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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Causes of war'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 February 2023

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Quek, Ch-yuan Kaiy. "Rationalist causes of war : mechanisms, experiments, and East Asian wars." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/84849.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2013. Cataloged from PDF version of thesis. Includes bibliographical references. This dissertation specifies and tests rationalist mechanisms of war. Why would rational states fight each other despite their incentives for peaceful bargains that would avoid the costs of war? In the rationalist theory of war, private information and the commitment problem are the key causes of war. I study the effects of these factors - and the mechanisms regulating their effects - through randomized experiments, historical analysis of the decision processes in three wars, and a comparative study of all international wars fought in East Asia in the last century. This is the first integrated study of rationalist causes of war that combines randomized experiments with historical cases. Despite a wide theoretical literature, there are few empirical tests of rationalist explanations for war. I use experimental and historical evidence to show that the commitment problem has strong positive effects on conflict. The effects of private information are less clear. Next, I specify six mechanisms that regulate the effects of the commitment problem and the private-information problem: three mechanisms (exogenous, endogenous, and inadvertent enforcement) for the first problem and three mechanisms (signaling with sunk cost, implementation cost, and salient contradiction) for the second. The experimental and historical evidence largely converge. Each of the three enforcement mechanisms calms the commitment problem and reduces the risk of conflict. Evidence for the three signaling mechanisms is mixed. Finally, I use the case universe of East Asian wars to assess the relevance of the mechanisms, suggest theoretical refinements, and infer alternative theories of war. by Ch-yuan Kaiy Quek. Ph.D.

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McGregor, C. D. "The 1979 Sino-Vietnamese War : causes, course and consequences." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317747.

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Genet, Terry Nathar. "Resolution or Recess? An Empirical Analysis of the Causes of Recurring Civil War." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science and Communication, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/990.

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One of the most concerning trends associated with the ongoing problem of civil wars is that conflicts often flare-up a short period after they appeared to have ended. While significant progress has been made in the study of post-civil war peace building and the causes of civil wars, the tendency for civil wars to recur is one factor which has been largely overlooked. This thesis addresses this shortcoming by analysing the causes of recurring civil war using statistical methods. Relevant civil war research was consulted and hypotheses pertaining to the variables which might influence civil war recurrence were formulated. These factors are organised in a contingency framework which suggests that conflict recurrence is dependent on both pre- and post-conflict environments as well as factors associated with how the original conflict was fought. The Uppsala Conflict Data Program/Centre for the Study of Civil War Armed Conflict Dataset was used to produce a dataset of 238 civil wars which were fought between 1946 and 2004. Additional data pertaining to specific hypotheses was collected from a range of other sources. Statistical analysis was conducted to determine the strength and direction of relationships between different variables and civil war recurrence. Several factors were found to have a significant relationship with civil war recurrence: ethnic diversity, conflicts which were fought over territorial issues and conflicts which were not ended by military victory, particularly those which ended as a result of low or no fatalities. These findings are discussed with reference to improving civil war management and policy recommendations are presented.

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Turner, Duilia Mora. "Violent crime in post-civil war Guatemala: causes and policy implications." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45266.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited Guatemala is one of the most violent countries in Latin America, and thus the world. The primary purpose of this thesis is to answer the following question: what factors explain the rise of violent crime in post-civil war Guatemala? The secondary focus of this thesis is to identify the transnational implications of Guatemala’s violence for U.S. policy. Guatemala’s critical security environment requires the identification of causal relationships and potential corrective actions. This thesis hypothesizes that the causes of violent crime in post-conflict Guatemala are the combination of weak institutional performance and social factors. Determining that Guatemala is not a consolidated democracy, this thesis concludes that a flawed judicial system, inadequate police reform, and weak civil control over the armed forces have a direct causal effect on violent crime in Guatemala. Furthermore, an analysis of social factors demonstrates that these are not causal in nature but rather influential elements in the occurrence of violence.

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Cochrane, Iain. "Sowing the seeds : the causes of the Bangladesh war of 1971." Thesis, University of London, 2009. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529472.

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Rios, Contreras Viridiana. "How Government Structure Encourages Criminal Violence: The causes of Mexico's Drug War." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10752.

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Ladinsky, Jonathan E. (Jonathan Evan). "Things fall apart : the disintegration of empire and the causes of war." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8758.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2001. Includes bibliographical references (p. 391-413). This dissertation argues that the disintegration and collapse of empires cause wars and crises by creating some of the conditions and causes of war commonly identified by scholars. When empires disintegrate and collapse, the metropole withdraws its power from its peripheral territories and newly independent successor states emerge. This new situation gives rise to several problems: a power vacuum develops forcing successor states to provide for their own security and leading them and other states to try to fill the vacuum; successor states engage in state-building, which occurs at different rates for different states; ethnic groups are divided from their homelands; multi-ethnic states are created; and, territorial borders become issues of dispute. As a result of these problems,. five causes of war develop, which can lead to wars an crises. International rules of the game become unsettled and ambiguous because a new balance of power develops and new issues of international concern arise. Power shifts as successor states build institutions for self-rule, and alliances form and collapse in response to the ever changing situation. Third, the new situation that occurs as the empire disintegrates increases uncertainty about the capabilities of the successor states, about the alliances that exist, and about the intentions of states, making it difficult to determine the new balance of power and the intentions of other states. Fourth, nationalism grows as states seek to unite with their diaspora and protect them from the discrimination of the multi-ethnic state's government. Fifth, competition for leadership in successor states cause leaders to have a weak hold on power. To test this argument, I look at the seven wars and two crises that occurred when the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans disintegrated in the nineteenth century. This study serve three purposes. First, it studies the causes of war that result from the disintegration and collapse of empires. Second, and more relevant for today's policy-makers, this study can help us understand the consequences of the disintegration of multi-ethnic states and, in the process, provide guidance for policy-makers. Third, this dissertation tests several hypotheses about the causes of war. by Jonathan E. Ladinsky. Ph.D.

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Pettersson, Heidi Elisabeth. "Intractability of conflict : causes, drivers and dynamics of the war in Somalia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6568.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia has experienced constant instability and conflict for nearly two decades. With a collapsed state, widespread violence and criminal activity, as well as continued disagreement between warring factions, the prospect of peace seems bleak. The purpose and rationale of this research has been to critically examine root causes and perpetuating factors of the protracted war in Somalia in order to arrive at a comprehensive analysis of the reasons for the intractability of this conflict. This study aims to fill a gap in the literature by pointing to some elements which have previously been overlooked in existing research on the topic, especially the impact of the war economy on the fuelling of the conflict. While the thesis first and foremost set out to identify factors which contribute to the intractability of conflict in Somalia, a thorough conceptualisation of relevant theory and a historical overview of the case study were provided as a point of departure. An analysis then followed which tied theory to empirical data. According to my analysis, the most significant internal factors contributing to intractability of conflict in Somalia were the long absence of a central governing authority, the low level of economic development, the role of Islam, as well as particular choices made by the parties to the conflict. Relational factors which are crucial are the similar military strength of the opposing sides, their lack of cooperation, and their different views regarding the country’s law and governance. Finally, external factors were deemed to have had a particularly strong effect on the long war. Ethiopia’s constant meddling; Eritrea’s support of al-Shabaab; the UN’s and the AU’s various missions; as well as the presence of a plethora of humanitarian aid agencies have shaped the conflict throughout its course. The conclusion was drawn that the war economy had the greatest impact on conflict in the first rounds of the civil war, but with the transformation, re-escalation and re-intensification of the conflict that has occurred over the last couple of years, the opportunities for benefiting from war and instability may again have increased. Piracy stands out as a new, prominent pillar of the contemporary war economy. The war economy of today continues to have an influence on the Somali conflict; it adds to its intractability, makes it increasingly difficult to establish a legitimate and stable non-corrupt government, and generally sustains violence in the country. I suggest that further research be undertaken on the topic of state collapse in Somalia, as it is clear that the long absence of a central government is a factor which has had a significant impact on the prolongation of conflict. In addition, as accurate data on the current war economy is rare, I recommend that field research should be conducted in Somalia to gain a more precise understanding of shadowy economic activities and their linkages to conflict. AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië beleef vir byna twee dekades konstante onstabiliteit en konflik. Met wydverspreide geweld, kriminele aktiwiteite, voortgesette verskille tussen strydende faksies en die verbrokkeling van die Somaliese staat, lyk die vooruitsig vir vrede in die land onwaarskynlik. Die doel en rasionaal van hierdie navorsing is om krities te ondersoek wat die grondoorsake en verewigings faktore is, van die uitgerekte oorlog in Somalië. Die navoring meen dus, om 'n omvattende ontleding te gee van die redes vir die hardnekkigheid van konflik in die land. Die studie poog ook om 'n gaping in die literatuur te vul deur te wysig op kritiese elemente wat nalatig was in bestaande navorsing en meer fokus te gee aan die impak van die oorlogsekonomie wat konflik in Somalië aanspoor. Alhoewel die proefskrif hoofsaaklik poog om die faktore wat bydra tot die hardnekkigheid van konflik in Somalië te bestudeer, word 'n deeglike begrip van die toepaslike teorie en 'n historiese oorsig van die studie voorsien as die vertrekpunt van die navorsing. Dit word dan opgevolg deur ‘n analise, wat die teorie bind aan empiriese data. Volgens my analise is die belangrikste interne faktore wat bydra tot die hardnekkigheid van konflik in Somalië; die lang afwesigheid van 'n sentrale beherende gesag, die lae vlak van ekonomiese ontwikkeling, die invloed van Islam, sowel as unieke keuse van partye tot die konflik. Relevante faktore wat noodsaaklik is, is die soortgelyke militêre krag van die opponerende kante, die gebrek aan samewerking, en hul teenstrydige standpunte oor die land se wet en bestuur. Laastens is daar gevind dat eksterne faktore 'n besonder sterk invloed gehad het op die langdurigheid van die oorlog. Ethiopië se konstante inmenging, Eritrea se ondersteuning van al-Shabaab, die VN en AU se verskeie misies, asook die teenwoordigheid van 'n oorvloed van humanitêre hulpagentskappe het deel gehad in die formulering van konflik oor tyd. Die gevolgtrekking was dat die oorlogsekonomie die grootste impak gehad het op die konflik in die eerste rondtes van die burgeroorlog, maar met die transformasie-, her-eskalasie en reintensivering van die konflik oor die afgelope paar jaar, is daar weereens ‘n styging in die geleenthede vir individue om te baat uit die onstabiliteit en oorlog. Seerowery staan uit as 'n nuwe, prominente pilaar van die huidige oorlogsekonomie. Die huidige oorlogsekonomie het nog steeds 'n invloed op die Somaliese konflik, dit dra by tot sy hardnekkigheid, maak dit toenemend moeilik om ‘n wettige en stabiele onkorrupte regering te stig en dit fasiliteer die voortduur van geweld in die land. Ek stel voor dat verdere navorsing onderneem word oor die onderwerp van die ineenstorting van die staat in Somalië. Dit is duidelik dat die lang afwesigheid van 'n sentrale regering 'n beduidende faktor is, wat ‘n impak op die verlenging van konflik het. Verder, omdat akkurate data oor die huidige oorlogsekonomie so skaars is, beveel ek aan dat verdere navorsing gedoen moet word om ‘n meer akkurate begrip van donker ekonomiese aktiwiteite in Somalië te kry en hul impak op konflik.

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Carr, Simon David. "Orthopaedic Impairment in Inter-War Glasgow : Causes, Extent and the City's Response." Thesis, Glasgow Caledonian University, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.688272.

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Tate, Michael Joseph. "The Causes of the American Civil War: Trends in Historical Interpretation, 1950-1976." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500242/.

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This thesis examines the trends in historical interpretation concerning the coming of the American Civil War. The main body of works examined were written between 1950 and 1976, beginning with Allan Nevins' Ordeal of the Union and concluding with David M. Potter's The Impending Crisis, 1848-1861. It also includes a brief survey of some works written after 1976. The main source for discovering the materials included were the bibliographies of both monographs and general histories published during and after the period 1950-1976. Also, perusal of the contents and book review sections of scholarly journals, in particular the Journal of Southern History and Civil War History, was helpful in discovering sources and placing works in a time chronology for the thesis narrative.

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Rife, James Phillip. ""So Calamitous a Situation": The Causes and Course of Dunmore's War, 1744-1774." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44724.

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Dunmore’s War was the last colonial war in America before the Revolution. This conflict was the culmination of nearly thirty years of intrigue and violence in the socalled “Western Waters” of the trans-Allegheny region of Virginia, which included the valleys of the Ohio River and its lower tributary system. This thesis traces the origins of the war, and suggests that, among other things, the provisions in the Royal Proclamation of 1763 for the westward extension of the Indian boundary line and soldier settlement contributed mightily to the instigation of the war between Virginia and the Shawnees. Indeed, Virginia’s former provincial soldiers took advantage of the waning authority of the royal government in the west to secure their bounty lands, at the expense of the Shawnees and their allies in the Ohio Valley. Matters reached a climax during the curious administration of Virginia’s last colonial governor, Lord Dunmore. Dunmore, who harbored his own western land ambitions, allied himself with the soldiers and land speculators, and instituted policies aimed at extending Virginia’s jurisdiction over the Ohio Valley and Kentucky against the directives of his superiors in London. Accordingly, the thesis examines the royal governor’s motivations, policies, and conduct in the events leading up to the conflict. Finally, the thesis contributes a fresh, complete narrative of the war itself, which has been lacking for some time in the field of Virginia History. Master of Arts

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Lopez, Javier. "Josephus’ Jewish War and the Causes of the Jewish Revolt: Re-examining Inevitability." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2013. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc407792/.

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The Jewish revolt against the Romans in 66 CE can be seen as the culmination of years of oppression at the hands of their Roman overlords. The first-century historian Josephus narrates the developments of the war and the events prior. A member of the priestly class and a general in the war, Josephus provides us a detailed account that has long troubled historians. This book was an attempt by Josephus to explain the nature of the war to his primary audience of predominantly angry and grieving Jews. The causes of the war are explained in different terms, ranging from Roman provincial administration, Jewish apocalypticism, and Jewish internal struggles. The Jews eventually reached a tipping point and engaged the Romans in open revolt. Josephus was adamant that the origin of the revolt remained with a few, youthful individuals who were able to persuade the country to rebel. This thesis emphasizes the causes of the war as Josephus saw them and how they are reflected both within The Jewish War and the later work Jewish Antiquities. By observing the Roman provincial administration spanning 6-66 CE, I argue that Judaea had low moments sprinkled throughout the time but in 66 there was something particularly different, according to Josephus. Josephus presents the governors and other important characters in the war in a very distinct way through rhetoric, narrative, and other methodology. The idea of a beginning to this revolt, no matter how obscure or hidden by Josephus, is the reason I want to examine the works of Josephus the historian.

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Gioe, David Vincent. "The Anglo-American special intelligence relationship : wartime causes and Cold War consequences, 1940-63." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708484.

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German, Tracey C. "The Russian Federation in transition and the causes of the Chechen War (1994-1996)." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2000. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU602051.

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The Russian invasion of Chechnya in December 1994 represented the culmination of a crisis that was perceived to threaten the very foundations of federal security. The conflict is intrinsic to an understanding of post-communist Russia and this study identifies the issues behind the evolution of Russia's conflict with Chechnya, investigating why a political crisis was permitted to deteriorate into a full-scale war. Existing studies of the causes of the conflict contain little theoretical interpretation regarding the role of Russia's transitional status. Given that Russia has been undergoing democratisation throughout the duration of its contemporary struggle with Chechnya, it is pertinent to investigate the link between the process and the potential for internal conflict. Edward Mansfield and Jack Snyder are the most notable advocates of the proposition that the characteristic instability of a transitional period greatly increases the likelihood of both international and intrastate war. They ascribe the increased risk of conflict to domestic political competition between old and new elites, who exploit nationalistic sentiments in order to mobilise popular support for their faction, facilitated by the weak institutionalisation of the democratising state. The lack of any formal regulatory mechanisms encourages abuse of power within state structures, as officials and members of the ruling elite cannot be held fully accountable to the electorate. Thus, in order to assess the impact of the transition process upon the deterioration of Russian-Chechen relations and provide a more rigorous theoretical framework against which to examine the causes of the war, existing models of transition, particularly the democratisation and war thesis, are analysed and applied to the case-study of Russian decision-making with regards to Chechnya. The persistent crisis is investigated within the context of the Federation's transition away from communist rule, focusing on the extent of any potential correlation between the Russian democratisation project and its violent struggle with a constituent part. The study reveals that the conflict is attributable to both the democratisation project and the wider concept of systemic transformation, and conclusions are drawn on the process of post-communist democratic transition.

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Öberg, Mattias. "Why Peace Where War Prevails? : Comparing Puntland and Somaliland." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175172.

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For long the discipline of peace studies have investigated causes of war, rather than causes of peace, in an African context. In the northern peripheries of Somalia, a nation ravaged by civil war and conflict, two apparent peace zones have emerged following the complete state collapse of 1991: Somaliland and Puntland. The study explores whether or not these two realities of peace can be defined and characterised as Zones of Peace, or sanctuaries, amidst a civil war. Utilising the analytical tools of Zones of Peace – hitherto applied on conflictual contexts elsewhere but the Horn of Africa – this study suggests that both Somaliland and Puntland are, despite the territorial conflict between them, peace zones granting shelter from the civil war. Suggestively, peace has prevailed in both Puntland and Somaliland due to Somalia’s deteriorated situation, not in spite of it. The study concludes that in order to optimise research concerning Somaliland’s and Puntland’s peace(s), the framework of Zones of Peace can offer in-depth insights on local everyday milieus. The framework partially explains why these local peace(s) has lasted despite lacking external attention and allow for thorough comparison between two homogenous cases. Lastly, both Puntland’s and Somaliland’s inviolability and durability remain unchallenged and rigorous, possibly because of the civil war’s status quo, and since the international community’s foci on south- and central Somalia persists.

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Salverda, Nynke. "Complex Conflicts : Causes and Consequences of Multiparty Civil Wars." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-328463.

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Civil wars are inherently complex and often feature a myriad of actors, whose interactions influence the intensity, duration and outcome of the conflict. The larger the number of actors involved in a conflict, the more complex it gets. While civil wars are often portrayed as a dyadic interaction between the government and a single rebel group, this is far from the reality. Between 1946 and 2015, more than half of those countries that experienced civil wars saw two or more active rebel groups. Understanding multiparty conflicts better is important, as they are deadlier, more difficult to solve and more dangerous for civilians. This dissertation studies the causes and consequences of multiparty civil wars. It suggests that all actors in a conflict system with several actors influence each other, which impacts conflict dynamics. Four essays shed light on different aspects of these civil wars. Essay I studies the differences in formation rates of rebel groups across the states of Northeast India. It finds that potential rebel groups will only form when rebellion is perceived as a legitimate way to address grievances and when competition from already existing groups is not too high. Essay II looks at rebel group splintering: It focusses on relationships within rebel groups and finds that both vertical and horizontal relations affect the likelihood of splintering. Essay III studies violent interactions between rebel groups and investigates how different conflict dynamics influence interrebel fighting. It demonstrates that interrebel fighting is more likely when one of the rebel groups is more successful against the government and when negotiations are ongoing. Finally, Essay IV widens the scope of conflict actors by studying why rebels decide to fight against UN peacekeeping operations. It shows that only relatively strong rebel groups are likely to attack blue helmets. Taken together, this dissertation furthers our understanding of the causes and consequences of multiparty civil wars. It highlights the intricate web of relations that form between actors and that influence civil war dynamics. These relations matter not only for studying civil wars, but also for preparing negotiations or planning a peacekeeping mission.

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Henripin, Olivier. "Taking strategic interactions seriously : a rationalist approach to power transition theory." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101881.

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This study addresses the mechanisms and consequences of shifts and transitions at the apex of the international hierarchy of power. It begins with the assessment that in spite of recent advances, progress in this area has been limited by lack of theoretical consistency and rigor. To remedy this problem, a game-theoretic model is developed which conceives of power shifts as transitions in preferences and learning processes. The model is then tested against the case of the pre-World War I British-German power shift. Findings provide new insight into the dynamics of prewar European diplomacy, and suggest that the war fundamentally resulted from a German challenge to the British-led international order. As regards the current Sino-American power shift, this study suggests that relations between China and the U.S. are headed towards a Cold War-like pattern, the severity of which could be alleviated by a successful U.S. policy of engagement towards Beijing.

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Levihn, Viktor. "Olika glasögon för orsakerna till andra världskriget." Thesis, Swedish National Defence College, Swedish National Defence College, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-35.

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Orsakerna till andra världskriget är väl analyserade och finns berättat om i många verk. Det här arbetet applicerar två klassiska teorier, realism och liberalism på de orsaker till krig som Stephen Van Everas bok ”Causes of War” förtäljer. Syftet med arbetet är att undersöka, om det är möjligt, vilken av två utvalda teorier som bäst förklarar orsakerna till krigen under andra världskriget. Min problemformulering är: Vad har realismen och liberalismen för syn på orsakerna till varför ett krig bryter ut och hur förklarar de i sådana fall orsakerna till andra världskriget? För att ge svar på de här frågorna kommer jag att använda mig av en kvalitativ textanalys. Metoden har två syften i arbetet. Det första är att ta reda på vad liberalismen och realismen har för syn på orsaker till krig. Det andra syftet är att utifrån ”Causes of War” finna orsakerna till krigen som utspelades under det andra världskriget. De slutsatser jag kommit fram till genom appliceringen av teorierna på orsaker till krig, är att stater agerade utifrån ett realistiskt säkerhetspolitiskt tänk, vilket även bekräftar tidigare forskning inom ämnet. Det finns dock en spårbarhet av liberalism i orsakerna till varför länderna gick i krig med varandra. De liberalistiska förklaringarna av orsaker till krig har visat sig bestå av kollektiv säkerhet eller ett misslyckande i överstatliga överenskommelser. De realistiska förklaringarna av orsaker till krig utgörs av den egna statens säkerhet gentemot andra stater. The causes of the Second World War are well analyzed and are described in several literatures. In this study two classical theories, realism and liberalism, are applied on the causes of war described in Stephan Van Everas book “Causes of War”. This essay aims to examine, if possible, which one of the above mentioned theories that best describes what caused the Second World War. Presentation of the problem: What are the causes of war from a realistic and liberal perspective, and how can the theories explain the causes of the Second World War?In order to answer these questions I use a qualitative text analysis. In the essay this method has two purposes. The first is to find out what realism and liberalism describes as causes of war. The second purpose is to find out, on basis of Stephen Van Everas “Causes of War”, what caused the wars during the Second World War. My conclusion is that states act on a basis of realism when they justify an act of war. This conclusion corresponds with former studies. However, there are also conclusions based on liberalism that describes causes of war between countries. These conclusions constitute collective security and failure of international agreements between states. According to the realist theory, the security of the state versus other states is a possible cause of war.

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Muhammad, Hassan. "GIS Based Study of Probable Causes of Increase in Cancer Incidences in Iraq After Gulf War 1991." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Computer and Information Science, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-7254.

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The use of banned toxic weapons in Iraq during Gulf War 1991 started new debates. The increase in cancer cases was the main focus of these issues. The gap in literature motivated this study to find out the correlation between use of DU weapons and its effects on human health. The different probable causes of increase in cancer cases, in Iraq after Gulf War 1991, have been discussed in this study. Three causes; DU, brick kilns smoke near Basra and Kuwait oil fire smoke have been selected. The major emphasis of this study is on use of Depleted Uranium (DU). Different statistical data sets have been used and displayed in the form of maps and graphs using GIS methodologies. It’s hard to say after this GIS based study that the fired Depleted Uranium is the sole cause of increase in cancer incidences in Iraq, while some trends and risk factors at least can be observed where increase in cancer cases in different Governorates in Iraq is clearly visible after Gulf War 1991. After analyzing satellite images of different dates, the second part of this study concludes that Kuwait oil wells smoke is not responsible for increase in cancer incidences in Iraq. A small debate has been initiated regarding smoke in brick kilns near Basra. No study has been found in this regard which can provide evidences that brick kilns smoke is the cause of increase in cancer incidences in southern Iraq.It’s not easy to carry out a full fledge GIS based study to prove DU as cause of increase in cancer cases. The main limitation in this regard is unavailability of required data. Therefore a new GIS based methodology has been devised which can be used to prove relationship between exposure to DU and increase in cancer cases in Iraq. This new methodology is also dependent on specific data sets. Hence this methodology also recommends the collection of specific data sets required for this study.At the end, a detailed study, with honesty, has been suggested to fill up the gaps found in literature whether use of Depleted Uranium in weapons is harmful for human health or not.

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Vargas, Miguel M. "Causes of the Jewish Diaspora Revolt in Alexandria: Regional Uprisings from the Margins of Greco-Roman Society." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849731/.

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This thesis examines the progression from relatively peaceful relations between Alexandrians and Jews under the Ptolemies to the Diaspora Revolt under the Romans. A close analysis of the literature evidences that the transition from Ptolemaic to Roman Alexandria had critical effects on Jewish status in the Diaspora. One of the most far reaching consequences of the shift from the Ptolemies to Romans was forcing the Alexandrians to participate in the struggle for imperial patronage. Alexandrian involvement introduced a new element to the ongoing conflict among Egypt’s Jews and native Egyptians. The Alexandrian citizens consciously cut back privileges the Jews previously enjoyed under the Ptolemies and sought to block the Jews from advancing within the Roman system. Soon the Jews were confronted with rhetoric slandering their civility and culture. Faced with a choice, many Jews forsook Judaism and their traditions for more upwardly mobile life. After the outbreak of the First Jewish War Jewish life took a turn for the worse. Many Jews found themselves in a system that classified them according to their heritage and ancestry, limiting advancement even for apostates. With the resulting Jewish tax (fiscus Judaicus) Jews were becoming more economically and socially marginalized. The Alexandrian Jews were a literate society in their own right, and sought to reverse their diminishing prestige with a rhetoric of their own. This thesis analyzes Jewish writings and pagan writings about the Jews, which evidences their changing socio-political position in Greco-Roman society. Increasingly the Jews wrote with an urgent rhetoric in attempts to persuade their fellow Jews to remain loyal to Judaism and to seek their rights within the construct of the Roman system. Meanwhile, tensions between their community and the Alexandrian community grew. In less than 100 years, from 30 CE to 117 CE, the Alexandrians attacked the Jewish community on at least three occasions. Despite the advice of the most Hellenized elites, the Jews did not sit idly by, but instead sought to disrupt Alexandrian meetings, anti-Jewish theater productions, and appealed to Rome. In the year 115 CE, tensions reached a high. Facing three years of violent attacks against their community, Alexandrian Jews responded to Jewish uprisings in Cyrene and Egypt with an uprising of their own. Really a series of revolts, historians have termed these events simply “the Diaspora Revolt.”

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Quinn, Jason Michael. "The Counterinsurgency Dilemma: The Causes and Consequences of State Repression of Human Rights in Civil Wars." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28464/.

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In this project a theory of adaptive differential insurgency growth by the mechanism of repression driven contagion is put forth to explain variation in the membership and spatial expansion of insurgencies from 1981 to 1999. As an alternative to the dominant structural approaches in the civil war literature, Part 1 of the study proposes an interactive model of insurgency growth based on Most and Starr's opportunity and willingness framework. The findings suggest that state capacity, via its impact on state repressive behavior, plays an important gatekeeping function in selecting which minor insurgencies can grow into civil war, but contributes little to insurgency growth directly. In Part 2 of the study, I directly examine variation in insurgency membership and geographical expansion as a function of repression driven contagion. I find that repression increases the overall magnitude of insurgency activity within states, while at the same time reducing the density of insurgency activity in any one place. Despite an abundance of low intensity armed struggles against a highly diverse group of regimes around the world, I find an extremely strong and robust regularity: where repression is low - insurgencies don't grow.

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Kouadio, Bertin K. "From Stability to Insurgency: The Root and Proximate Causes of the September 2002 Civil War in Cote d'Ivoire." FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/115.

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This dissertation was an analysis of the root and proximate causes of the September 2002 civil war in Côte d’Ivoire. The central question of this study was: Why did Côte d’Ivoire, which was relatively stable under President Houphouët-Boigny, suddenly begin to experience political violence in the 1990s and an explosion in 2002? Côte d’Ivoire was an interesting case because it was stable for a long period of time, apparently making it an infertile ground for conflict. It was also interesting for comparative purposes because of the fact that several states in West Africa (for instance, Benin, Togo, and Ghana) have experienced military coups but not have civil wars. Finally, this case was an opportunity to revisit the debate on the causes of civil wars in the African context. Chapter one has outlined the entire dissertation project and contextualized the analysis that follows in the subsequent chapters. Chapter two has reviewed the literature on civil wars in general, identified the different types of civil wars, and the type the Ivoiran war is. Chapter three has examined the domestic and international political economy as a source of the civil violence in Côte d’Ivoire. Chapter four has examined the role of ethnicity and region as identities of the war, while chapter five has analyzed the role of the foreign relations in the civil war, as well as the regional political context. Chapter six has distinguished between the root and proximate causes of the Ivoirian civil war, made judgments about the relative weight of the various causes, and the extent to which the weight of the causes can be measured. The study found that the “Ivoirité” was the most important trigger of the civil war in Côte d’Ivoire. The overall conclusion of my dissertation was that the September 2002 crisis in that country was a political crisis which occured in the context of a political reform. It first started with succession problems in 1993 followed by the controversial elections in 1995 and 2000. Later, this electoral politics spread beyond electoral issues, namely citizenship matters.

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Chung, Sam-man. "Causes and effects of U.S. military expenditures (time-series models and applications) /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1996. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9713213.

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Lindberg, Bromley Sara. "Keeping Peace while Under Fire : The Causes, Characteristics and Consequences of Violence against Peacekeepers." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-328675.

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Peacekeepers are widely viewed as being at growing risk of direct and deliberate violence. Attacks are recorded in many and diverse contexts, targeting interventions deployed by both the United Nations and other organisations. This dissertation seeks to advance the understanding of such violence, studying its causes, characteristics and consequences. The impact of deliberate violence against peacekeepers can be severe; it often extends past those immediately affected and impacts interveners’ ability to accomplish their aims. As a topic of scientific inquiry, however, violence against peacekeepers has only recently seen a growth in interest, and systematic study has so far been sparse. This dissertation makes a number of theoretical and empirical contributions to this emerging area of research. The dissertation contains four individual essays. To set the stage and provide foundations for further studies, Essay I specifies key concepts and maps the research field to date. It promotes a wider, and arguably more theoretically appropriate, conceptualisation of violence against peacekeepers than used in earlier studies. Essay II presents new, systematically collected event data on violence against UN and non-UN peacekeepers deployed to conflict-affected countries in sub-Saharan Africa between 1989 and 2009. Patterns from the data demonstrate that, while widely prevalent, violence against peacekeepers is not ubiquitous to peacekeeping and displays considerable variation within and across interventions. Drawing on this novel data, Essay III provides one of the first systematic studies on the time-varying determinants of rebel attacks on peacekeepers, showing its occurrence to be closely linked to rebel performance on the battlefield. Finally, Essay IV explores how operating in a challenging security environment can affect peacekeepers’ ability to perform core mission functions, drawing on the case of the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). The analysis illustrates how such an environment may expose and further constrain already limited capabilities and willingness for robust and armed action in UN peacekeeping operations. Taken together, the essays advance our understanding of the causes, characteristics and consequences of violence against peacekeepers.

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Decker, James D. "How revolutionary was the American Revolutionary War? : an examination and analysis of two schools of thought and the causes and political impetus behind the American Revolution /." View online, 1987. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211998808850.pdf.

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Stirling, Gordon John. "Elder Stephen L. Richards on Peace and War: An Examination of Elder Richards' Views on the Causes of War and his Prescription for Peace, Based on the Analytical Framework Contained in Kenneth N. Waltz' Man, the State and War." BYU ScholarsArchive, 1985. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/5143.

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In Man, the State and War, Kenneth N. Waltz claims that for a peace prescription to be valid, it must be based on a proper view of the causes of war. Waltz analyzes the validity of three basic causes of war: man himself, the characteristics of the nation-state, and the international system.I have examined the views of Elder Stephen L Richards on peace and war in the context of the Waltz framework. Elders Richards believed that the failings of men were the primary causes of war. His prescription for peace was widespread acceptance of the Gospel. He disagreed with the Waltz view that men are unchanging and that peace plans based on the reform of men are futile. Elder Richards' views coincided with Waltz' that democracies are more likely to be peaceful than dictatorships. He recognized, too, that aspects of the international system contribute to conflict. Elder Richards was ambivalent, however, about the prospects of the Gospel being accepted by enough people for peace to be established.

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Mosby, Jonathan S. "Framing responsibility for the Second Gulf Conflict : an attributional analysis of the New York times." Virtual Press, 2005. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1327296.

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Media framing research has examined how news stories are fashioned, and how audiences are affected by the shaping of news stories. Measuring for media frames, though, has varied in its definitions and measurement instruments.The present study applied attribution theory to the study of media framing in order to establish a reliable way to measure for frames of responsibility in The New York Times' coverage of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. A content analysis was conducted to determine what type of attributions the newspaper's sources used in the coverage.The findings suggest that The New York Times' coverage overwhelmingly blamed Iraq for the war and maintained a dominant frame of responsibility. Furthermore, support was found for the assertion that attribution theory applied to media framing research would create a meta-theory approach, thereby creating a consistent way to measure and identify frames of responsibility.Ball State UniversityMuncie, IN 47306 Department of Journalism

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Andersson, Jafet. "Land Cover Change in the Okavango River Basin : Historical changes during the Angolan civil war, contributing causes and effects on water quality." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Water and Environmental Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-7152.

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The Okavango river flows from southern Angola, through the Kavango region of Namibia and into the Okavango Delta in Botswana. The recent peace in Angola hopefully marks the end of the intense suffering that the peoples of the river basin have endured, and the beginning of sustainable decision-making in the area. Informed decision-making however requires knowledge; and there is a need for, and a lack of knowledge regarding basin-wide land cover (LC) changes, and their causes, during the Angolan civil war in the basin. Furthermore, there is a need for, and a lack of knowledge on how expanding large-scale agriculture and urban growth along the Angola-Namibia border affects the water quality of the river.The aim of this study was therefore to develop a remote sensing method applicable to the basin (with scant ground-truth data availability) to carry out a systematic historic study of LC changes during the Angolan civil war, to apply the method to the basin, to relate these changes to major societal trends in the region, and to analyse potential impacts of expanding large-scale agriculture and urban growth on the water quality of the river along the Angola-Namibia border.A range of remote sensing methods to study historic LC changes in the basin were tried and evaluated against reference data collected during a field visit in Namibia in October 2005. Eventually, two methods were selected and applied to pre-processed Landsat MSS and ETM+ satellite image mosaics of 1973 and 2001 respectively: 1. a combined unsupervised classification and pattern-recognition change detection method providing quantified and geographically distributed binary LC class change trajectory information and, 2. an NDVI (Normalised Difference Vegetation Index) change detection method providing quantified and geographically distributed continuous information on degrees of change in vegetation vigour. In addition, available documents and people initiated in the basin conditions were consulted in the pursuit of discerning major societal trends that the basin had undergone during the Angolan civil war. Finally, concentrations of nutrients (total phosphorous & total nitrogen), bacteria (faecal coliforms & faecal streptococci), conductivity, total dissolved solids, dissolved oxygen, pH, temperature and Secchi depth were sampled at 11 locations upstream and downstream of large-scale agricultural facilities and an urban area during the aforementioned field visit.The nature, extent and geographical distribution of LC changes in the study area during the Angolan civil war were determined. The study area (150 922 km2) was the Angolan and Namibian parts of the basin. The results indicate that the vegetation vigour is dynamic and has decreased overall in the area, perhaps connected with precipitation differences between the years. However while the vigour decreased in the northwest, it increased in the northeast, and on more local scales the pattern was often more complex. With respect to migration out of Angola into Namibia, the LC changes followed expectations of more intense use in Namibia close to the border (0-5 km), but not at some distance (10-20 km), particularly east of Rundu. With respect to urbanisation, expectations of increased human impact locally were observed in e.g. Rundu, Menongue and Cuito Cuanavale. Road deterioration was also observed with Angolan urbanisation but some infrastructures appeared less damaged by the war. Some villages (e.g. Savitangaiala de Môma) seem to have been abandoned during the war so that the vegetation could regenerate, which was expected. But other villages (e.g. Techipeio) have not undergone the same vegetation regeneration suggesting they were not abandoned. The areal extent of large-scale agriculture increased 59% (26 km2) during the war, perhaps as a consequence of population growth. But the expansion was not nearly at par with the population growth of the Kavango region (320%), suggesting that a smaller proportion of the population relied on the large-scale agriculture for their subsistence in 2001 compared with 1973.No significant impacts were found from the large-scale agriculture and urbanisation on the water quality during the dry season of 2005. Total phosphorous concentrations (with range: 0.067-0.095 mg l-1) did vary significantly between locations (p=0.013) but locations upstream and downstream of large-scale agricultural facilities were not significantly different (p=0.5444). Neither did faecal coliforms (range: 23-63 counts per 100ml) nor faecal streptococci (range: 8-33 counts per 100ml) vary significantly between locations (p=0.332 and p=0.354 respectively). Thus the impact of Rundu and the extensive livestock farming along the border were not significant at this time. The Cuito river on the other hand significantly decreased both the conductivity (range: 27.2-49.7 μS cm-1, p<0.0001) and the total dissolved solid concentration (range: 12.7-23.4 mg l-1, p<0.0001) of the mainstream of the Okavango during the dry season.Land cover changes during the Angolan civil war, contributing causes and effects on water quality were studied in this research effort. Many of the obtained results can be used directly or with further application as a knowledge base for sustainable decision-making and management in the basin. Wisely used by institutions charged with that objective, the information can contribute to sustainable development and the ending of suffering and poverty for the benefit of the peoples of the Okavango and beyond.

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Walker, Annelise. ""They needed sex to have better morale on the battlefield": A thematic analysis of the causes of rape during the Bosnian War." Thesis, Walker, Annelise (2014) "They needed sex to have better morale on the battlefield": A thematic analysis of the causes of rape during the Bosnian War. Honours thesis, Murdoch University, 2014. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/29097/.

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Mass rape is the increased level of sexual violence that occurs during conflict in comparison to the levels carried out during times of peace. An increasingly prevalent phenomenon, mass rape affects thousands of women and men every year with damaging effects. Although many theoretical explanations of the causes of mass rape have been developed, very little empirical evidence has been created to provide support for these explanations. In this vein, this thesis aims to provide analyse which of the four main theoretical explanations most accurately explains the use of mass rape during the Bosnian War. Drawing on evidence from transcripts from trials conducted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), a thematic analysis was conducted with themes of rape as a war strategy aimed at displacing the Muslim population and communicating ethnic superiority being found. In this regard, it was seen that the strategy theory and theoretical model of violations of international law most accurately explained instances of mass rape during the Bosnian War. These findings provide support for the prosecutions carried out by the ICTY as they indicate that rape was carried out as a direct command from those in charge, signifying that those in positions of power should be predominantly prosecuted due to their role in the conflict. In order to fully understand the underlying causes of mass rape, further research into additional conflicts would need to be undertaken.

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Abramowicz, Victor. "Investigating the Causes of War and the Conditions of Peace: Measuring Military Power and Testing Structural Realism in the South China Sea." Thesis, Curtin University, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/89770.

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This dissertation investigates if nations are generally driven towards war or peace; how countries’ individual predispositions towards violence can be identified; and when conflict is likeliest to occur, based on balances of power. These questions are addressed through a mixed qualitative- quantitative test of Defensive Realism, Offensive Realism, and Balance of Power and Power Transition Theory. The outcomes show States generally favour peace; assessing nations’ strategies reveals their predispositions; and that power imbalances enable conflict.

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Bingel, Karen J. (Karen Jane). "Ernst von Weizsäcker's diplomacy and counterdiplomacy from "Munich" to the outbreak of the Second World War." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65474.

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Vargas, Miguel M. "Causes of the Jewish Diaspora Revolt in Alexandria: Regional Uprisings from the Margins of Greco-Roman Society, 115-117 CE." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849731/.

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Hajjar, George Jude. "Voices and visions of Christian-Muslim relations in post-civil war Lebanon : an overview of causes, effects and the question of identity 2000-2008." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3649/.

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The status of Christian–Muslim relations (CMR), which are difficult to assess, has been ambiguous in contemporary Lebanon. Analysts, as well as individuals within Lebanese communities in Lebanon and within the diaspora have made conflicting claims. One major claim has been that CMR are better now than before the Lebanese Civil War because the civil war ended in 1991 and a reoccurrence has never materialized. Furthermore, the Ţā’if agreement, a working document aimed at ending the civil war and promoting solid CMR, was signed by most of the major communities of Lebanon in 1991. For these reasons and more, Lebanese CMR were believed to have improved post-civil war. Nevertheless, this writer explored the veracity of this proposition. Through comprehensive quantitative and qualitative research, the poor state of CMR in contemporary Lebanon was revealed. In face-to-face interviews in Lebanon, field experts reflected on the weakened condition of CMR and the reasons for the same. University students participated in a survey to ascertain their feelings concerning CMR and the possible causes of problems within CMR. Focus was also placed on the role identity has had in CMR. These causes of CMR conflict and, at times, consensus were reviewed and compared for a clear understanding of the state of present-day CMR. Finally, based on an understanding of these factors, recommendations for improvement, further study, and the future of CMR were given.

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Stirling, Gordon John. "Elder Stephen L. Richards on peace and war : an examination of Elder Richards' views on the causes of war and his prescription for peace, based on the analytical framework contained in Kenneth N. Waltz' _M_a_n,__t_h_e__s_t_a_t_e__a_n_d__w_a_r /." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 1985. http://patriot.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTNZ,22838.

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Brosché, Johan. "Masters of War : The Role of Elites in Sudan’s Communal Conflicts." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-212374.

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Why do communal conflicts turn violent in some regions but not in others? Communal conflicts pose a severe threat to human security and kill thousands of people each year, but our understanding of this phenomenon is still limited. In particular, we lack knowledge about why some of these conflicts become violent while others are resolved peacefully. This study addresses this knowledge gap and has a novel approach by addressing subnational variations that are unexplained by previous research. The theoretical framework combines insights from three different perspectives focusing on the role of the state, elite interactions, and conditions for cooperation over common resources. Empirically, the research question is investigated by combining within- and between-region analyses of three Sudanese regions: Darfur, Eastern Sudan, and Greater Upper Nile. Despite sharing several similar characteristics, communal conflicts have killed thousands in Darfur and Greater Upper Nile but only a few dozen in Eastern Sudan. The empirical analysis builds on extensive material collected during fieldwork. This study generates several conclusions about the importance of government conduct and how state behavior contributes to the prevalence of violent communal conflicts. It finds that when governments act in a biased manner – favoring certain communities over others – interactions between central and local elites as well as among local elites are disrupted. Unconstructive elite interactions, in turn, have negative effects on three mechanisms that are crucial for communal cooperation. First, when the regime is biased, communal affiliation, rather than the severity and context of a violation, determines the sanctions that are imposed on the perpetrators. Second, government bias leads to unclear boundaries, which contribute to violent communal conflicts by creating disarray and by shifting power balances between the communities. Third, regime partiality distances rules from local conditions and restricts the influence of local actors who have an understanding of local circumstances. The study also reveals why a regime acts with partiality in some areas but not in others. The answer to this question is found in the complex interplay between the threats and opportunities that a region presents to the regime. Taken together, the findings have important implications for the prevention and management of communal conflict.

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Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers. "Deadweight loss and the American civil war the political economy of slavery, secession, and emancipation /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3035952.

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Lewin, Nicholas Adam. "Conflict in the collective : C. G. Jung's theory of the collective unconscious and its use in his explanation of international politics and the causes of war." Thesis, University of Essex, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.412110.

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Zamfira, Vlad Radu. "The decline of Venetian imperialism, 1559-1581 : the causes and consequences of the fourth Ottoman War, the loss of Cyprus and its impact on Mediterranean geopolitics." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2017. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=233955.

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Nikas, Christos. "The movements of labour from Greece to the E.C. countries in the period after the end of World War II : a macroeconomic approach to the causes and the effects of these movements." Thesis, University of York, 1992. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4260/.

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Svensson, Jenny. "Foreign Aid as a Cause of War." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403376.

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Fogg, Erik (Erik D. ). "Generalizing power transitions as a cause of war." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/53080.

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Thesis (S.M. and S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-70). In this thesis, I ask three questions about the nature of power transition theory. First, I ask whether power transition theory can be generalized beyond identification of great powers or regional hierarchies. Lemke and Werner introduce the concept of a multiple hierarchical order, in which mutually relevant regional powers can go to war over dissatisfaction with a regional status quo. I submit that this concept can be generalized into a continuous concept to include all states within the umbrella of the theory. Second, I ask how often status quo states initiate war in power transition cases. Jack Levy explains that status quo states have a motive to launch a preemptive war against a revisionist state, before it becomes too powerful to defeat. I submit that these motivations lead to a high incidence of status quo actor-initiated war in power transitions. Finally, I ask whether the rate of change of relative power matters during a transition period. I hypothesize that quick changes in the relative difference in power between two states would create a fast-closing window of opportunity. This closing window creates a crisis and motivates leaders to move quickly, leading to a higher probability of avoidable war. Incorporation of rate of power transition could explain war in power transition cases yet to achieve true parity, or even explain peace in a period of parity and revisionism. To test these questions, I create a large, inclusive (571,000+ N) dataset of nearly all dyads between 1821 and 2001, using the Correlates of War Composite Index of National Capabilities as the basis of power independent variables, and a composite of distance and power measurements to determine the relevance independent variable. I run a number of regressions of the power and relevance independent variables against the onset of war. I reach decisive conclusions about the nature of power dynamics in the international system, and propose their incorporation into the power transition literature. Generalized, continuous measurements of relevance, parity, and rate of change of power transition increase the explanatory power of the model; the revisionist state does not always or even usually provoke power transition war; finally, higher rates of power transition lead to a higher probability of war. The thesis ends with a number of shortfalls with the model I propose, and a number of further revisions and expansions of power transition theory. by Erik Fogg. S.M.and S.B.

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Larsson, Amanda. "Not Just War, But A Just War : Individual rights versus the collective good in just cause for war." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Filosofiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-433324.

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Thomas, Kira-Lynn. "Economic Causes of Civil Wars Sudan and Mozambique /." St. Gallen, 2006. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/00642199002/$FILE/00642199002.pdf.

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Farooq, Hassan, and Ivan Astanosov Zapryanov. "The cult of reputation: deterrent or a cause of war?" Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44557.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited A reputation for resolve, used to predict an actor’s future intentions with reasonable accuracy based on his past actions, is central to many deterrence theories. The assumption is that states use other actors’ past behavior as a learning schema for generating expectations, and act according to such expectations. However, there are other powerful determinants in international politics—military capabilities, distribution of power, and interests at stake, etc.—that shape states’ policies. Nonetheless, decision makers assign to their states’ reputation the status of symbolic capital, in order to add credibility to their future threats and commitments, or to credibly deter adversaries’ future threats. They generally believe that their allies and adversaries infer the state’s resolve from its past behavior. In this paper we analyze how this belief and the consequent quest for building, preserving, and/or restoring reputation can push decision-makers into the vortex of conflicts.

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Khan, K. "Psychiatric morbidity amongst ex Far East prisoners of war more than thirty years after repatriation." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381265.

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Skold, Martin. "Winning a race with no finish line : assessing the strategy of interstate competition." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/12985.

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This dissertation offers a framework for understanding the strategies of states engaged in competition for regional hegemony. Although international relations literature refers extensively to such competition and obliquely to states' strategies, to date little has been done to show how states' strategies in such competition may be analyzed. Drawing on a variety of strategic literature, this dissertation synthesizes a theoretical approach to analyzing the strategies of states engaged in regional security competition. Employing insights drawn from business strategy, this dissertation argues for an essentially asymmetric understanding of fundamental policy goals for states engaged in competition for regional hegemony, with one state attempting to maintain a dominant position and another attempting, by focusing limited resources, to supplant it. The competition is understood metaphorically (based on an anecdote from the end of the Cold War) as a “race with no finish line,” with the reigning hegemon attempting to extend the race and the challenger attempting to create a finish line and cross it. With homage to realism, liberalism, and constructivism, possible state goals are categorized as belonging to three realms: security, welfare, and intangible goals. These are used as metrics for a state's success or failure in any given competitive scenario, as well as the resources at its disposal. Drawing on military strategic literature, this thesis then applies decision-cycle analysis to state competitive behavior. The conclusions from this analysis are then synthesized into a framework for analysis of similar regional competitive scenarios, the first such framework yet devised for such purposes. A case study: the “Dreadnought Race” between Britain and Germany prior to World War One, is then examined, in which states' performance is analyzed in the competitive scenario in light of the above strategic precepts.

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Lierz, Stefanie N. "A study of the causal factors of civil war in the 1990s." Click here for online access in Bluebrary, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10504/233.

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Munyaradzi, Rwakurumbira. "NetOne Cellular Private Limited's underperformance : causes and the way forward." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20979.

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This research is a case study analysis of NetOne Cellular (Pvt) Ltd, a state enterprise in the mobile cellular telecommunications industry in Zimbabwe which has failed to perform to government and public expectation since its launch in 1996. At the advent of mobile telecommunications industry in Zimbabwe in the 1990s, it was expected that the Government of Zimbabwe would reap huge revenues in the lucrative telecommunications industry by being the pioneer and monopolising the provision of mobile telecommunications in the country. Government therefore, set up NetOne, initially as a department under the Postal and Telecommunications Corporation (PTC) and later turned it into an incorporated company in 2001. The company has however failed to perform to expectations despite the advantages which usually go with government protection and favouritism in comparison to its competitors Econet Wireless Zimbabwe and Telecel Zimbabwe. This study provides evidence of the company's poor performance, an analysis and discussion of the underlying and proximate causal factors thereto as well as a set of recommendations and possible ways forward. The study seeks to explore and prove that the Zimbabwean political settlements, mismanagement of economic rents, as well as the scourge of poor corporate, undercapitalisation, unfavourable sectoral and regulatory dynamics negatively impact on NetOne's performance. Derived from the foregoing the above are the cascading effects of inadequate leadership and business practices within the organisation which also played a major role in the company's modicum growth and underperformance over the years. It concludes that the Zimbabwe political settlements and failure to manage and effectively exploit political rents is the major contributor to the company's failure and lead to both external and internal poor governance of the company thereby affecting its performance.

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Jorgenson, Christer Ivar Ole. "The common cause : the life and death of the Anglo-Swedish Alliance against France,1805-1809." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1999. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317901/.

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This thesis will view the Napoleonic War from three distinct angles. Firstly, as a world war that was fought beyond the narrow confines of Europe where events on other continents were as important as those taking place in Europe. Secondly, the thesis will view the war from an Anglo-Swedish angle with an emphasis upon the northern and Baltic regions of Europe. This region of Europe is often forgotten when the Napoleonic War is written about despite the fact it was of vital economic and strategic importance to Britain. Thirdly, this military contest between the Great Powers will be viewed from 'below' or in other words from the perspective of a minor power unable to influence events as much as these powers. One good reason for Anglo-Swedish friendship was the strong trade links between the two countries, which led to their successful but neglected economic sabotage of Napoleon's Continental system. Yet economic factors, though vital, did not primarily account for the creation and continued life of the 'common cause'. Instead geopolitical and ideological factors gave rise to the 'common cause'. Firstly, although seeing themselves as nations apart from the continent Sweden and Britain's independence and strategic security depended upon no one power being able to upset or usurp the European balance of power. Secondly, in the eyes of Swedish and British conservatives (they ruled both countries for most of the alliance's life) Napoleonic France was not only a direct threat to their external security but Napoleon also came to symbolise everything they disliked about the new European order. To the architect of the alliance, Gustavus IV , and his fellow conservatives, Napoleon had to be defeated at all costs if Sweden, Britain and all of Europe was to survive. But the conservatives had a monopoly on neither political power nor the truth, for powerful groups in both countries opposed the war with Napoleon. These groups, in opposition during most of the war in both countries,believed an accommodation with Napoleon was possible. In 1806 the British Whigs tried and failed to find a peaceful accommodation with Napoleon. Following defeat at Russian hands and the diversion of British interest to the Iberian peninsula, the Anglo-Swedish alliance was almost dead when in early 1809 the Swedish opposition took power through a coup. They managed, unlike their British colleagues, to get peace with Napoleon, but at a high price. Defeat, despair and domestic turmoil the following year led to the election of marshal Bernadotte as ruler of Sweden. Within two years Bernadotte had begun rebuilding the 'common cause' with Britain, and in 1814 Sweden finally saw its great protagonist Napoleon defeated. The pro-war line had showed itself to be the only realistic and viable long-term option for either country.

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Gregg, Heather Selma 1971. "The causes of religious wars : holy nations, sacred spaces, and religious revolutions." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/16639.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, February 2004. Includes bibliographical references (p. 505-529). This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections. In the wake of September 11th, policy analysts, journalists, and academics have tried to make sense of the rise of militant Islam, particularly its role as a motivating and legitimating force for violence against the US. The unwritten assumption is that there is something about Islam that makes it bloodier and more violence-prone than other religions. This dissertation seeks to investigate this assertion by considering incidents of Islamically motivated terrorism, violence, and war, and comparing them to examples of Christian, Jewish, Buddhist and Hindu bellicosity. In doing so, it aims to evaluate if religious violence is primarily the product of beliefs, doctrine and scripture, or if religious violence is the result of other factors such as cultural, political, social and economic circumstances. This dissertation focuses on religious wars--wars, terrorism, and violent conflicts that have saliently religious goals, specifically battles to defend holy nations, sacred spaces and revolutions aimed at creating religious governments-and tests three variables for their ability to explain the conditions under which religious wars arise: threat perception, the intertwining of political and religious authority, and the amount of resources available to a given religious group. (cont.) It argues that religious violence is the result of specific interpretations of a religion's beliefs and scriptures, not the religions per se, and that violent interpretations of a religion are the product of individuals-usually religious leaders-who are grounded in specific circumstances. Therefore, in order to understand the conditions under which these violent interpretations of a religion occur, one needs to identify, first, who is interpreting the religion and by what authority; second, the social, political and economic circumstances surrounding these violent interpretations; and third, the believability of these interpretations by members of religious communities. by Heather Selma Gregg. Ph.D.

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