government and non-government organizations.

<p><strong>English</strong><br />For the last decade, average national consumption of beef increases by 4.5 percent/year, with a high trend of import i.e. 21.6 percent/year compared to that of domestic beef production rate of 2.6 percent/year. Development of beef cattle need long-term investment, therefore disincentive of import policy will give substantial impact, psychologically and economically, to the farmers. The objective of this paper is to formulate the harmonization of import policy and domestic marketing in order to support the development and sustainability of beef cattle agribusiness. In the context of the Food Law No.18/2012, the import policy of feeder cattle and beef cattle is the last resort policy and should be conducted with the principle of cautiously. Coordination and consolidation between the logistic institution (Bulog) and the importer association is needed in relation to implementation of price stabilization policy effectively and efficiently. The implementation of import policy based on price reference have to be conducted in conjunction with the powerful logistic system development. The respective policy should be complemented with the enhancement of domestic marketing efficiency for the benefits of increasing beef cattle population, beef production, and the welfare of the farmers. Policy direction of livestock and beef cattle domestic marketing is to maintain meat consumption diversification, deregulation of retribution and marketing system, enhancement of the institutional and bargaining position of the farmers, as well as gradual reducing of beef cattle inter-regional trade quota complemented with production development policy of beef cattle farming.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Indonesian</strong><br />Dalam satu dasa warsa terakhir ini, rataan konsumsi nasional daging sapi meningkat dengan laju 4,5 persen/tahun, tetapi dengan laju impor yang tinggi yaitu 21,6 persen/tahun vs laju peningkatan produksi domestik hanya 2,6 persen/tahun. Pengembangan sapi potong membutuhkan investasi jangka panjang, sehingga disinsentif kebijakan impor akan memiliki konsekuensi psikologis dan ekonomi yang besar bagi peternak. Tujuan tulisan ini adalah merumuskan harmonisasi kebijakan impor dan pemasaran domestik untuk mendukung pengembangan dan keberlanjutan agribisnis sapi potong. Dalam konteks UU Pangan No.18 Tahun 2012 kebijakan impor ternak dan daging sapi adalah pilihan terakhir dan harus dilakukan dengan prinsip penuh kehati-hatian. Dibutuhkan koordinasi dan konsolidasi antar institusi parastatal (Bulog) dan asosiasi importir dalam eksekusi kebijakan stabilisasi harga secara efektif dan efisien. Kebijakan impor berbasis harga referensi harus dalam satu paket kebijakan dengan kebijakan pengembangan sistem logistik yang handal dan perbaikan efisiensi pemasaran domestik, sehingga memberikan insentif yang memadai bagi peningkatan populasi, produksi, dan kesejahteraan peternak. Arah kebijakan pemasaran ternak dan daging sapi domestik adalah menjaga diversifikasi konsumsi daging, deregulasi sistem retribusi dan tataniaga, penguatan kelembagaan dan posisi tawar peternak, dan pelaksanaan penghapusan kuota perdagangan sapi antar pulau secara terpadu dengan penguatan kebijakan pengembangan produksi usaha ternak sapi potong.</p>

Markets for Australian beef throughout the 20th century have been moulded by world wars, economic depressions, droughts, transport technology, cattle breeding, trade barriers, global competition, livestock disease eradication, human health risks, food safety, Australian Government policy, consumerism and beef quality. Major ‘shocks’ to beef marketing include the development of successful shipments of chilled carcases to Britain in the 1930s, the widespread trade disruption caused by World War II, expansion (early 1950s) and then a reduction in beef exports to Britain (1956), the introduction and then proliferation of Bos indicus derived cattle in northern Australia (1960s), licensing and upgrading of Australian abattoirs to export to USA and the consequential brucellosis and tuberculosis eradication campaign leading to record export tonnages of Australian processing beef to USA (1960–70). In 1980, increased beef trade to Japan began, leading in the late 1980s to expansion of high-quality grain finished products into that market. By 1993, beef exports to Japan (280.5 kt) exceeded those to USA (274.4 kt), signalling the significant shift in beef exports to Asia. Commencing in about 1986, the USA recognised the value of beef exports to Asian markets pioneered by Australia. Australia’s share of the Japanese and South Korean markets has been under intense competition since that time. Another major influence on Australia’s beef market in the early 1990s was growth in live cattle exports to Asian markets in Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines. Live exports accounted for 152000 heads in 1992 and 858000 heads in 1996. Improved management systems (e.g. fences) and consequent regulation of cattle supply even in the wet season, a by-product of the brucellosis and tuberculosis eradication campaign, were indirect drivers of the growth in live exports. Throughout the period 1940–2000, domestic consumption of beef and veal declined from 68 to 33.3 kg/head.year, reflecting competition from other foods, perceptions of health risks, price of beef, periodic food safety scares, vegetarianism, changes in lifestyle and eating habits and lack of consistency of eating quality of beef. Despite this decline, the domestic Australian beef market still consumes a significant component (37%) of total Australian beef production. In 1984–85, the reform of the Australian Meat and Livestock Corporation set in train a major directional change (‘New Direction’) of the beef sector in response to beef market trends. Under Dick Austen’s leadership, the Australian Meat and Livestock Corporation changed the industry’s culture from being ‘production-driven’ to being ‘consumer-driven’. Market research began in Australia, Japan and Korea to establish consumer preferences and attitudes to price, beef appearance and eating quality. Definite consumer requirements were identified under headings of consistency and reliability. The AusMeat carcass descriptors were introduced and a decade later traits like tenderness, meat colour, fat colour, meat texture, taste, smell, and muscle size were addressed. These historical ‘shocks’ that shaped the Australian beef markets have all been accompanied by modification to production systems, breeding programs, herd structure, processing procedures, advertising and promotion, meat retailing and end-use. The increasing importance of the food service sector and the ‘Asian merge’ influence on beef cuts usage in restaurant meals and take-away products are the most recognisable changes in the Australian food landscape. The Cooperative Research Centre¿s research portfolio was built around the changing forces influencing beef markets in the early 1990s. Australia needed to better understand the genetic and non-genetic factors affecting beef quality. One example was the poor success rate of cattle being grain-fed for the Japanese premium markets. Another was the relative contribution of pre- and post-slaughter factors to ultimate eating quality of beef. The Meat Standards Australia scheme was launched in 1997 to address this problem in more detail. The Cooperative Research Centre contributed significantly to this initiative. In the year 2001, Australia, with only 2.5% of world cattle numbers retains the position of world number one beef trader. We trade to 110 countries worldwide. The Australian beef sector is worth A$6 billion annually. The diversity of Australian environments, cattle genotypes and production systems provides us with the ability to meet diverse specifications for beef products. A new set of market forces is now emerging. Strict accreditation rules apply to Australian producers seeking access to the lucrative European Union market. Transmissible spongiform encephalopathies like bovine spongiform encephalopathy and scrapie are a continuing food safety concern in Europe. This and the foot and mouth disease outbreak in Britain early in 2001 have potentially significant indirect effects on markets for Australian beef. And the sleeping giant, foot and mouth disease-free status of Latin American countries Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina continues to emerge as a major threat to Australian beef markets in Canada and Taiwan. As in the past, science and technology will play a significant role in Australia¿s response to these market forces.

AbstractThis article examines the behaviour of cattle traders in southern Somalia under conditions of market uncertainty, macroeconomic decline and political instability. It draws attention to the types of dyadic relationships and diversification strategies that allow livestock traders to endure prolonged periods of uncertainty. By distinguishing among four different markets and five types of market actors, the analysis attempts to unravel the complexities of the livestock trade in southern Somalia, and to differentiate the categories of traders that have benefited from those that have been hurt by recent changes. The analysis suggests that under the current crisis conditions in Somalia those traders who have become ‘agents’ of large, export-oriented merchants focused on a single market suffer most, while traders based in small villages and involved in both domestic and export markets have sometimes prospered. The so-called ‘unofficial’ trade in livestock to neighbouring countries, such as Kenya, permits certain groups of Somali traders to weather an environment of extreme economic and political volatility that is exceptional even in the African context. The article concludes with a general discussion of the importance of social relations in marketing and the responses of traders to changes in macroeconomic indicators.

Carcass classification essentially has two functions: to provide information on aspects of carcass value which are of importance in subsequent marketing operations, and to provide a formal basis for a producer payment system which would thus encourage the production of carcass types demanded by the trade. There are examples of characteristics which have a market value unjustified in the light of objective analytical data, carcass conformation in sheep, and particularly cattle, being a prominent example. Idealistic carcass classification schemes would convey estimates of the amount of lean meat in a carcass and of the proportions of lean and fat in different carcass parts. They would include measurements of meat quality, not only extremes such as pale, soft, exudative (PSE) or dark, firm, dry muscle, (DFD) and soft, oily fat, but also measures indicative of eating quality, particularly texture, within the range of ‘normal’ meat.

Markets for Australian beef throughout the 20th century have been moulded by world wars, economic depressions, droughts, transport technology, cattle breeding, trade barriers, global competition, livestock disease eradication, human health risks, food safety, Australian Government policy, consumerism and beef quality. Major ‘shocks’ to beef marketing include the development of successful shipments of chilled carcases to Britain in the 1930s, the widespread trade disruption caused by World War II, expansion (early 1950s) and then a reduction in beef exports to Britain (1956), the introduction and then proliferation of Bos indicus derived cattle in northern Australia (1960s), licensing and upgrading of Australian abattoirs to export to USA and the consequential brucellosis and tuberculosis eradication campaign leading to record export tonnages of Australian processing beef to USA (1960–70). In 1980, increased beef trade to Japan began, leading in the late 1980s to expansion of high-quality grain finished products into that market. By 1993, beef exports to Japan (280.5 kt) exceeded those to USA (274.4 kt), signalling the significant shift in beef exports to Asia. Commencing in about 1986, the USA recognised the value of beef exports to Asian markets pioneered by Australia. Australia’s share of the Japanese and South Korean markets has been under intense competition since that time. Another major influence on Australia’s beef market in the early 1990s was growth in live cattle exports to Asian markets in Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines. Live exports accounted for 152000 heads in 1992 and 858000 heads in 1996. Improved management systems (e.g. fences) and consequent regulation of cattle supply even in the wet season, a by-product of the brucellosis and tuberculosis eradication campaign, were indirect drivers of the growth in live exports. Throughout the period 1940–2000, domestic consumption of beef and veal declined from 68 to 33.3 kg/head.year, reflecting competition from other foods, perceptions of health risks, price of beef, periodic food safety scares, vegetarianism, changes in lifestyle and eating habits and lack of consistency of eating quality of beef. Despite this decline, the domestic Australian beef market still consumes a significant component (37%) of total Australian beef production. In 1984–85, the reform of the Australian Meat and Livestock Corporation set in train a major directional change (‘New Direction’) of the beef sector in response to beef market trends. Under Dick Austen’s leadership, the Australian Meat and Livestock Corporation changed the industry’s culture from being ‘production-driven’ to being ‘consumer-driven’. Market research began in Australia, Japan and Korea to establish consumer preferences and attitudes to price, beef appearance and eating quality. Definite consumer requirements were identified under headings of consistency and reliability. The AusMeat carcass descriptors were introduced and a decade later traits like tenderness, meat colour, fat colour, meat texture, taste, smell, and muscle size were addressed. These historical ‘shocks’ that shaped the Australian beef markets have all been accompanied by modification to production systems, breeding programs, herd structure, processing procedures, advertising and promotion, meat retailing and end-use. The increasing importance of the food service sector and the ‘Asian merge’ influence on beef cuts usage in restaurant meals and take-away products are the most recognisable changes in the Australian food landscape. The Cooperative Research Centre¿s research portfolio was built around the changing forces influencing beef markets in the early 1990s. Australia needed to better understand the genetic and non-genetic factors affecting beef quality. One example was the poor success rate of cattle being grain-fed for the Japanese premium markets. Another was the relative contribution of pre- and post-slaughter factors to ultimate eating quality of beef. The Meat Standards Australia scheme was launched in 1997 to address this problem in more detail. The Cooperative Research Centre contributed significantly to this initiative. In the year 2001, Australia, with only 2.5% of world cattle numbers retains the position of world number one beef trader. We trade to 110 countries worldwide. The Australian beef sector is worth A$6 billion annually. The diversity of Australian environments, cattle genotypes and production systems provides us with the ability to meet diverse specifications for beef products. A new set of market forces is now emerging. Strict accreditation rules apply to Australian producers seeking access to the lucrative European Union market. Transmissible spongiform encephalopathies like bovine spongiform encephalopathy and scrapie are a continuing food safety concern in Europe. This and the foot and mouth disease outbreak in Britain early in 2001 have potentially significant indirect effects on markets for Australian beef. And the sleeping giant, foot and mouth disease-free status of Latin American countries Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina continues to emerge as a major threat to Australian beef markets in Canada and Taiwan. As in the past, science and technology will play a significant role in Australia¿s response to these market forces.

La población vacuna de Cumaral y Barranca de Upía asciende a 49770, de los cuales se extraen 6000 animales cebados que se comercializan en Villavicencio y Bogotá. La compra venta del ganado en pie es realizado por intermediarios, principalmente de Restrepo y Villavicencio. Es así que se busca determinar los criterios utilizados por parte del productor en la selección de los canales de distribución del ganado vacuno, esto permite reconocer los intermediarios con los que existe mayor afinidad y el análisis de los criterios de selección. Por loanterior, se analizaron los criterios seleccionados por los ganaderos utilizando dos enfoques: uno exploratorio que permitió determinar los canales de distribución y uno descriptivo que identificó la frecuencia de uso de los canales y su caracterización de acuerdo con la decisión del productor. El criterio que mostró el nivel más alto de importancia fue el de seguridad, donde prevalece la persona con quien se comercializa, un segundo criterio en importancia fue el financiero, donde sobresale la necesidad de obtener un beneficio neto y un mayor margen derentabilidad. El mercadeo está representado principalmente por el volumen de ventas, seguido por el control realizado en cada uno de los canales de distribución. PALABRAS CLAVECanales de distribución, intermediario, criterio, ganadero, mercadeo ABSTRACTCattle population in Cumaral and Barranca de Upia municipalities comes up to 49770 bovines, from which 6000 primed animals are extracted and commercialized in cities like Villavicencio and Bogota, finally, for the local market, 600 animals with an average weight of 350 kg are sacrificed per year. The buying and selling function of live cattle in these municipalities is made by intermediaries, mainly from Restrepo and Villavicencio. Therefore, criteria selected by cattle breeders were analyzed using twoapproaches: an exploratory one which allowed to determine the distribution channels and a descriptive one which identified the using frequency of such channels and its characterization according to the producer’s choice. The criterion that showed the highest importance level was security, where the person with whom the trade is madeprevails, followed by a financial criterion where the necessity to obtain a raw benefit and a greater margin of profitability excel. Marketing is mainly represented by sales volume followed by the exerted control on each one of the distribution channels.KEYWORDSDistribution channels, intermediary, criterion, cattle breeder, marketing.

For the growth of the consumer potential of the food market, an active search for innovative ways and means of development, taking into account various sources of innovative opportunities, is necessary. The analysis shows that consumers of products of agro-industrial enterprises, catering and trade enterprises are an important, but insufficiently studied element in the system of generating samples, or ideas, innovative consumer objects. The purpose of the work is to study consumer trends, features of segmentation in the customer typology and customer feedback elements, as sources of innovation in the external environment of various enterprises and organizations for the production of food based on the processing of meat raw materials. The object of the research was the regional market of meat products of the Central Black Soil Region on the example of the city of Voronezh and the city of Liski, Voronezh Region. The subject of research was the direction of improving the range of meat and meat-plant products, corresponding to the innovative scenario of the development of their market. The analysis of consumer preferences and motivations of the population of the Central Black Earth region (for example, the city of Voronezh and the city of Liski, Voronezh region) in relation to the combined meat and vegetable products was carried out and their potential as innovative consumer objects was evaluated. The article implements a questionnaire survey method in relation to the psychological perception of protein foods from consumers, including middle and mature age. The survey revealed data on the popularity of types of meat products, the frequency of their consumption, priority properties for the consumer, storage modes. The expediency of increasing the nutritional and biological value and the formation of consumer properties of combined meat products based on the hedonic preferences of consumer groups has been substantiated. Directions for improving the range of products for processing meat raw materials will be an organic addition to the cluster for the production and processing of specialized breeds of beef cattle, pork, and poultry meat in the Voronezh region and the Central Black Earth region as a whole.

Ukraine has gone through a difficult and over time long period of recognition of market relations, which was accompanied by the emergence of imbalances. This is also the independence of enterprises with administrative influence on their work; liberalization of prices; low purchasing power of the population, which leads to a decrease in demand; rise in energy prices, as well as unequal exchange between industry and agriculture. As a consequence of the influence of these factors, there are changes in the structure of the cattle herd, the interest of producers in increasing the volume of livestock products is lost, incl. and meat, even at the level of personal peasant farms. Assessment of the state of the beef cattle breeding industry indicates a reduction in the number of fattening cattle in all categories of farms. The main reason for this unsatisfactory trend is the loss of profitability of beef cattle breeding. Studies of its causes have confirmed the influence of indicators of the number of livestock, animal productivity, as well as the cost of production. In 2009-2019 alone, the number of cattle decreased by almost 30 percent. And the available livestock of productive livestock in the households of the population does not provide guarantees and rhythmic supplies of raw materials to processing enterprises. Intermediaries create their problematic influence on the formation of the market for beef cattle breeding. However, even under such conditions, the beef cattle industry confirms its self-sufficiency in the turnover of products. The experience of the developed countries of Europe and the world confirms that the functioning of economic systems, which are based on market conditions, confirms their feasibility, efficiency and viability. The preconditions for the approval of the Ukrainian beef cattle market were the privatization of land and property, restructuring, and in some places the cancellation of debts, the introduction of a fixed tax, and some additional payment for the sold cattle. Therefore, market relations already, and in the future, affect the development of agriculture and beef cattle breeding, which is a multifaceted system with a large number of subjects of production, processing and sale of the industry's products. This is confirmed by weighty factors of the objective need to form a commodity market for beef cattle breeding to meet the demand for food products through the formation of the necessary volumes of their supply. It is also important that the formation of a market for beef cattle breeding, the supply of products should be expressed through the exchange infrastructure: stock exchanges, wholesale markets, auctions, trading houses, company stores, retail trade, city markets. The foregoing confirms the objective need to form a market for beef cattle breeding, while adhering to the principle of competition, which can objectively reproduce the essence of market relations in determining prices, the volume of supply of products supplied to the market and their quality. The market must operate on the basis of the requirements of the laws of value, equilibrium of supply and demand, and fulfill its regulatory function. The advantages of the market system have been convincingly brought to light by many years of practical efficiency and it is recognized as the highest and perfect form of management. In the system of market relations, agriculture is an integral part of the national economic complex, the entire system of economic development. The article proposed by the author provides information on the situation on the market for beef cattle breeding, factors that affect its functioning, as well as the reasons that shape supply and demand. Separate inconsistencies in the activities of the subjects of the market of beef cattle breeding have been established, the elimination of which will provide an improvement in the actual state and improve its functioning. The author of the article guides the participants in the market of beef cattle breeding to take into account the peculiarities of its functioning in their activities, which will contribute to the formation of the necessary volumes of products to meet the existing demand on the market. Key words: market, meat cattle breeding, criteria, competitiveness, marketing, demand, supply, infrastructure.

Mycoplasmosis control remains urgent in view of wide spread of bovine mycoplasmoses in the countries with intensive animal farming and trade relations between the Russian Federation and foreign partners including import of pedigree livestock and stud bull semen. Results of testing 1,186 biomaterial samples (blood, sera, nasal swabs, milk, preputial swabs, vaginal swabs, aborted and stillborn fetuses) collected from animals that demonstrated clinical signs of respiratory and reproductive disorders in 34 different regions of the Russian Federation for 2015–2018 are presented in the paper. The samples were tested with real-time polymerase chain reaction (rtPCR) for genomes of the following mycoplasmosis agents: Mycoplasma bovis, Mycoplasma bovigenitalium, Mycoplasma dispar. As a result, M. bovis genome was detected in 10.1% of the samples, M. bovigenitalium genome was detected in 8.6% of the samples and М. dispar genome was detected in 37.15% of the samples. Also, 927 semen samples submitted from Russian and foreign breeding farms were tested with PCR. Test results showed presence of M. bovis and M. bovigenitalium genomes in semen samples collected from native bull population. Presented data support Russian scientists’ conclusions on wide mycoplasmoses occurrence in cattle in the Russian Federation territory and risk of the disease agent introduction through semen import. All of these highlight the need for control of semen products as a source for mycoplasmosis spread as well as insufficiency of single testing of semen for granting the disease-free status to the breeding farm for genetic material marketing.

Livestock is now sharing by more than 53 percent of total agricultural value added in Pakistan. Identifying and developing the potential areas of livestock production is part of the overall development strategy for this sector while rural poverty alleviation is a major concern of Pakistan’s overall development policy. Our major livestock production systems are grazing, stall-fed and grazing-cum-stall-fed based. Grazing based livestock farming is economical and customary system in mountainous, rainfed, deserts and salinity affected areas. The livestock herders of desert areas deserve special attention of the policy-makers because of their most deprived living conditions as majority is living below poverty line by all poverty measuring standards. The present study is aimed to generate an updated synthesis based on empirical knowledge about status of livestock farming in desert ecologies of Pakistan. The results show that the average herd sizes maintained by the herders is fairly large to cover losses due to drought, disease and other epidemics. The human and physical capital endowments of the farmers are generally poor. Other common characteristics are: major dependence on natural vegetation with limited supply of fodder, more physical exertion of animals during grazing, poor animal health, practicing natural method of breeding, low milk and meat productivity, highly limited livestock and milk marketing opportunities, etc. The stall feeding is mainly composed of dry stalks and straws of different crops along with a small quantity of food grains. On marketing side, because of location and lack of infrastructure support, milk marketing opportunities are meager, therefore, it is converted into desi ghee—a value added and preserved form which is sold in nearby town markets. In marketing of live animals, the farmers are always exploited by beoparies. On average herd size, the net monthly income in Cholistan desert from cattle (for milk), sheep and goats farming (for meat purpose) was Rs 10128, Rs 990 and Rs 508, respectively; for Thal desert the corresponding estimates were Rs 457, Rs 359 and Rs 552, respectively; and for Tharparkar, the corresponding estimates are Rs 918, Rs 3221 and Rs 331, respectively. There is a strong need of prioritising development efforts for desert ecologies. High priority areas include efforts for increasing availability of rangeland vegetation and green fodder, improvement in the genetic potential of local livestock breeds, provision of more efficient livestock health coverage, and establishment of milk collection centres of milk processing plants. The low priority areas include designing regulatory framework for milk and livestock marketing, programs for human capacity building, facilitating through institutional credit, and different incentives for the veterinary staff posted in such areas. JEL classification: Q130, Q190, Q200 Keywords: Desert, Tharparkar, Thal, Cholistan, Livestock Farming, Livestock Feeding Patterns, Feed Composition, Livestock Trade Intensity, Priority Setting.

Considerable progress has been made in reducing starvation during the past century. This was achieved through increased use of arable land and adoption of new technologies. Future increases in food production will depend to a greater extent than in the past on the adoption of new technologies and must be even more rapidly achieved than in the past to meet the increase in demand for food. Intensive industries such as the poultry industry are under pressure from those engaged with a naturalistic fallacy. Technologies such as antibiotics for chickens or hormonal growth promotants (HGPs) for beef cattle that are safe for people, reduce environmental impacts of production, increase profits for producers, and improve animal well-being will be needed to achieve these increases in food production. The precedent set in the EU in banning HGPs can be understood as a response to the illegal abuse of diethylstilboestrol in the EU and as a non-tariff trade barrier to reduce the importation of beef from more efficient producers. The banning of antibiotics in the EU reflects the unwise application of a ‘precautionary principle’ through which risks were not soundly assessed. However, the unilateral ban established by Coles Supermarkets Pty Ltd on HGPs in Australia represents a more dangerous development, in which marketing ploys have been accorded a higher value than the care of animals, the environment, or the profit made by producers. Decisions such as these have reduced the viability of animal production in the UK and pose a threat to sustainable agricultural production in Australia.

The present study was carried out to analyse the price spread and marketing efficiency of different milch cow marketing channels in the state level cattle fairs of Rajasthan. The study identified six milch cow marketing channels i.e., (1) Farmer – Farmer, (2) Farmer – Local Trader – Farmer, (3) Farmer – Local Trader, (4) Farmer – Distant Trader – Farmer, (5) Farmer – Distant Trader and (6) Farmer – Local Trader – Distant Trader. Marketing efficiency and producer share in consumers’ rupee were the highest in channel 1 followed by channel 2 and channel 4 as price spread was the lowest in channel 1 followed by channel 2 and channel 4 across all three breed categories (non-descript, indigenous and cross-breed). Transportation cost was found to be the major cost component both for sellers and buyers in all the six milch cow marketing channels. Besides transportation, other major cost components were cost of feeding animals at fairs and miscellaneous expenses (including own expenditure). There were differences in the marketing costs across non-descript, indigenous and cross-breed both for sellers and buyers in all channels. The study suggested the need for government transportation facilities and adequate feeds and fodder availability at reasonable price during the cattle fairs. Above all, government should bring more number of local cattle fairs under the ambit of regulation to further improve the efficiency of livestock marketing system in the state. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/sja.v12i1.21111 SAARC J. Agri., 12(1): 34-47 (2014)

A considerable increase in prices for raw milk in Russia in 2013-2015 and the support for beginner farmers had an impact on improving the intensity of production in the dairy cattle breeding. However, due to the high share of the population’s households in the structure of milk production (about 45%) and its low marketability (about 34%), there is a deficit and dependence on import. At the same time, the tempos of the growth of prices for raw milk cannot provide producers with development due to the delay of cost increase, reduction of the consumer demand and high price competition with exporters from Belarus. All this is a consequence of the lack of an efficient system of re-allocating the created value between sectors of the dairy products subcomplex of the agro-industrial complex of the Russian Federation, the servicing area, and trade. The creation of agro-industrial clusters in regions will solve such problems as the non-participation of the state in regulating the price formation on the milk and dairy products market, the lack of a transparent mechanism to stipulate the retail price for dairy products, infrastructure problems, innovative and investment development, etc. The research allowed us to substantiate the possibility of creating a dairy products cluster in the Saratov Region. Forming a logistic model and comparing algorithms of commodity circulation, it was determined that functioning of the cluster would exclude duplication of production and marketing functions and reduce the total costs by more than 40% on average. Prerequisites will be made to increase production volumes, to develop the infrastructure of the region and rural areas, and to increase the population’s employment, which will make up a huge social and economic effect at the minimal cost.

The article considers the expediency of organic agricultural production with the definition of a number of advantages, such as economic, environmental and social. The conditions for the development of organic agricultural production are given, namely: the presence of large areas of environmentally friendly agricultural land; high fertility of soils; favorable climatic conditions; low level of use of mineral fertilizers, plant protection products; presence of potential consumers market; Export attractiveness of organic products for EU countries; provision of the agrarian sector of the economy by labor resources. The efficiency of production of organic agro production, which is determined by internal (organizational, techno-technological, economic, marketing) and external (economic, institutional, legal, natural-ecological, social) factors, is investigated. The reasons that hinder the efficiency of production of organic products in Ukraine, which can be attributed to: imperfect institutional support and lack of state financial support; Innovative passivity of most manufacturers and management structures; lack of awareness of producers regarding the specifics of organic production and the public regarding the benefits of organic products; the predominance of exports of organic raw materials; processing, production, wholesale and retail trade in organic products of consumption are still underdeveloped; deficit of grain and other agricultural crops of organic origin; insufficient number of cattle as the main producer of organic fertilizers; high cost of borrowed funds; high ethnogeny load on the area of ​​Central and Eastern Ukraine. The evolution of the organic agricultural market will lead to the development of the relevant infrastructure. Agriculture of Ukraine has all the conditions for the development of organic agricultural production, since the soil-climatic allow to significantly expand the volume of organic farming. Co-operation of the organic agricultural sector in Ukraine is presented in the form of dairy cooperatives, which are intended for the sale of milk at more attractive prices. The cooperative movement makes it possible to combine efforts to create real competition for powerful agrarian enterprises and, at the same time, to promote the spread of organic agricultural production.

The research was conducted in Cibarani Village, Cisata Subdistrict, Paneglang Regency, Banten Province, in 2016. The research used field survey method. To know the value of each marketing margin and its profit value, using questionnaire method of questionnaire data to 10 respondents of buffalo breeders, 5 intermediary traders, 3 large traders and 2 market/meat traders from each data were analyzed economically. The while primary data and secondary data are analyzed by using value of marketing margin analysis. The purpose of this research is to know the marketing margin of buffalo cattle at the level of farmers, small pedanag, traders and market/meat pedangan.Hasil research results at the level of breeders marketing margin I sebear Rp.575.000,- with a share of 5%, profit on the level of cattle traders marketing margin II amounting to Rp.400.000,- with a share of 4.4% and profit at the level of trader III marketing margin of Rp.403.000,- with a share of 4.5% and profit at market/meat market margin level of marketing IV of Rp.305,500,- with a share of 4.3%. From each of the interest margin and the share value shows the buffalo price ratio, which is the difference of each level of livestock traders.

Abstract Cattle originating from the southeastern United States and received in stocker and feedlot facilities in the southern Great Plains are at increased risk for bovine respiratory disease (BRD) and other health disorders because the marketing and relocation process may result in stress-induced immunosuppression, increased respiratory virus transmission, and poor nutritional status. Cattle health directly affects growth performance because stress and the inflammatory response to infection results in tissue catabolism and anorexia. Preconditioning practices at the ranch origin, such as vaccination, castration, weaning, and feed bunk and water tank exposure, can significantly improve health outcome during the receiving period; however, this practice is underutilized, resulting in high-risk, commingled calves entering subsequent production sectors. Antimicrobial metaphylaxis is one of the most effective management strategies to control an anticipated outbreak of BRD in newly received calves, yet antimicrobial use in food animals is under intense scrutiny. Antimicrobial alternatives such as direct-fed microbial products may provide health benefits but uncertainty regarding the route and timing of application, effective dose, and product selection will require further research to improve application. Nutritional stress resulting from reduced feed and water intake before, during, and after relocation and potential trace mineral deficiency upon arrival must be considered in a comprehensive health management program. Finally, detection of BRD or other diseases in large groups of cattle is challenging because of the prey instinct to disguise clinical signs of illness. Technology that continuously monitor individual cattle behavior may provide early disease detection with greater sensitivity and specificity than traditional methods but several barriers to adoption exist. This symposium presentation will outline the multitude of factors to consider in managing cattle health during the receiving period and provide research-based evidence that challenge paradigm regarding health management of newly received cattle.

Individual identification of beef cattle is not new to the Canadian beef industry, as traceback systems played a pivotal role in the eradication of bovine tuberculosis in the 1940s and 1950s and brucellosis in the 1970s and 1980s. Recent concerns over animal health (e.g., bovine spongiform encephaolopathy), export markets, product consistency, meat quality (e.g., tenderness, marbling) and safety (e.g., Escherichia. coli 0157:H7, Salmonella spp.) make reestablishment of a traceback system a logical approach to assuring consumer confidence in Canadian beef. Originally, simple Kurl-lockTM ear tags with a unique number were used to trace individuals back to their herd of origin. Although useful for addressing disease concerns, this system did not lend itself to compiling additional information (e.g., growth performance, animal health, breeding programs, carcass quality) for use in management or marketing decisions. More sophisticated electronic identification systems can readily interface with computers and make information management an even more pivotal component of beef production. Several electronic identification systems (e.g., bar codes, radio frequency identification, read–write systems) are being assessed for their effectiveness for identifying individual cattle under production conditions. In research applications, this technology has the potential for individual animals to become the experimental unit under group housing conditions. By combining electronic identification technology with devices that measure physiological (e.g., temperature, pH, body weight, feed intake) parameters, researchers will be able to collect data in natural production environments that were previously only obtainable under controlled experimental conditions with a limited number of animals. Key words: Electronic identification, beef, traceback, radio frequency identification

Much attention when breeding dairy cattle is paid to the genetic potential of the livestock and the improvement of methods of its use. This is due to the fact that at present the number of crossbred animals with different parts of blood of Holstein breed has significantly increased, but there are no proven methods for determining the optimal part of Holstein blood, as a result of which the question of the association between the productivity of animals and their genotype remains very relevant. The research has been carried out under the conditions of JSC “ART” in the Right-bank district in the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania. For the purpose of conducting a scientific experiment, 3 groups of heifers of the line Reflection Sovereign 198998 have been formed with 10 heads in each. At the same time, the proportion of blood of the black-and-white Holstein breed in the experimental heifers was in the range from 50 to 75 %: 1st group – 1/2-blooded, 2nd group – 5/8-blooded and group 3rd – 3/4-blooded. The groups have been formed at the birth of young animals according to the method of analogues, taking into account the live weight and productivity of their ancestors. Accounting for the growth and development of heifers has been carried out by weighing at birth, at 3 and 6 months of age. The calculations made it possible to trace the dynamics of the variability of the live weight of experimental animals. The results obtained indicate the association between the indicators of live weight of heifers and their genotype. Against the background of the same conditions of maintenance and feeding in all age periods, the heifers of the 2nd group were superior in terms of live weight to the herdmates of the 1st and 3rd groups. So, with approximately the same live weight at birth with the herdmates of other groups, the heifers of the 2nd group at 3 months of age exceeded the half-blooded heifers from the 1st group by 3,2 kg or by 3,67 %, the 3rd group by 2,0 kg or by 2,26 %, at 6 months of age by 4,9 kg or by 3,27 % and by 3,3 kg or by 2,18, respectively. Heifers of the 3rd group slightly outstripped in the live weight of their herdmates from the 1st group. The fact that the heifers of the 2nd group (5/8-blooded according to Holstein) had better indicators of live weight compared to their herdmates of the 1st and 3rd groups (1/2-and 3/4-blooded), is proof of the influence of their genotype on the intensity of live weight gain.

This paper studies and provide a comprehensive and critical research by analyzing and evaluating the beef marketing channels, determine marketing efficiency, examine key social and economic factors contributing to the success and failure and establish the regional market interactions across the three agro-ecological regions in Zambia. To achieve this, the research used both primary and secondary qualitative and quantitative data from national representative surveys by Rural Agricultural Livelihood Surveys Reports which were implemented by Indaba Agricultural Policy Research Institute, and the 2017/18 Livestock and Aquaculture Census Report by Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock, Central Statistics Office, and other relevant literature related to this study. A questionnaire was used in primary data collection through snowball sampling technique, physically asking, and observing cattle farmers, abattoirs, wholesalers, processing companies and various players or actors in the beef market. Thereafter, intermediation theory was applied to develop a conceptual framework, transaction cost analysis was used to understand how and why different supply channels develop, and finally market performance was determined by analyzing the level of marketing margins. It was found that there are two major channels (Channel A and Channel B used by small-scale and commercial scale farmers respectively) which have channel subdivisions and several social and economic factors influence the farmers choice of marketing channel as well as influence consumer choices. Channel A was dominated by intermediaries while channel B be was vertically integrated. It was determined that all beef channels in Zambia were efficient and three major consumer types were observed and the regional market interactions showed that region I supplies both II and III, region II supplies III while region III is more of a consumer region. This study will help to fully understand cattle producers marketing channel selection, consumer choice of market and product quality, regional market interactions and develops recommendations making available valuable information to farmers, beef traders, companies, and policy makers thereby has the potential to improving beef trade and markets in Zambia.

Much of the world's rangelands contribute to food production through extensive grazing systems. In these systems, livestock producers, pastoralists, and ranchers move grazing animals to access variable feed and water resources to create value while supporting numerous other ecosystem services. Loss of mobility due to political, social, ecological, and economic factors is documented throughout the world and poses a substantial risk to rangeland livestock production and conservation of rangeland resources. The integration of production-scapes can facilitate livestock mobility through transportation and trade. This paper describes the beef cattle production system in California, where transporting and marketing animals integrate an extensive grazing system with intensive production systems, including feeding operations. Analysis of livestock inspection data quantifies the magnitude of livestock movements in the state and the scope of production-system integration. Over 500,000 head−47 percent of the state's calf crop—leave California rangelands and are moved to new pastures or feedyards seasonally over a 12 week period each year. Most ranchers in California, from small-scale producers (1 to 50 head) to larger producers (more than 5,000), participate in the integrated beef production system. Less than 1% of steers and heifers go from rangeland to meat processing. Like pastoralists, ranchers strategically move cattle around (and off) rangeland to optimize production within a variable climate. Ranchers indicate that their movements result from changes in forage quality and quantity and support their desire to manage for conservation objectives, including reducing fire fuels, controlling weeds, and managing for wildlife habitat. Inspection data, as well as direct observation, interviews, and surveys within the San Francisco Bay area, reveal the extent to which the region's ranchers rely on saleyards to facilitate the movement of cattle and integration of production systems. Saleyards and cattle buyers drive beef production efficiency by sorting, pricing, and moving cattle and matching them to feed resources in more intensive production systems. However, transactions lack traceability to inform policy and consumer choice. New data technologies like blockchain can provide traceability through integrated production-scapes and facilitate market development to support grazing landscapes and consumer choice.

Rangelands support nearly one-third of Earth's population and provide a multitude of ecosystem services. Land managers and society face increasing pressures to sustainably intensify rangeland food systems; therefore, the time is ripe for thoughtful approaches to simultaneously produce more food, provide economic opportunities for livestock-dependent communities, and enhance environmental benefits from rangeland ecosystems. Payments for ecosystem services (PES) programs have been put forth as potential mechanisms to maintain the quality and quantity of ecosystem services while enhancing economic viability of livestock operations. Free markets have long been proposed as solutions for mitigating trade-offs from ecosystem services that are not co-produced with livestock production; such markets have failed to emerge at the scale required to address global threats to sustainability. We highlight fundamental obstacles on demand and supply sides that challenge the concept of a market as a panacea; we do so through an interdisciplinary lens of fundamental economic underpinnings overlaid with a social survey of cattle producers' perspectives. Relevant to the demand side, we discuss the most significant impediments to development and function of non-bundled ecosystem service markets; on the supply side, we provide unique perspectives, using novel interview data from California rangeland cattle producers. Producer interviews highlighted substantial financial challenges threatening the economic sustainability of their operations. Among interviewed producers, 85% identified government regulations as the central threat to their livelihoods. Producers identified opportunities for enhancing enterprise sustainability via improved value and marketing of livestock goods co-produced with ecosystem services, participation in conservation easements, and improved connections with society. Only 11% of producers identified PES programs as future opportunities. When asked about willingness to participate in PES markets, 13% of interviewees indicated they would not, 45% were neutral, and 42% indicated they would consider participating. Interviewees stated trust in the market broker is key and they would be less willing to participate if there was government involvement. Ecosystem service markets—whether voluntary or non-voluntary—are likely not sustainable solutions to the complex social-economic-ecological dilemma ranchers and society face. Sustainability on working rangelands will require partnerships to co-develop strategies to build more equitable food systems and sustain these ecosystems.

The elaborate cross-media spectacle, ‘Australian Idol,’ ostensibly lays bare the process of creating a pop star. Yet with so much made visible, much is rendered opaque. Specifically, ‘Idol’ is defined by the use of carefully-tuned strategies of publicity and promotion that create, shape and reshape a series of ‘authentic celebrities’ – pop stars whose emergence is sanctified through a seemingly open process of public ratification. Yet, Idol’s main actor is the music industry itself which uses contestants as vehicles for crafting intimate, long-term relationships with consumers. Through an analysis of the process through which various contestants in ‘Australian Idol’ are promoted and sold, it becomes clear that these populist icons are emblematic of an industry reinventing itself in a media environment that presents remarkable challenges and surprising opportunities. Curiously, the debates, strategies and motivations of the public relations industry have received little sustained attention in popular music studies. While much has been written about the contradictions between the rhetoric of rebellion and the complicated realities of corporate success (Frank; Negus), less has been written about the evolution of specific kinds of publicity and the strategies that shape their use in the music industry. This is surprising given the foundational role of public relations strategies within the culture industries generally and the music industry in particular. Specifically, what Turner et. al. define as ‘the promotional culture’ is central to the production and marketing of mainstream popular music. The ‘Idol’ phenomenon offers a rich opportunity to examine how the mainstream of the popular music industry uses distinct and novel marketing strategies in the face of declining sales of compact discs, an advertising environment that is extraordinarily crowded with all manner of competing messages, a steady rate of trade in digital song files and ever more effective competition from video games and DVDs. The ‘Idol’ phenomenon has proved to be a bundle of highly successful strategies for making money from popular music. Selling CDs seems to be almost ancillary to the phenomenon, acting as only one profit centre among many. Indeed, we can track the progress and deployment of specific strategies for shaping the creation of what has become a series of musical celebrities from the start of the first series of ‘Australian Idol’ through a continuous process of strategic publicity. The Attention Economy It has been somewhat hysterically estimated that the average resident of Sydney might be presented with around 3000 commercial messages a day (Lee). It is this kind of communication environment that makes account planners go weak in the knees in both paralysing anxiety and genuine excitement. Many have taken to paying people to go to bars, cafes and clubs to talk up the relative merits of a product to complete strangers in the guise of casual conversation. Similarly, commercial buskers have recently appeared on City Trains to proclaim the virtues of the wares they’ve been contracted to hawk. One can imagine ‘Cockles and Mussels’ has been updated as ‘MP3 Players and Really Cool Footwear.’ These phenomena are variously referred to as ‘viral,’ ‘tipping point,’ ‘word of mouth’ or ‘whisper’ marketing. (Gladwell; Godin; Henry; Lee; Rosen) Regardless of what you call it, the problem inspiring these promotional chats and arias is the same: advertisers can no longer count on getting and holding our attention. As Davenport and Beck, Brody and even Nobel Prize winning economist Herbert Simon have noted, the more taxed public attention gets, the more valuable it becomes. By most industry accounts, the attention economy is an established reality. It represents a significant shift of emphasis away from traditional methods of reaching consumers, instead inspiring new thinking about how to create lasting, flexible and evolving relationships with target audiences. The attention economy is a complicated and often contradictory response to a media environment that appears less and less reliable and to consumers who behaviour is often poorly understood, even mysterious (Elliott and Jankel-Elliott). This challenging backdrop, however, is only the beginning for a seemingly beleaguered music industry. Wherever one looks, from the rise of the very real threat of global piracy to the expansion of the video game industry to mobile phones and hand held players to increasing amounts of money spent on DVDs and ring tones, selling CDs has become almost a sideline. The main event is the profitable use and reuse of the industry’s vast stores of intellectual property through all manner of media, most which didn’t exist ten years ago. Indeed, the ‘Idol’ phenomenon shows us how the music industry has been incorporating its jealously-guarded intellectual property and familiar modes of industrial self-presentation into existing media environments to build long-term relationships with consumers through television, radio, DVDs, CDs, the internet and mobile phones. Further, ‘Idol’s’ producers have supplemented more traditional models of communication by taking direct and explicit account of how and where audiences use a wide variety of media. The broad range of opportunities to participate in ‘Idol’ is central to its success. It demonstrates a willingness on the part of producers to accept the necessity of bending somewhat to the audience’s existing and evolving uses of the media. In short, they are simply not all that fussy about how participation actually happens so long as it does. Producers allow for many kinds of participation in order to constantly offer more specific and more active levels of involvement. ‘Idol’ has transformed consumer relationships within the music industry by coaxing into being ever more intimate, active and reciprocal relationships over the course of the contest by encouraging increasingly specific acts by consumers to complete a continual series of transactions. The Use and Reuse of Celebrity In many quarters, ‘Australian Idol’ has become a byword for bullshit. The competition seems rigged and the contestants are not seen as ‘real’ musicians in large part because their experience appears to be so transparent and so transparently commercial. As the mythology of the music industry has traditionally had it, deserving pop stars are established as celebrities through what is a more or less a linear progression. Early success is based on a carefully constructed sense of authentic cultural production. Credibility is established through a series of contestable affiliations to ostensibly organic music cultures, earned through artistic development and the hard slog of touring and practice (see Maxwell 118). The fraught possibilities of mainstream success continually beckon to ‘real’ musicians as they either ‘crossover’ or remain independent all the while trying to preserve some elusive measure of public honesty. As this mythology was implicitly unavailable to the producers of ‘Idol,’ a different kind of authenticity had to be constructed. Instead of a ‘battles of the bands’ (read: brands) contest, ‘Idol’ producers chose to present ‘unbranded’ aspirants (“Sydney Audition”). These hopefuls are presented as appealingly ambitious or merely optimistic individuals with varying degrees of talent. Those truly blessed, not only with talent but the drive to work it into saleable shape, would be carefully chosen from the multitude and offered an opportunity to make the most of their inherent yet unformed ability. Thus, their authenticity was assumed to be an implicit, inchoate presence, requiring the guiding hand of insiders to reach full flower. Through the facilitation of competition and direction provided in the form of knowledgeable music industry veterans who never tire of giving stern admonitions to indifferent performers who do not take full advantage of the opportunity presented to them, contestants are asked to prove themselves through an extended period of intense self-presentation and recreation. The lengthy televised, but tightly-edited auditions, complete with extensive commentary and the occasional gnashing of teeth on the part of the panel of experts and rejected contestants, demonstrate to us the earnest intent of those involved. Importantly, the authenticity of those proceeding through the contest is never firmly established, but has to be continually and strategically re-established. Each weighty choice of repertoire, wardrobe and performance style can only break them; each successful performance only raises the stakes. This tense maintenance of status as a deserving celebrity runs in tandem with the increasingly attentive and reciprocal relationship between the producers and the audience. The relationship begins with what has proved to be a compelling first act. Thousands of ‘ordinary’ Australians line up outside venues throughout the country, many sleeping in car parks and on footpaths, practising, singing and performing for the mobile camera crews. We are presented with their youthful vigour in all its varied guises. We cannot help but be convinced of the worth of those who survive such a process. The chosen few who are told with a flourish ‘You’re going to Sydney’ are then faced with what appears to be a daunting challenge, to establish themselves in short order as a performer with ‘the X factor’ (“Australian Idol” 14 July 2004). A fine voice and interesting look must be supplemented with those intangible qualities that result in wide public appeal. Yet these qualities are only made available to the public and the performer because of the contest itself. When the public is eventually asked to participate directly, it is to both produce and ratify exactly these ambiguous attributes. More than this, contestants need our help just to survive. Their celebrity is almost shockingly unstable, more fleeting than its surrounding rhetoric and context might suggest and under constant, expected threat. From round to round, favourites can easily become also rans–wild cards who limp out of one round, but storm through the next. The drama can only be heightened, securing our interest by requiring our input. As any advertiser can tell you, an effective campaign must end in action on our part. Through text message and phone voting as well as extensive ‘fan management’ through internet chat rooms and bulletin boards (see Stahl 228; http://au.messages.yahoo.com/australianidol/), our channelled ‘viral’ participation both shapes and completes the meanings of the contest. These active and often inventive relationships (http://au.australianidol.yahoo.com/fancentral/) allow the eventual ‘Idol’ to claim the credibility the means of their success otherwise renders suspect and these activities appear to consummate the relationship. However, the relationship continues well beyond the gala final. In a fascinating re-narration of the first series of ‘Australian Idol,’ Australian Idol: The Winner’s Story aired on the Friday following the final night of the contest. The story of the newly crowned Idol, Guy Sebastian, was presented in an hour long program that showed his home life, his life as a voice teacher in the Adelaide suburbs and his subsequent journey to stardom. The clips depicting his life prior to ‘Idol’ were of ambiguous vintage, cleverly silent on the exact date of production; somehow they were not quite in the past or the future, but floated in some eternal in-between. When his ‘Australian Idol’ experience was chronicled, after the second commercial break, we were allowed to see an intimate portrait of an anxious contestant transformed into ‘Your Australian Idol.’ There could be no doubt of the virtue of Sebastian’s struggles, nor of his well-earned victory. ‘New’ footage began with the sudden sensation reluctantly commenting on other contestants at the original Adelaide cattle call at the prompting of the mobile camera crew and ended with his teary-eyed mother exultant at the final decision as she stood in the front row at the Opera House. Further, not only is the entire run of the first series dramatically recounted in documentary format on the Australian Idol: Greatest Moments DVD, framed by Sebastian’s humble triumph, so are the stories of each member of the Final 12 and the paths they took through the contest. These reiterations serve to reinforce not only Sebastian’s status, but the status of the program itself. They confirm the benevolent success of the industry it so dutifully profiles. We are taken behind the curtain, allowed to see the machinery of stardom grind inevitably to a conclusion, knowing we will be allowed back again when the time is right. Whereas ‘Idol’ is routinely pilloried for its crass commercialism, it remains an unavoidable success. Viewers keep tuning in, advertisers still clamour to sponsor all aspects of the production and the CDs keep selling. Most importantly, the music industry has a showcase for its own operations. The structures of feeling it exists to produce take on a kind of subtle explicitness that ensures their perpetuation. Within an industry faced with threats perceived to be foundational, the creators of ‘Idol’ have produced an audacious and arrogant spectacle. They have made a profitable virtue out of an economic necessity. The expensive and unpredictable process of finding and nurturing new talent has not only been made more reliable, but ‘Idol’ has shown that it can actually turn a profit. The brand of celebrity produced by Idol possesses no mere sheen of populist approval, but embodies that more valuable commodity: popular attention, however reluctant or enthusiastic it may be. References “Australian Idol.” Ten Network, Sydney, 14 July 2004. “Australian Idol: The Winner’s Story.” Ten Network, Sydney, 21 November 2003. Australian Idol: Greatest Moments. Fremantle Media Operations, 2004. Brody, E.W. “The ‘Attention’ Economy.” Public Relations Quarterly 46.3 (2001): 18-21. Davenport, T., and J. Beck. “The Strategy and Structure of Firms in the Attention Economy.” Ivey Business Journal 66.4 (2002): 49–55. Elliott, R., and N. Jankel-Elliott. “Using Ethnography in Strategic Consumer Research.” Qualitative Market Research 6.4 (2003): 215-23. Frank, Thomas. The Conquest of Cool: Business Culture, Counterculture, and the Rise of Hip Consumerism. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1997. Gladwell, Malcolm. The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Big Difference. Boston: Back Bay Books, 2002. Godin, Seth. Unleashing the Ideavirus. New York: Hyperion, 2001. Henry, Amy. “How Buzz Marketing Works for Teens.” Advertising and Marketing to Children April-June (2003): 3-10. Lee, Julian. “Stealth Marketers Ready to Railroad the Unsuspecting.” Sydney Morning Herald 24-5 July 2004: 3. Maxwell, Ian. “True to the Music: Authenticity, Articulation and Authorship in Sydney Hip-Hop Culture.” Social Semiotics 4.1-2 (1994): 117–37. Negus, Keith. Music Genres and Corporate Cultures. London: Routledge, 1999. Negus, Keith. Producing Pop: Culture and Conflict in the Popular Music Industry. London: Edward Arnold, 1992. Rosen, Emanuel. The Anatomy of Buzz: How to Create Word of Mouth Marketing. London: Harper Collins, 2000. Stahl, Matthew. “A Moment like This: American Idol and Narratives of Meritocracy.” Bad Music: Music We Love to Hate. Eds. C. Washburne and M. Derno. New York: Routledge, 2004. 212–32. “Sydney Auditions: Conditions of Participation in the Australian Idol Audition.” Australian Idol Website 10 June 2004. http://au.australianidol.com.au>. Turner, G., F. Bonner, and P.D. Marshall. Fame Games: The Production of Celebrity in Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Fairchild, Charles. "'Australian Idol' and the Attention Economy." M/C Journal 7.5 (2004). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/09-fairchild.php>. APA Style Fairchild, C. (Nov. 2004) "'Australian Idol' and the Attention Economy," M/C Journal, 7(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/09-fairchild.php>.

Introduction One of the ways in which ‘country’ is made to work discursively is in ‘country music’ – defining a genre and sensibility in music production, marketing and consumption. This article seeks to excavate one small niche in the historical geography of country music to explore exactly how discursive antecedents emerged, and crucially, how images associated with ‘country’ surfaced and travelled internationally via one of the new ‘global’ media of the first half of the twentieth century – sheet music. My central arguments are twofold: first, that alongside aural qualities and lyrical content, the visual elements of sheet music were important and thus far have been under-acknowledged. Sheet music diffused the imagery connecting ‘country’ to music, to particular landscapes, and masculinities. In the literature on country music much emphasis has been placed on film, radio and television (Tichi; Peterson). Yet, sheet music was for several decades the most common way people bought personal copies of songs they liked and intended to play at home on piano, guitar or ukulele. This was particularly the case in Australia – geographically distant, and rarely included in international tours by American country music stars. Sheet music is thus a rich text to reveal the historical contours of ‘country’. My second and related argument is that that the possibilities for the globalising of ‘country’ were first explored in music. The idea of transnational discourses associated with ‘country’ and ‘rurality’ is relatively new (Cloke et al; Gorman-Murray et al; McCarthy), but in music we see early evidence of a globalising discourse of ‘country’ well ahead of the time period usually analysed. Accordingly, my focus is on the sheet music of country songs in Australia in the first half of the twentieth century and on how visual representations hybridised travelling themes to create a new vernacular ‘country’ in Australia. Creating ‘Country’ Music Country music, as its name suggests, is perceived as the music of rural areas, “defined in contrast to metropolitan norms” (Smith 301). However, the ‘naturalness’ of associations between country music and rurality belies a history of urban capitalism and the refinement of deliberate methods of marketing music through associated visual imagery. Early groups wore suits and dressed for urban audiences – but then altered appearances later, on the insistence of urban record companies, to emphasise rurality and cowboy heritage. Post-1950, ‘country’ came to replace ‘folk’ music as a marketing label, as the latter was considered to have too many communistic references (Hemphill 5), and the ethnic mixing of earlier folk styles was conveniently forgotten in the marketing of ‘country’ music as distinct from African American ‘race’ and ‘r and b’ music. Now an industry of its own with multinational headquarters in Nashville, country music is a ‘cash cow’ for entertainment corporations, with lower average production costs, considerable profit margins, and marketing advantages that stem from tropes of working class identity and ‘rural’ honesty (see Lewis; Arango). Another of country music’s associations is with American geography – and an imagined heartland in the colonial frontier of the American West. Slippages between ‘country’ and ‘western’ in music, film and dress enhance this. But historical fictions are masked: ‘purists’ argue that western dress and music have nothing to do with ‘country’ (see truewesternmusic.com), while recognition of the Spanish-Mexican, Native American and Hawaiian origins of ‘cowboy’ mythology is meagre (George-Warren and Freedman). Similarly, the highly international diffusion and adaptation of country music as it rose to prominence in the 1940s is frequently downplayed (Connell and Gibson), as are the destructive elements of colonialism and dispossession of indigenous peoples in frontier America (though Johnny Cash’s 1964 album The Ballads Of The American Indian: Bitter Tears was an exception). Adding to the above is the way ‘country’ operates discursively in music as a means to construct particular masculinities. Again, linked to rural imagery and the American frontier, the dominant masculinity is of rugged men wrestling nature, negotiating hardships and the pressures of family life. Country music valorises ‘heroic masculinities’ (Holt and Thompson), with echoes of earlier cowboy identities reverberating into contemporary performance through dress style, lyrical content and marketing imagery. The men of country music mythology live an isolated existence, working hard to earn an income for dependent families. Their music speaks to the triumph of hard work, honest values (meaning in this context a musical style, and lyrical concerns that are ‘down to earth’, ‘straightforward’ and ‘without pretence’) and physical strength, in spite of neglect from national governments and uncaring urban leaders. Country music has often come to be associated with conservative politics, heteronormativity, and whiteness (Gibson and Davidson), echoing the wider politics of ‘country’ – it is no coincidence, for example, that the slogan for the 2008 Republican National Convention in America was ‘country first’. And yet, throughout its history, country music has also enabled more diverse gender performances to emerge – from those emphasising (or bemoaning) domesticity; assertive femininity; creative negotiation of ‘country’ norms by gay men; and ‘alternative’ culture (captured in the marketing tag, ‘alt.country’); to those acknowledging white male victimhood, criminality (‘the outlaw’), vulnerability and cruelty (see Johnson; McCusker and Pecknold; Saucier). Despite dominant tropes of ‘honesty’, country music is far from transparent, standing for certain values and identities, and yet enabling the construction of diverse and contradictory others. Historical analysis is therefore required to trace the emergence of ‘country’ in music, as it travelled beyond America. A Note on Sheet Music as Media Source Sheet music was one of the main modes of distribution of music from the 1930s through to the 1950s – a formative period in which an eclectic group of otherwise distinct ‘hillbilly’ and ‘folk’ styles moved into a single genre identity, and after which vinyl singles and LP records with picture covers dominated. Sheet music was prevalent in everyday life: beyond radio, a hit song was one that was widely purchased as sheet music, while pianos and sheet music collections (stored in a piece of furniture called a ‘music canterbury’) in family homes were commonplace. Sheet music is in many respects preferable to recorded music as a form of evidence for historical analysis of country music. Picture LP covers did not arrive until the late 1950s (by which time rock and roll had surpassed country music). Until then, 78 rpm shellac discs, the main form of pre-recorded music, featured generic brown paper sleeves from the individual record companies, or city retail stores. Also, while radio was clearly central to the consumption of music in this period, it obviously also lacked the pictorial element that sheet music could provide. Sheet music bridged the music and printing industries – the latter already well-equipped with colour printing, graphic design and marketing tools. Sheet music was often literally crammed with information, providing the researcher with musical notation, lyrics, cover art and embedded advertisements – aural and visual texts combined. These multiple dimensions of sheet music proved useful here, for clues to the context of the music/media industries and geography of distribution (for instance, in addresses for publishers and sheet music retail shops). Moreover, most sheet music of the time used rich, sometimes exaggerated, images to convince passing shoppers to buy songs that they had possibly never heard. As sheet music required caricature rather than detail or historical accuracy, it enabled fantasy without distraction. In terms of representations of ‘country’, then, sheet music is perhaps even more evocative than film or television. Hundreds of sheet music items were collected for this research over several years, through deliberate searching (for instance, in library archives and specialist sheet music stores) and with some serendipity (for instance, when buying second hand sheet music in charity shops or garage sales). The collected material is probably not representative of all music available at the time – it is as much a specialised personal collection as a comprehensive survey. However, at least some material from all the major Australian country music performers of the time were found, and the resulting collection appears to be several times larger than that held currently by the National Library of Australia (from which some entries were sourced). All examples here are of songs written by, or cover art designed for Australian country music performers. For brevity’s sake, the following analysis of the sheet music follows a crudely chronological framework. Country Music in Australia Before ‘Country’ Country music did not ‘arrive’ in Australia from America as a fully-finished genre category; nor was Australia at the time without rural mythology or its own folk music traditions. Associations between Australian national identity, rurality and popular culture were entrenched in a period of intense creativity and renewed national pride in the decades prior to and after Federation in 1901. This period saw an outpouring of art, poetry, music and writing in new nationalist idiom, rooted in ‘the bush’ (though drawing heavily on Celtic expressions), and celebrating themes of mateship, rural adversity and ‘battlers’. By the turn of the twentieth century, such myths, invoked through memory and nostalgia, had already been popularised. Australia had a fully-established system of colonies, capital cities and state governments, and was highly urbanised. Yet the poetry, folk music and art, invariably set in rural locales, looked back to the early 1800s, romanticising bush characters and frontier events. The ‘bush ballad’ was a central and recurring motif, one that commentators have argued was distinctly, and essentially ‘Australian’ (Watson; Smith). Sheet music from this early period reflects the nationalistic, bush-orientated popular culture of the time: iconic Australian fauna and flora are prominent, and Australian folk culture is emphasised as ‘native’ (being the first era of cultural expressions from Australian-born residents). Pioneer life and achievements are celebrated. ‘Along the road to Gundagai’, for instance, was about an iconic Australian country town and depicted sheep droving along rustic trails with overhanging eucalypts. Male figures are either absent, or are depicted in situ as lone drovers in the archetypal ‘shepherd’ image, behind their flocks of sheep (Figure 1). Figure 1: No. 1 Magpie Ballads – The Pioneer (c1900) and Along the road to Gundagai (1923). Further colonial ruralities developed in Australia from the 1910s to 1940s, when agrarian values grew in the promotion of Australian agricultural exports. Australia ‘rode on the sheep’s back’ to industrialisation, and governments promoted rural development and inland migration. It was a period in which rural lifestyles were seen as superior to those in the crowded inner city, and government strategies sought to create a landed proletariat through post-war land settlement and farm allotment schemes. National security was said to rely on populating the inland with those of European descent, developing rural industries, and breeding a healthier and yet compliant population (Dufty), from which armies of war-ready men could be recruited in times of conflict. Popular culture served these national interests, and thus during these decades, when ‘hillbilly’ and other North American music forms were imported, they were transformed, adapted and reworked (as in other places such as Canada – see Lehr). There were definite parallels in the frontier narratives of the United States (Whiteoak), and several local adaptations followed: Tex Morton became Australia’s ‘Yodelling boundary rider’ and Gordon Parsons became ‘Australia’s yodelling bushman’. American songs were re-recorded and performed, and new original songs written with Australian lyrics, titles and themes. Visual imagery in sheet music built upon earlier folk/bush frontier themes to re-cast Australian pastoralism in a more settled, modernist and nationalist aesthetic; farms were places for the production of a robust nation. Where male figures were present on sheet music covers in the early twentieth century, they became more prominent in this period, and wore Akubras (Figure 2). The lyrics to John Ashe’s Growin’ the Golden Fleece (1952) exemplify this mix of Australian frontier imagery, new pastoralist/nationalist rhetoric, and the importation of American cowboy masculinity: Go west and take up sheep, man, North Queensland is the shot But if you don’t get rich, man, you’re sure to get dry rot Oh! Growin’ the golden fleece, battlin’ a-way out west Is bound to break your flamin’ heart, or else expand your chest… We westerners are handy, we can’t afford to crack Not while the whole darn’d country is riding on our back Figure 2: Eric Tutin’s Shearers’ Jamboree (1946). As in America, country music struck a chord because it emerged “at a point in history when the project of the creation and settlement of a new society was underway but had been neither completed nor abandoned” (Dyer 33). Governments pressed on with the colonial project of inland expansion in Australia, despite the theft of indigenous country this entailed, and popular culture such as music became a means to normalise and naturalise the process. Again, mutations of American western imagery, and particular iconic male figures were important, as in Roy Darling’s (1945) Overlander Trail (Figure 3): Wagon wheels are rolling on, and the days seem mighty long Clouds of heat-dust in the air, bawling cattle everywhere They’re on the overlander trail Where only sheer determination will prevail Men of Aussie with a job to do, they’ll stick and drive the cattle through And though they sweat they know they surely must Keep on the trail that winds a-head thro’ heat and dust All sons of Aussie and they will not fail. Sheet music depicted silhouetted men in cowboy hats on horses (either riding solo or in small groups), riding into sunsets or before looming mountain ranges. Music – an important part of popular culture in the 1940s – furthered the colonial project of invading, securing and transforming the Australian interior by normalising its agendas and providing it with heroic male characters, stirring tales and catchy tunes. Figure 3: ‘Roy Darling’s (1945) Overlander Trail and Smoky Dawson’s The Overlander’s Song (1946). ‘Country Music’ Becomes a (Globalised) Genre Further growth in Australian country music followed waves of popularity in the United States in the 1940s and 1950s, and was heavily influenced by new cross-media publicity opportunities. Radio shows expanded, and western TV shows such as Bonanza and On the Range fuelled a ‘golden age’. Australian performers such as Slim Dusty and Smokey Dawson rose to fame (see Fitzgerald and Hayward) in an era when rural-urban migration peaked. Sheet music reflected the further diffusion and adoption of American visual imagery: where male figures were present on sheet music covers, they became more prominent than before and wore Stetsons. Some were depicted as chiselled-faced but simple men, with plain clothing and square jaws. Others began to more enthusiastically embrace cowboy looks, with bandana neckerchiefs, rawhide waistcoats, embellished and harnessed tall shaft boots, pipe-edged western shirts with wide collars, smile pockets, snap fasteners and shotgun cuffs, and fringed leather jackets (Figure 4). Landscapes altered further too: cacti replaced eucalypts, and iconic ‘western’ imagery of dusty towns, deserts, mesas and buttes appeared (Figure 5). Any semblance of folk music’s appeal to rustic authenticity was jettisoned in favour of showmanship, as cowboy personas were constructed to maximise cinematic appeal. Figure 4: Al Dexter’s Pistol Packin’ Mama (1943) and Reg Lindsay’s (1954) Country and Western Song Album. Figure 5: Tim McNamara’s Hitching Post (1948) and Smoky Dawson’s Golden West Album (1951). Far from slavish mimicry of American culture, however, hybridisations were common. According to Australian music historian Graeme Smith (300): “Australian place names appear, seeking the same mythological resonance that American localisation evoked: hobos became bagmen […] cowboys become boundary riders.” Thus alongside reproductions of the musical notations of American songs by Lefty Frizzel, Roy Carter and Jimmie Rodgers were songs with localised themes by new Australian stars such as Reg Lindsay and Smoky Dawson: My curlyheaded buckaroo, My home way out back, and On the Murray Valley. On the cover of The square dance by the billabong (Figure 6) – the title of which itself was a conjunction of archetypal ‘country’ images from both America and Australia – a background of eucalypts and windmills frames dancers in classic 1940s western (American) garb. In the case of Tex Morton’s Beautiful Queensland (Figure 7), itself mutated from W. Lee O’Daniel’s Beautiful Texas (c1945), the sheet music instructed those playing the music that the ‘names of other states may be substituted for Queensland’. ‘Country’ music had become an established genre, with normative values, standardised images and themes and yet constituted a stylistic formula with enough polysemy to enable local adaptations and variations. Figure 6: The Square dance by the billabong, Vernon Lisle, 1951. Figure 7: Beautiful Queensland, Tex Morton, c1945 source: http://nla.gov.au/nla.mus-vn1793930. Conclusions In country music images of place and masculinity combine. In music, frontier landscapes are populated by rugged men living ‘on the range’ in neo-colonial attempts to tame the land and convert it to productive uses. This article has considered only one media – sheet music – in only one country (Australia) and in only one time period (1900-1950s). There is much more to say than was possible here about country music, place and gender – particularly recently, since ‘country’ has fragmented into several niches, and marketing of country music via cable television and the internet has ensued (see McCusker and Pecknold). My purpose here has been instead to explore the early origins of ‘country’ mythology in popular culture, through a media source rarely analysed. Images associated with ‘country’ travelled internationally via sheet music, immensely popular in the 1930s and 1940s before the advent of television. The visual elements of sheet music contributed to the popularisation and standardisation of genre expectations and appearances, and yet these too travelled and were adapted and varied in places like Australia which had their own colonial histories and folk music heritages. Evidenced here is how combinations of geographical and gender imagery embraced imported American cowboy imagery and adapted it to local markets and concerns. Australia saw itself as a modern rural utopia with export aspirations and a desire to secure permanence through taming and populating its inland. Sheet music reflected all this. So too, sheet music reveals the historical contours of ‘country’ as a transnational discourse – and the extent to which ‘country’ brought with it a clearly defined set of normative values, a somewhat exaggerated cowboy masculinity, and a remarkable capacity to be moulded to local circumstances. Well before later and more supposedly ‘global’ media such as the internet and television, the humble printed sheet of notated music was steadily shaping ‘country’ imagery, and an emergent international geography of cultural flows. References Arango, Tim. “Cashville USA.” Fortune, Jan 29, 2007. Sept 3, 2008, http://money.cnn.com/magazines/fortune/fortune_archive/2007/01/22/8397980/index.htm. Cloke, Paul, Marsden, Terry and Mooney, Patrick, eds. Handbook of Rural Studies, London: Sage, 2006. Connell, John and Gibson, Chris. Sound Tracks: Popular Music, Identity and Place, London: Routledge, 2003. Dufty, Rae. Rethinking the politics of distribution: the geographies and governmentalities of housing assistance in rural New South Wales, Australia, PhD thesis, UNSW, 2008. Dyer, Richard. White: Essays on Race and Culture, London: Routledge, 1997. George-Warren, Holly and Freedman, Michelle. How the West was Worn: a History of Western Wear, New York: Abrams, 2000. Fitzgerald, Jon and Hayward, Phil. “At the confluence: Slim Dusty and Australian country music.” Outback and Urban: Australian Country Music. Ed. Phil Hayward. Gympie: Australian Institute of Country Music Press, 2003. 29-54. Gibson, Chris and Davidson, Deborah. “Tamworth, Australia’s ‘country music capital’: place marketing, rural narratives and resident reactions.” Journal of Rural Studies 20 (2004): 387-404. Gorman-Murray, Andrew, Darian-Smith, Kate and Gibson, Chris. “Scaling the rural: reflections on rural cultural studies.” Australian Humanities Review 45 (2008): in press. Hemphill, Paul. The Nashville Sound: Bright Lights and Country Music, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1970. Holt, Douglas B. and Thompson, Craig J. “Man-of-action heroes: the pursuit of heroic masculinity in everyday consumption.” Journal of Consumer Research 31 (2004). Johnson, Corey W. “‘The first step is the two-step’: hegemonic masculinity and dancing in a country western gay bar.” International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 18 (2004): 445-464. Lehr, John C. “‘Texas (When I die)’: national identity and images of place in Canadian country music broadcasts.” The Canadian Geographer 27 (1983): 361-370. Lewis, George H. “Lap dancer or hillbilly deluxe? The cultural construction of modern country music.” Journal of Popular Culture, 31 (1997): 163-173. McCarthy, James. “Rural geography: globalizing the countryside.” Progress in Human Geography 32 (2008): 132-137. McCusker, Kristine M. and Pecknold, Diane. Eds. A Boy Named Sue: Gender and Country Music. UP of Mississippi, 2004. Peterson, Richard A. Creating Country Music: Fabricating Authenticity. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1997. Saucier, Karen A. “Healers and heartbreakers: images of women and men in country music.” Journal of Popular Culture 20 (1986): 147-166. Smith, Graeme. “Australian country music and the hillbilly yodel.” Popular Music 13 (1994): 297-311. Tichi, Cecelia. Readin’ Country Music. Durham: Duke UP, 1998. truewesternmusic.com “True western music.”, Sept 3, 2008, http://truewesternmusic.com/. Watson, Eric. Country Music in Australia. Sydney: Rodeo Publications, 1984. Whiteoak, John. “Two frontiers: early cowboy music and Australian popular culture.” Outback and Urban: Australian Country Music. Ed. P. Hayward. Gympie: AICMP: 2003. 1-28.

The brand began, quite literally, as a method for ranchers to identify their cattle. By burning a distinct symbol into the hide of a baby calf, the owner could insure that if it one day wandered off his property or was stolen by a competitor, he’d be able to point to that logo and claim the animal as his rightful property. When the manufacturers of products adopted the brand as a way of guaranteeing the quality of their goods, its function remained pretty much the same. Buying a package of oats with the Quaker label meant the customer could trace back these otherwise generic oats to their source. If there was a problem, he knew where he could turn. More important, if the oats were of satisfactory or superior quality, he knew where he could get them again. Trademarking a brand meant that no one else could call his oats Quaker. Advertising in this innocent age simply meant publicizing the existence of one’s brand. The sole objective was to increase consumers awareness of the product or company that made it. Those who even thought to employ specialists for the exclusive purpose of writing ad copy hired newspaper reporters and travelling salesmen, who knew how to explain the attributes of an item in words that people tended to remember. It wasn’t until 1922 that a preacher and travelling “medicine show” salesman-turned-copywriter named Claude Hopkins decided that advertising should be systematized into a science. His short but groundbreaking book Scientific Advertising proposed that the advertisement is merely a printed extension of the salesman¹s pitch and should follow the same rules. Hopkins believed in using hard descriptions over hype, and text over image: “The more you tell, the more you sell” and “White space is wasted space” were his mantras. Hopkins believed that any illustrations used in an ad should be directly relevant to the product itself, not just a loose or emotional association. He insisted on avoiding “frivolity” at all costs, arguing that “no one ever bought from a clown.” Although some images did appear in advertisements and on packaging as early as the 1800s - the Quaker Oats man showed up in 1877 - these weren¹t consciously crafted to induce psychological states in customers. They were meant just to help people remember one brand over another. How better to recall the brand Quaker than to see a picture of one? It wasn’t until the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s, as Americans turned toward movies and television and away from newspapers and radio, that advertisers’ focus shifted away from describing their brands and to creating images for them. During these decades, Midwestern adman Leo Burnett concocted what is often called the Chicago school of advertising, in which lovable characters are used to represent products. Green Giant, which was originally just the Minnesota Valley Canning Company’s code name for an experimental pea, became the Jolly Green Giant in young Burnett’s world of animated characters. He understood that the figure would make a perfect and enticing brand image for an otherwise boring product and could also serve as a mnemonic device for consumers. As he watched his character grow in popularity, Burnett discovered that the mythical figure of a green giant had resonance in many different cultures around the world. It became a kind of archetype and managed to penetrate the psyche in more ways than one. Burnett was responsible for dozens of character-based brand images, including Tony the Tiger, Charlie the Tuna, Morris the Cat, and the Marlboro Man. In each case, the character creates a sense of drama, which engages the audience in the pitch. This was Burnett’s great insight. He still wanted to sell a product based on its attributes, but he knew he had to draw in his audience using characters. Brand images were also based on places, like Hidden Valley Ranch salad dressing, or on recognizable situations, such as the significant childhood memories labelled “Kodak moments” or a mother nurturing her son on a cold day, a defining image for Campbell’s soup. In all these cases, however, the moment, location, or character went only so far as to draw the audience into the ad, after which they would be subjected to a standard pitch: ‘Soup is good food’, or ‘Sorry, Charlie, only the best tuna get to be Starkist’. Burnett saw himself as a homespun Midwesterner who was contributing to American folklore while speaking in the plain language of the people. He took pride in the fact that his ads used words like “ain’t”; not because they had some calculated psychological effect on the audience, but because they communicated in a natural, plainspoken style. As these methods found their way to Madison Avenue and came to be practiced much more self-consciously, Burnett¹s love for American values and his focus on brand attributes were left behind. Branding became much more ethereal and image-based, and ads only occasionally nodded to a product’s attributes. In the 1960s, advertising gurus like David Ogilvy came up with rules about television advertising that would have made Claude Hopkins shudder. “Food in motion” dictated that food should always be shot by a moving camera. “Open with fire” meant that ads should start in a very exciting and captivating way. Ogilvy told his creatives to use supers - text superimposed on the screen to emphasize important phrases and taglines. All these techniques were devised to promote brand image, not the product. Ogilvy didn’t believe consumers could distinguish between products were it not for their images. In Ogilvy on Advertising, he explains that most people cannot tell the difference between their own “favourite” whiskey and the closest two competitors’: ‘Have they tried all three and compared the taste? Don¹t make me laugh. The reality is that these three brands have different images which appeal to different kinds of people. It isn¹t the whiskey they choose, it’s the image. The brand image is ninety percent of what the distiller has to sell.’ (Ogilvy, 1993). Thus, we learned to “trust our car to the man who wears the star” not because Texaco had better gasoline than Shell, but because the company’s advertisers had created a better brand image. While Burnett and his disciples were building brand myths, another school of advertisers was busy learning about its audience. Back in the 1920s, Raymond Rubicam, who eventually founded the agency Young and Rubicam, thought it might be interesting to hire a pollster named Dr. Gallup from Northwestern University to see what could be gleaned about consumers from a little market research. The advertising industry’s version of cultural anthropology, or demographics, was born. Like the public-relations experts who study their target populations in order to manipulate them later, marketers began conducting polls, market surveys, and focus groups on the segments of the population they hoped to influence. And to draw clear, clean lines between demographic groups, researchers must almost always base distinctions on four factors: race, age, sex, and wages. Demographic research is reductionist by design. I once consulted to an FM radio station whose station manager wanted to know, “Who is our listener?” Asking such a question reduces an entire listenership down to one fictional person. It’s possible that no single individual will ever match the “customer profile” meant to apply to all customers, which is why so much targeted marketing often borders on classist, racist, and sexist pandering. Billboards for most menthol cigarettes, for example, picture African-Americans because, according to demographic research, black people prefer them to regular cigarettes. Microsoft chose Rolling Stones songs to launch Windows 95, a product targeted at wealthy baby boomers. “The Women’s Global Challenge” was an advertising-industry-created Olympics for women, with no purpose other than to market to active females. By the 1970s, the two strands of advertising theory - demographic research and brand image - were combined to develop campaigns that work on both levels. To this day, we know to associate Volvos with safety, Dr. Pepper with individuality, and Harley-Davidson with American heritage. Each of these brand images is crafted to appeal to the target consumer’s underlying psychological needs: Volvo ads are aimed at upper-middle-class white parents who fear for their children’s health and security, Dr. Pepper is directed to young nonconformists, and the Harley-Davidson image supports its riders’ self-perception as renegades. Today’s modern (or perhaps postmodern) brands don’t invent a corporate image on their own; they appropriate one from the media itself, such as MetLife did with Snoopy, Butterfinger did with Bart Simpson, or Kmart did by hiring Penny Marshall and Rosie O’Donnell. These mascots were selected because their perceived characteristics match the values of their target consumers - not the products themselves. In the language of today’s marketers, brand images do not reflect on products but on advertisers’ perceptions of their audiences’ psychology. This focus on audience composition and values has become the standard operating procedure in all of broadcasting. When Fox TV executives learned that their animated series “King of the Hill”, about a Texan propane distributor, was not faring well with certain demographics, for example, they took a targeted approach to their character’s rehabilitation. The Brandweek piece on Fox’s ethnic campaign uncomfortably dances around the issue. Hank Hill is the proverbial everyman, and Fox wants viewers to get comfortable with him; especially viewers in New York, where “King of the Hill”’s homespun humor hasn’t quite caught on with the young urbanites. So far this season, the show has pulled in a 10.1 rating/15 share in households nationally, while garnering a 7.9 rating/12 share in New York (Brandweek, 1997) As far as Fox was concerned, while regular people could identify with the network’s new “everyman” character, New Yorkers weren’t buying his middle-American patter. The television show’s ratings proved what TV executives had known all along: that New York City’s Jewish demographic doesn’t see itself as part of the rest of America. Fox’s strategy for “humanizing” the character to those irascible urbanites was to target the group’s ethnographic self-image. Fox put ads for the show on the panels of sidewalk coffee wagons throughout Manhattan, with the tagline “Have a bagel with Hank”. In an appeal to the target market’s well-developed (and well-researched) cynicism, Hank himself is shown saying, “May I suggest you have that with a schmear”. The disarmingly ethnic humor here is meant to underscore the absurdity of a Texas propane salesman using a Jewish insider’s word like “schmear.” In another Upper West Side billboard, Hank’s son appeals to the passing traffic: “Hey yo! Somebody toss me up a knish!” As far as the New York demographic is concerned, these jokes transform the characters from potentially threatening Southern rednecks into loveable hicks bending over backward to appeal to Jewish sensibilities, and doing so with a comic and, most important, nonthreatening inadequacy. Today, the most intensely targeted demographic is the baby - the future consumer. Before an average American child is twenty months old, he can recognize the McDonald’s logo and many other branded icons. Nearly everything a toddler encounters - from Band-Aids to underpants - features the trademarked characters of Disney or other marketing empires. Although this target market may not be in a position to exercise its preferences for many years, it pays for marketers to imprint their brands early. General Motors bought a two-page ad in Sports Illustrated for Kids for its Chevy Venture minivan. Their brand manager rationalized that the eight-to-fourteen-year-old demographic consists of “back-seat consumers” (Leonhardt, 1997). The real intention of target marketing to children and babies, however, goes deeper. The fresh neurons of young brains are valuable mental real estate to admen. By seeding their products and images early, the marketers can do more than just develop brand recognition; they can literally cultivate a demographic’s sensibilities as they are formed. A nine-year-old child who can recognize the Budweiser frogs and recite their slogan (Bud-weis-er) is more likely to start drinking beer than one who can remember only Tony the Tiger yelling, “They¹re great!” (Currently, more children recognize the frogs than Tony.) This indicates a long-term coercive strategy. The abstraction of brand images from the products they represent, combined with an increasing assault on our demographically targeted psychological profiles, led to some justifiable consumer paranoia by the 1970s. Advertising was working on us in ways we couldn’t fully understand, and people began to look for an explanation. In 1973, Wilson Bryan Key, a communications researcher, wrote the first of four books about “subliminal advertising,” in which he accused advertisers of hiding sexual imagery in ice cubes, and psychoactive words like “sex” onto the airbrushed surfaces of fashion photographs. Having worked on many advertising campaigns from start to finish, in close proximity to everyone from copywriters and art directors to printers, I can comfortably put to rest any rumours that major advertising agencies are engaging in subliminal campaigns. How do images that could be interpreted as “sexual” show up in ice cubes or elbows? The final photographs chosen for ads are selected by committee out of hundreds that are actually shot. After hours or days of consideration, the group eventually feels drawn to one or two photos out of the batch. Not surprising, these photos tend to have more evocative compositions and details, but no penises, breasts, or skulls are ever superimposed onto the images. In fact, the man who claims to have developed subliminal persuasion, James Vicary, admitted to Advertising Age in 1984 that he had fabricated his evidence that the technique worked in order to drum up business for his failing research company. But this confession has not assuaged Key and others who relentlessly, perhaps obsessively, continue to pursue those they feel are planting secret visual messages in advertisements. To be fair to Key, advertisers have left themselves open to suspicion by relegating their work to the abstract world of the image and then targeting consumer psychology so deliberately. According to research by the Roper Organization in 1992, fifty-seven percent of American consumers still believe that subliminal advertising is practiced on a regular basis, and only one in twelve think it “almost never” happens. To protect themselves from the techniques they believe are being used against them, the advertising audience has adopted a stance of cynical suspicion. To combat our increasing awareness and suspicion of demographic targeting, marketers have developed a more camouflaged form of categorization based on psychological profiles instead of race and age. Jim Schroer, the executive director of new marketing strategy at Ford explains his abandonment of broad-demographic targeting: ‘It’s smarter to think about emotions and attitudes, which all go under the term: psychographics - those things that can transcend demographic groups.’ (Schroer, 1997) Instead, he now appeals to what he calls “consumers’ images of themselves.” Unlike broad demographics, the psychographic is developed using more narrowly structured qualitative-analysis techniques, like focus groups, in-depth interviews, and even home surveillance. Marketing analysts observe the behaviors of volunteer subjects, ask questions, and try to draw causal links between feelings, self-image, and purchases. A company called Strategic Directions Group provides just such analysis of the human psyche. In their study of the car-buying habits of the forty-plus baby boomers and their elders, they sought to define the main psychological predilections that human beings in this age group have regarding car purchases. Although they began with a demographic subset of the overall population, their analysis led them to segment the group into psychographic types. For example, members of one psychographic segment, called the ³Reliables,² think of driving as a way to get from point A to point B. The “Everyday People” campaign for Toyota is aimed at this group and features people depending on their reliable and efficient little Toyotas. A convertible Saab, on the other hand, appeals to the ³Stylish Fun² category, who like trendy and fun-to-drive imports. One of the company’s commercials shows a woman at a boring party fantasizing herself into an oil painting, where she drives along the canvas in a sporty yellow Saab. Psychographic targeting is more effective than demographic targeting because it reaches for an individual customer more directly - like a fly fisherman who sets bait and jiggles his rod in a prescribed pattern for a particular kind of fish. It’s as if a marketing campaign has singled you out and recognizes your core values and aspirations, without having lumped you into a racial or economic stereotype. It amounts to a game of cat-and-mouse between advertisers and their target psychographic groups. The more effort we expend to escape categorization, the more ruthlessly the marketers pursue us. In some cases, in fact, our psychographic profiles are based more on the extent to which we try to avoid marketers than on our fundamental goals or values. The so-called “Generation X” adopted the anti-chic aesthetic of thrift-store grunge in an effort to find a style that could not be so easily identified and exploited. Grunge was so self-consciously lowbrow and nonaspirational that it seemed, at first, impervious to the hype and glamour normally applied swiftly to any emerging trend. But sure enough, grunge anthems found their way onto the soundtracks of television commercials, and Dodge Neons were hawked by kids in flannel shirts saying “Whatever.” The members of Generation X are putting up a good fight. Having already developed an awareness of how marketers attempt to target their hearts and wallets, they use their insight into programming to resist these attacks. Unlike the adult marketers pursuing them, young people have grown up immersed in the language of advertising and public relations. They speak it like natives. As a result, they are more than aware when a commercial or billboard is targeting them. In conscious defiance of demographic-based pandering, they adopt a stance of self-protective irony‹distancing themselves from the emotional ploys of the advertisers. Lorraine Ketch, the director of planning in charge of Levi¹s trendy Silvertab line, explained, “This audience hates marketing that’s in your face. It eyeballs it a mile away, chews it up and spits it out” (On Advertising, 1998). Chiat/Day, one of the world’s best-known and experimental advertising agencies, found the answer to the crisis was simply to break up the Gen-X demographic into separate “tribes” or subdemographics - and include subtle visual references to each one of them in the ads they produce for the brand. According to Levi’s director of consumer marketing, the campaign meant to communicate, “We really understand them, but we are not trying too hard” (On Advertising, 1998). Probably unintentionally, Ms. Ketch has revealed the new, even more highly abstract plane on which advertising is now being communicated. Instead of creating and marketing a brand image, advertisers are creating marketing campaigns about the advertising itself. Silvertab’s target market is supposed to feel good about being understood, but even better about understanding the way they are being marketed to. The “drama” invented by Leo Burnett and refined by David Ogilvy and others has become a play within a play. The scene itself has shifted. The dramatic action no longer occurs between the audience and the product, the brand, or the brand image, but between the audience and the brand marketers. As audiences gain even more control over the media in which these interactive stories unfold, advertising evolves ever closer to a theatre of the absurd. excerpted from Coercion: Why We Listen to What "They" Say)? Works Cited Ogilvy, David. Ogilvy on Advertising. New York: Vintage, 1983. Brandweek Staff, "Number Crunching, Hollywood Style," Brandweek. October 6, 1997. Leonhardt, David, and Kathleen Kerwin, "Hey Kid, Buy This!" Business Week. June 30, 1997 Schroer, Jim. Quoted in "Why We Kick Tires," by Carol Morgan and Doron Levy. Brandweek. Sept 29, 1997. "On Advertising," The New York Times. August 14, 1998 Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Rushkoff, Douglas. "Coercion " M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/06-coercion.php>. APA Style Rushkoff, D. (2003, Jun 19). Coercion . M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/06-coercion.php>