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Journal articles on the topic 'CEDAW'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 May 2022

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1

Rodi, Katja. "CEDAW." djbZ 12, no. 2 (2009): 68–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1866-377x-2009-2-68.

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2

Saksena, Anu. "CEDAW." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 14, no. 3 (December 2007): 481–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152150701400306.

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3

Bydoon, Maysa. "Reservations on the “Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)” Based on Islam and its Practical Application in Jordan: Legal Perspectives." Arab Law Quarterly 25, no. 1 (2011): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157302511x540817.

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AbstractA significant number of Muslim countries, rather like other States, initially acceded with reservations to the “Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women” (CEDAW). Many Muslim States, however, have noted their reservations on this convention, given the possible contradictions with Islam. Other States have questioned such religious-based reservations as they contradict the object and purpose of the CEDAW. This article examines whether these types of reservations to the CEDAW in Muslim countries are incompatible with Article 28(2) of CEDAW and Article 19(c) of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, and, if this is the case, who might be able to assess the validity of such reservations. In focusing on the practical application of CEDAW in Jordan, this article argues that there are many challenges on lifting the reservation on Article 15(4) of CEDAW that impact the effectiveness of the implantation of CEDAW.
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4

Gevrek, Deniz, and Karen Middleton. "Globalization and women’s and girls’ health in 192 UN-member countries." International Journal of Social Economics 43, no. 7 (July 11, 2016): 692–721. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-07-2014-0139.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between the ratification of the United Nations’ (UN’s) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and women’s and girls’ health outcomes using a unique longitudinal data set of 192 UN-member countries that encompasses the years from 1980 to 2011. Design/methodology/approach – The authors focus on the impact of CEDAW ratification, number of reports submitted after ratification, years passed since ratification, and the dynamic impact of CEDAW ratification by utilizing ordinary least squares (OLS) and panel fixed effects methods. The study investigates the following women’s and girls’ health outcomes: total fertility rate, adolescent fertility rate, infant mortality rate, maternal mortality ratio, neonatal mortality rate, female life expectancy at birth (FLEB), and female to male life expectancy at birth. Findings – The OLS and panel country and year fixed effects models provide evidence that the impact of CEDAW ratification on women’s and girls’ health outcomes varies by global regions. While the authors find no significant gains in health outcomes in European and North-American countries, the countries in the Northern Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, Southern Africa, Caribbean and Central America, South America, Middle-East, Eastern Asia, and Oceania regions experienced the biggest gains from CEDAW ratification, exhibiting reductions in total fertility, adolescent fertility, infant mortality, maternal mortality, and neonatal mortality while also showing improvements in FLEB. The results provide evidence that both early commitment to CEDAW as measured by the total number of years of engagement after the UN’s 1980 ratification and the timely submission of mandatory CEDAW reports have positive impacts on women’ and girls’ health outcomes. Several sensitivity tests confirm the robustness of main findings. Originality/value – This study is the first comprehensive attempt to explore the multifaceted relationships between CEDAW ratification and female health outcomes. The study significantly expands on the methods of earlier research and presents novel methods and findings on the relationship between CEDAW ratification and women’s health outcomes. The findings suggest that the impact of CEDAW ratification significantly depends on the country’s region. Furthermore, stronger engagement with CEDAW (as indicated by the total number of years following country ratification) and the submission of the required CEDAW reports (as outlined in the Convention’s guidelines) have positive impacts on women’s and girls’ health outcomes.
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5

Rodi, Katja. "Rezension: CEDAW-Ausschuss." djbZ 18, no. 1 (2015): 38–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1866-377x-2015-1-38.

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6

La Barbera, MariaCaterina. "Igualdad entre mujeres y hombres = Equality Between Women and Men." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 16 (March 29, 2019): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2019.4702.

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Resumen: Este artículo trata de la igualdad entre mujeres y hombres como principio fundamental del Estado de Derecho. Se ilustran aquí las tres dimensiones interconectadas de la igualdad entre mujeres y hombres contenidas en la Convención para la eliminación de toda forma de discriminación hacia las mujeres (CEDAW). La CEDAW no se limita a considerar la dimensión formal de la igualdad o igualdad en derechos. Apunta a la necesidad de abordar la dimensión material de la igualdad, o igualdad de hecho, e indica las acciones positivas necesarias para ello. La concepción de la igualdad contenida en la CEDAW apela a su dimensión transformativa, es decir, apunta a la eliminación de los estereotipos y las estructuras sociales que perjudican a las mujeres y aspira a transformar la sociedad en su conjunto en términos igualitarios. Siguiendo recomendaciones recientes del Comité CEDAW, se señala finalmente la necesidad de considerar las discriminaciones que sufren las mujeres como el resultado de la intersección de las estructuras de género con otros ejes de desigualdad interconectadas.Palabras clave: Igualdad formal, Igualdad de hecho, CEDAW, Igualdad transformativa, Interseccionalidad, cambio social, justicia global.Abstract: This article addresses equality between women and men as a fundamental principle of the Rule of Law. The three interconnected dimensions of equality between women and men that are contained in the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) are here illustrated. CEDAW does not restrain its focus to the formal dimension of equality or equality before the law. It points to the need to address the substantive dimension of equality, or equality de facto, and indicates the positive measures needed to this end. The conception of equality contained in the CEDAW appeals to the transformative dimension of equality, that is to say, it aims to eliminate stereotypes and social structures that harm women and to transform society as a whole in egalitarian terms. Following recent recommendations of CEDAW Committee, the need to consider women’s discrimination as the result of the intersection of gender structures with other interconnected axes of inequality is finally pointed out.Keywords: Formal equality, Substantive equality, CEDAW, Transformative equality, Intersectionality, social change, global justice.
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7

Fazaeli, Roja, and Joel Hanisek. "Human Rights, Islam, and Debates around CEDAW." Religion & Human Rights 16, no. 2-3 (November 12, 2021): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-bja10020.

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Abstract The article explores the tensions between FORB claims and the advancement of women’s rights in Muslim majority state contexts. Forms of Muslim majority state reservations to CEDAW are analysed in critical and comparative fashion. Iran’s historical engagement with CEDAW is studied for insight into how a purported theoretical conflict between CEDAW and FORB may be better understood in terms of the domestic and international politics of gender and power.
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8

Santos, Claudia, and Alexsandro Eugenio Pereira. "Direitos humanos das mulheres: uma análise sobre as recomendações do Comitê CEDAW/ONU ao Estado brasileiro." Monções: Revista de Relações Internacionais da UFGD 6, no. 11 (September 23, 2017): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.30612/rmufgd.v6i11.6914.

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O artigo analisará as recomendações do Comitê CEDAW ao Estado brasileiro. O Comitê é o mecanismo de monitoramento da Convenção sobre a Eliminação de todas as Formas de Discriminação contra a Mulher (CEDAW). Os Estados apresentam relatórios ao Comitê sobre o tratamento dos direitos humanos das mulheres dentro de seus territórios. Em paralelo, os atores não-estatais feministas apresentam relatórios alternativos com o propósito de subsidiar as atividades do Comitê CEDAW. Com base nos relatórios oficiais e nos relatórios alternativos, o Comitê apresenta recomendações aos Estados signatários da Convenção. Neste artigo, o objetivo será examinar o conteúdo das recomendações do Comitê endereçadas ao Estado brasileiro e verificar a compliance do Brasil em relação ao regime internacional estabelecido pela Convenção. Para desenvolver essa análise, serão apresentadas definições sobre regimes internacionais em geral e regimes internacionais de direitos humanos em particular. Na sequência, serão apresentados: (i) o funcionamento e o papel da CEDAW no cenário internacional; e (ii) seus princípios conforme relatados nos documentos oficiais. Em seguida, as recomendações do Comitê CEDAW ao Estado brasileiro serão examinadas contrastando com dados sobre o tratamento dos direitos humanos das mulheres no Brasil.
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9

O’Rourke, Catherine. "Advocating Abortion Rights in Northern Ireland." Social & Legal Studies 25, no. 6 (December 2016): 716–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663916668249.

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It is frequently claimed that the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) is more significant for the cultural, rather than legal, work that it does in reframing locally contested gender issues as the subject of international human rights. While this argument is well developed in respect of violence against women, CEDAW’s cultural traction is less clear in respect of women’s right to access safe and legal abortion. This article examines the request made jointly by Alliance for Choice, the Family Planning Association Northern Ireland and the Northern Ireland Women’s European Platform to the CEDAW Committee to request an inquiry under the CEDAW Optional Protocol into access to abortion in the jurisdiction. The study found that the CEDAW framework was useful in underpinning alliances between diverse pro-choice organizations but less effective in securing the support of ‘mainstream’ human rights organizations in the jurisdiction. The article argues that the local cultural possibilities of CEDAW must be understood as embedded within both the broader structural gendered limitations of international human rights law and persistent regressive gendered sub-themes within mainstream human rights advocacy.
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10

Salleh, Nursholeha Muh, and Dara Maulina Binti Jalaluddin. "KONVENSYEN PENGHAPUSAN SEGALA BENTUK DISKRIMINASI TERHADAP WANITA (CEDAW) : SATU TINJAUAN AWAL." Islam Realitas: Journal of Islamic & Social Studies 4, no. 1 (December 25, 2018): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.30983/islam_realitas.v4i1.504.

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Penulisan ini membincangkan tentang gagasan wanita dalam CEDAW berdasarkan analisis fiqh. Beberapa unsur feminisma telah mendominasi dalam draft CEDAW sehingga terdapat beberapa dari pasal-pasal CEDAW yang bertentangan dengan syariat Islam. Feminisma adalah satu agenda Barat yang bertujuan untuk mengakhiri penindasan yang dialami oleh wanita, iaitu persamaan dan kebebasan status serta peran diantara lelaki dan perempuan di segala hal kehidupan. Walaupun kefahaman ini berkembang di Barat, ia telah mempengaruhi cara berfikir umat Islam melalui serangan-serangan pemikiran yang menuntut kebebasan mutlak. Metodologi kajian menggunakan analisis kepustakaan dengan berpandukan sumber daripada perpustakaan dan capaian maya. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahawa wujudnya pengaruh feminisma kepada para intelektual muslimah. Kajian ini juga mendapati bahawa dalam mengaplikasikan nilai-nilai yang terkandung di dalam pasal-pasal CEDAW tersebut harus dimaknai dalam konteks budaya, agama dan negara masing-masing kerana tidak dapat dimaknai secara mutlak tanpa batasan
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11

Murphy, Sean D. "Senate Consideration of CEDAW." American Journal of International Law 96, no. 4 (October 2002): 971–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3070699.

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12

Flinterman, Cees. "Eight Years in CEDAW." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 29, no. 1 (March 2011): 8–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934411102900103.

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13

Campbell, Meghan. "CEDAW and Women’s Intersecting Identities: A Pioneering New Approach to Intersectional Discrimination." Revista Direito GV 11, no. 2 (December 2015): 479–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1808-2432201521.

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ABSTRACT CEDAW is committed to eliminating all forms of discrimination and achieving gender equality so that all women can exercise and enjoy their human rights. This article argues that this implicitly includes a commitment to understanding and addressing intersectional discrimination. Women experience disadvantage and discrimination based on their sex and gender and that is inextricably linked to other identities, factors and experiences such as a race and poverty. Under CEDAW, if sex and gender is one of the bases for the discrimination, it is necessary to examine how other identity and factors contribute to gender discrimination and inequality. The CEDAW Committee has been pioneering this approach in the General Recommendations, Individual Communications, Inquiry Procedure and Concluding Observations, but it has not been consistently applying this fluid and expansive approach. The article poses three complementary solutions to these inconsistencies: a transformative equality analytical framework, a General Recommendation on intersectionality and workshops and training for CEDAW Committee members.
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14

Cheema, Zaheer Iqbal, Zarfishan Qaiser, and Khushbakht Qaiser. "Qualms about the CEDAW by the Muslim States: Analyzing Women Rights in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Iran." Global Social Sciences Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 166–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2020(v-iii).18.

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The incompatible reservations have adversely affected the uniform application of the CEDAW Convention. A significant number of incompatible reservations have been formulated by the Muslim states. Such reservations have undermined the CEDAW provisions and conceivably doubt the state's accountability for its obligations under the Convention. The research comprises of two parts; first, it examines the reservations of the Muslim states in the context of their obligations under the Convention. Second, it adopts an analytical approach to analyze women rights in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Iran (as a non-state party). Our findings reveal that despite the incompatible reservations, the Muslim states that have ratified the CEDAW Convention have shown significant improvement in women rights as compared to the states that are not members of the Convention. It suggests that Muslim states should revisit the scope of their reservations and adopt a rational approach towards women rights and fulfilling the obligations under the CEDAW Convention.
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15

Durán y Lalaguna, Paloma. "The CEDAW’s Reception in Spain. The Gap between Law and Practice." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 9 (December 11, 2017): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/aahdh-0-2011pp53-66.

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<p>This paper deals on the reception of CEDAW in Spain. First I’ll try to explain the history and context in which the Convention was first ratified (1984) and then apply to the Spanish legal system. The paper review all the information gives to the CEDAW´s Committee trough the periodical reports; and also the consequences of that on the Spanish legal order. At the end, the paper proposes some conclusions related to the political and legal impact of CEDAW in Spain.</p><p><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2017</p>
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16

ÁLVAREZ ÁLVAREZ, BRENDA IBETTE. "L.C. VS. PERÚ: LA BATALLA DE UNA NIÑA POR ACCEDER A LA JUSTICIA REPRODUCTIVA." YachaQ Revista de Derecho, no. 9 (December 28, 2018): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.51343/yq.vi9.721.

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En el presente artículo se aborda las restricciones y obstáculos en el goce del derecho a la interrupción legal del embarazo en casos de niñas víctimas de violencia sexual a partir de los estándares jurídicos del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos planteados en el caso L.C. vs. Perú del Comité para la Eliminación de la Discriminación Contra la Mujer (Cedaw). Asimismo, se plantea un análisis de los argumentos presentados por las representantes de la peticionaria, los descargos del Estado peruano y del razonamiento esgrimido por el Comité CEDAW en el caso. ABSTRACT This article addresses the restrictions and obstacles in the enjoyment of the right to legal interruption of pregnancy in cases of girls victims of sexual violence based on the legal standards of international human rights law raised in the L.C. vs. Peru of the Committee for the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (Cedaw). Likewise, an analysis of the arguments presented by the petitioner's representatives, the Peruvian State's defense and the reasoning put forth by the CEDAW Committee in the case is presented.
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17

Khan, Anoosh. "Human Rights For Women Or The Human Rights Of Women?: Pakistan, CEDAW And The Gatekeepers." Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 10, no. 1 (March 8, 2015): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v10i1.223.

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This paper demonstrates why it is important to have a separate international covenant for the human rights protection of women or CEDAW. The paper begins by discussing the birth of human rights and its evolution to human rights of women in particular. Using Pakistan as an example, the paper discusses Pakistan’s CEDAW country reports to date. The key issues presented by the Government of Pakistan in it’s state CEDAW reports are highlighted. Then, applying the ‘gatekeeper theory’ some of the findings of the respective shadow reports are highlighted. Finally, there are suggestions for a plan of action that should be adopted by the Government of Pakistan to ensure human rights in general and the human rights of women in particular.
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18

Krupiy, Tetyana (Tanya). "Meeting the Chimera: How the cedaw Can Address Digital Discrimination." International Human Rights Law Review 10, no. 1 (June 23, 2021): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-01001006.

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Abstract The article analyses what is distinct about the manner in which the delegation of the decision-making task to an artificial intelligence system produces harm from the standpoint of the prohibition of discrimination. It explores the manner in which the context of digital discrimination challenges the application of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (cedaw). The article suggests how the subject matter of cedaw may be rethought to enable it to respond to digital discrimination. It formulates a legal test which can be added to the existing toolbox without the need to amend the treaty. The article offers approaches to interpreting cedaw teleologically in order to enable it to remain relevant in the face of technological innovation.
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19

Damayanti, Angel. "A COMPARISON OF THE ENFORCEMENT OF CEDAW AND CRC IN MALAYSIA AND INDONESIA." Sociae Polites 15, no. 1 (October 3, 2017): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v15i1.438.

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Abstract: All ASEAN member States have ratified and acceded the Convention on the Elimination of AllForms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC).As parties of both conventions, Malaysia and Indonesia should enforce specific mechanism and rules inline with CEDAW and CRC norms and standards. Yet, both countries ask reservation for severalsubstantive and procedural matters on both conventions. This certainly restricts the enforcement on theelimination of all forms of discrimination against women and the protection of the rights of children. Thisis in addition to the Islamic shariah implemented in Malaysia and some regions in Indonesia as well asstereotype of women and men regarding their role in economic, social, and political. This paper willessentially show some hindrances for both governments and therefore should take some steps to reducethe limitation. The analysis will be delivered by examining all reports given by both governments to UNCommission on Women and Children, as well as shadow reports from NGOs.Keywords: CEDAW, CRC, Reservation, Radical Feminism Abstrak: Semua Negara anggota ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asia Nation) telah meratifikasi danmengaksesi Konvensi tentang Penghapusan Segala Bentuk Diskriminasi terhadap Perempuan(Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women - CEDAW) dan Konvensitentang Hak-hak Anak (Convention on the Rights of the Child - CRC). Sebagai pihak yang meratifikasikedua konvensi tersebut, Malaysia dan Indonesia tentu saja harus tunduk dan mengikuti aturan yangtertera di dalam konvensi tersebut. Sayangnya, Malaysia dan Indonesia mengajukan reservasi terhadapbeberapa aturan dalam konvensi, baik secara substansi maupun prosedur. Hal ini tentu sajamenghambat penghormatan dan pelaksanaan kedua konvensi secara menyeluruh. Hal ini semakindipersulit dengan adanya hukum Islam yang berlaku di Malaysia dan beberapa daerah di Indonesia sertastereotipe mengenai perbedaan peran laki-laki dan perempuan yang diterapkan di dalam masyarakatkedua Negara. Paper ini akan menunjukkan beberapa kendala yang dihadapi oleh pemerintah keduaNegara dalam menerapkan aturan-aturan CEDAW dan CRC secara menyeluruh. Hal ini akan dilakukandengan menganalisa laporan-laporan tertulis yang telah dibuat oleh pemerintah dan NGO keduaNegara.Kata Kunci: CEDAW, CRC, Reservasi, Feminisme Radikal
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20

Sonbol, Amira el-Azhary. "A Response to Muslim Countries’ Reservations Against Full Implementation of CEDAW." Hawwa 8, no. 3 (2010): 348–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920810x549767.

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AbstractThe purpose of this paper is to show the contradictions between Islamic law as presented by the Quran and Sunna and the justifications used by Muslim countries to hold reservations against the full application of the CEDAW Convention. More specifically, Article 16 of the CEDAW Convention constitutes the focus of this study with reference to other articles of pertinence to the larger issue of women’s equality.
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21

Freeman, Marsha. "CEDAW: focus on reproductive rights." djbZ 20, no. 1 (2017): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1866-377x-2017-1-5.

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22

Ngaba, Sindiso. "CEDAW: Eliminating Discrimination against Women." Agenda, no. 27 (1995): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4065976.

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23

Gunawan, Yordan, Martinus Sardi, and Khairunnisa Khairunnisa. "PERSPECTIVE OF CONVENTION ON THE ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS OF DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN (CEDAW) ON THE CYBER HARASSMENT IN INDONESIA." DiH: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 16, no. 1 (January 24, 2020): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/dih.v16i1.2857.

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In 2017, there are 3,528 cases of violence against women in Indonesia, in which 76% of violence occurs in the form of sexual harassment. Sexual harassment is a part of discrimination against women, therefore the United Nations issued the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) as a safeguard of women’s rights. Nowdays, sexual harassment has developed into a new form, namely cyber harassment. Unfortunately, in CEDAW, there is no clear and specific statement related to it. This study is a normative legal research with Statute Approach and Case Approach. By using the qualitative descriptive method, this study will elaborate on the protection of women from cyber harassment in Indonesia based on the perspective of CEDAW. The result shows that, as the international treaty, CEDAW does not provide any punishment for the suspect to be prosecuted. Fortunately, Indonesia has Law No. 11 of 2008 on Electronic Information and Transactions to deal with cyber harassment cases. The author recommends the Indonesian government to formulate a new law dealing with cyber harassment. Aside of that, education to the society on cyber harassment itself needs to be conducted by the government to prevent more victims in the future.
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24

Savitri, Niken, and Maria Zalukhu. "DISKRIMINASI DALAM HUKUM PERKAWINAN (PENELITIAN ATAS HUKUM PERKAWINAN ADAT SUKU NIAS)." Masalah-Masalah Hukum 45, no. 3 (July 25, 2016): 224. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/mmh.45.3.2016.224-232.

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Kewajiban negara di bawah CEDAW, antara lain, adalah untuk menghilangkan diskriminasi terhadap perempuan dalam perkawinan menurut Pasal 16 dan menjamin hak-hak perempuan pedesaan menurut pasal 14. Penelitian ini mencoba untuk menemukan diskriminasi terhadap perempuan dalam hukum adat perkawinan Nias dan kewajiban Negara berdasarkan Konvensi CEDAW. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa persyaratan dan pelaksanaan Nias perkawinan hukum adat telah melanggar UU Perkawinan di Indonesia dan berdampak pada adanya diskriminasi terhadap hak-hak perempuan dalam perkawinan.
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Savitri, Niken, and Maria Zalukhu. "DISKRIMINASI DALAM HUKUM PERKAWINAN (PENELITIAN ATAS HUKUM PERKAWINAN ADAT SUKU NIAS)." MASALAH-MASALAH HUKUM 45, no. 3 (March 22, 2017): 224. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/mmh.45.3.2016.225-233.

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Kewajiban negara di bawah CEDAW, antara lain, adalah untuk menghilangkan diskriminasi terhadap perempuan dalam perkawinan menurut Pasal 16 dan menjamin hak-hak perempuan pedesaan menurut pasal 14. Penelitian ini mencoba untuk menemukan diskriminasi terhadap perempuan dalam hukum adat perkawinan Nias dan kewajiban Negara berdasarkan Konvensi CEDAW. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa persyaratan dan pelaksanaan Nias perkawinan hukum adat telah melanggar UU Perkawinan di Indonesia dan berdampak pada adanya diskriminasi terhadap hak-hak perempuan dalam perkawinan.
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26

Al Shraideh, Saleh. "CEDAW in the Eyes of the United States." Journal of Legal Studies 20, no. 34 (December 1, 2017): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jles-2017-0014.

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Abstract Despite the large number of reservations registered by Member countries, making it one of the, if not the, most heavily reserved human rights treaties; the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) has managed to achieve a very high rate of states’ membership [1]. Currently, 187 countries out of the 193 United Nations Members are parties to CEDAW [2]. What is strange to digest, however, is the fact that the United States is one of the seven countries that are yet to ratify the Convention [3]. This article provides an insight into the position of the United States from the ratification of CEDAW. It examines the merits of arguments made for and against the ratification and their rationale to provide a better understanding that explains what is considered by many as a buzzling stand of the United States from the Convention.
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Fanny Nainggolan, Junita, Ramlan Ramlan, and Rahayu Repindowaty Harahap. "Pemaksaan Perkawinan Berkedok Tradisi Budaya: Bagaimana Implementasi CEDAW terhadap Hukum Nasional dalam Melindungi Hak-Hak Perempuan dalam Perkawinan?" Uti Possidetis: Journal of International Law 3, no. 1 (February 26, 2022): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/up.v3i1.15452.

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Artikel ini membahas mengenai implementasi CEDAW kedalam hukum nasional untuk melindungi hak-hak perempuan dalam perkawinan. Meski sudah puluhan tahun konvensi diratifikasi, namun dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat, perempuan masih sering didiskriminasi. Salah satu bentuk diskriminasi di Indonesia masih berupa budaya patriarki yang berkembang di masyarakat. Patriarki yang mendominasi budaya masyarakat menciptakan seksisme dan ketidaksetaraan gender yang mempengaruhi banyak aspek aktivitas manusia, salah satunya adalah masalah pernikahan. Di Indonesia, masih banyak perkawinan yang terjadi di Indonesia karena kawin paksa. Apalagi dilakukan dengan kedok tradisi yang telah mengalami pergeseran nilai budaya. Pilihan untuk menikah dan dengan siapa berkaitan erat dengan penentuan nasib sendiri yang telah diakui dalam Konvensi CEDAW. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa di dalam Konvensi CEDAW, setiap orang memiliki hak yang sama untuk menikah, terlepas dari gender dan jenis kelamin orang tersebut. Namun, di dalam pengimplementasiannya ke dalam hukum nasional, pelaksanaannya masih bersifat diskiminatif dan belum terintegrasi.
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L., Cheah. "CEDAW and Transformative Judicial Obligations: The Vulnerable Migrant Domestic Worker and Root Causes of Abuse." Michigan Journal of International Law, no. 43.1 (2022): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.36642/mjil.43.1.cedaw.

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The first part of this article sets out CEDAW’s transformative approach to rights and its implications for MDWs and state actors such as courts. It then juxtaposes this approach to the tendency of state officials in destination countries to condemn the abuse of vulnerable MDWs by errant employers without recognizing the impact of official laws and policies on MDWs’ vulnerabilities. The second part of this article examines judicial discussions of MDWs’ vulnerabilities in Hong Kong, Singapore, and Malaysia. Judges in these countries have primarily drawn attention to the isolation of MDWs in their employers’ homes, the dependence of MDWs on their employers for their basic needs, and their lack of financial resources. While such judicial developments are important, the third part of this article argues that these courts need to go beyond discussing specific MDW’s vulnerabilities and their individual criminal cases by identifying and critiquing the root causes of MDWs’ vulnerabilities. It analyzes cases where courts have advanced or overlooked CEDAW’s transformative objectives to argue that criminal law courts can and should advance CEDAW’s goals by naming and contesting the laws, policies, and prejudices enabling MDW rights violations. Such a systemic or transformative approach to adjudication that pinpoints the root causes of MDW abuse can catalyze change at both the legal and policy levels, leading to a more rights-centered approach to MDWs that is consistent with CEDAW requirements.
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Bayefsky, Anne F. "The CEDAW Convention: Its Contribution Today." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 94 (2000): 197–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s027250370005566x.

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Jones, Helen, and Kas Wachala. "Watching Over the Rights of Women." Social Policy and Society 5, no. 1 (January 2006): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746405002800.

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This article examines the implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) to critically consider its effectiveness as a bill of rights for women. After having discussed the need for such a convention for women it examines the vital role that non-governmental organisations (NGOs) play in the implementation of the Convention. As of March 2005, 180 countries – 90 per cent of the members of the United Nations – were party to this Convention. However, the document is one of the most highly reserved international human rights instruments and although many nations have ratified the Convention they have done so conditionally. Despite these reservations, women's NGOs have used CEDAW as a powerful tool to effect change. Yet, whilst CEDAW has been heralded as a significant step in the development of international human rights, women across the globe still suffer abuse because they are women. There is a need therefore to suggest ways forward in order to ensure the improvement of human rights for women.
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Maulana, Abdullah Muslich Rizal, Farhah Farhah, Yuangga Kurnia Yahya, and Naila Asy Syifa. "Liberal Feminism: from Biblical Tradition to the Emergence of CEDAW." Religious: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama dan Lintas Budaya 5, no. 2 (August 22, 2021): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/rjsalb.v5i2.9521.

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: Liberal Feminism is an ideology that advocates for equal opportunities for men and women in a variety of areas, including employment, health, education, marriage, and family life, as well as public life and politics. Ideologically, Liberal Feminism emerged from the belief that Biblical Tradition, as documented in its verses, set women apart from men. This study would look at the connection between Biblical culture dominating women's positions in Western civilization and the advent of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). The investigation would include the patriarchal ideology found in Biblical Tradition, the notion of gender emancipation. In order to answer this research question, this research will use the method of ‘Discourse Analysis' to address the roots of Liberal Feminism as they are found in the Biblical Tradition and the method of ‘Document Analysis' to elaborate on CEDAW records. This study concludes that there is a strong connection between Biblical values and the concept of Liberal Feminism as it is embodied in CEDAW.
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Rahminita, Siti Hediati. "IMPLEMENTASI KONVENSI PENGHAPUSAN SEGALA BENTUK DISKRIMINAS TERHADAP PEREMPUAN (CEDAW) DAN KORELASINYA TERHADAP KETIDAKSETARAAN GENDER DI CINA." JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 16, no. 1 (November 14, 2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.16.1.2017.41-46.

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Rademacher, Heidi E. "The Transnational Women's Rights Movement and the World Economy." Sociology of Development 6, no. 2 (2020): 145–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2020.6.2.145.

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Promoting the ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was a key objective of the transnational women's movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Yet, few studies examine what factors contribute to ratification. The small body of literature on this topic comes from a world-society perspective, which suggests that CEDAW represented a global shift toward women's rights and that ratification increased as international NGOs proliferated. However, this framing fails to consider whether diffusion varies in a stratified world-system. I combine world-society and world-systems approaches, adding to the literature by examining the impact of women's and human rights transnational social movement organizations on CEDAW ratification at varied world-system positions. The findings illustrate the complex strengths and limitations of a global movement, with such organizations having a negative effect on ratification among core nations, a positive effect in the semiperiphery, and no effect among periphery nations. This suggests that the impact of mobilization was neither a universal application of global scripts nor simply representative of the broad domination of core nations, but a complex and diverse result of civil society actors embedded in a politically stratified world.
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ZAIKOSKI BISCAY, Daniela. "COMMENTS ON THE GENERAL RECOMENDATION Nº35 OF CEDAW COMMITTEE." Perspectivas 08, no. 2 (November 1, 2018): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/perspectivas-2018-v8n2a07.

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35

O'Rourke, Catherine, and Aisling Swaine. "CEDAW AND THE SECURITY COUNCIL: ENHANCING WOMEN'S RIGHTS IN CONFLICT." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 67, no. 1 (January 2018): 167–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589317000483.

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AbstractThe proliferation of legal and normative standards regulating women's rights in conflict has been accompanied by concerns about their efficacy. The article examines the activities of the CEDAW Committee and the UN Security Council and considers how synergies might be advanced. The article finds that, while the Security Council has unique authority over UN system activities, sanctions and peacekeeping, the CEDAW Committee—as a human rights treaty monitoring body—possesses the more effective system of State accountability and the more robust commitment to women's equality and rights. The article proposes measures for the optimum interaction between both institutions in order to maximize overall accountability for women's rights in conflict.
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Nzomo, Maria. "The Status of Women’s Human Rights in Kenya and Strategies to Overcome Inequalities." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 22, no. 2 (1994): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501875.

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This paper takes the position that the human rights of women are inalienable and an integral and indivisible part of universal human rights, which we define to include the right to full and equal participation of women with men, in the political civil, economic, social and cultural life at all levels. The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which is one of the International instruments that explicitly focuses on women’s human rights, is quite comprehensive in its coverage. Consisting of 30 articles, CEDAW covers women’s human rights in all aspects of their lives—political, economic, social and cultural rights.
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Bond, Johanna. "Gender and Non-Normative Sex in Sub-Saharan Africa." Michigan Journal of Gender & Law, no. 23.1 (2016): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.36641/mjgl.23.1.gender.

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This Article argues for the adoption of a gender-based framework to supplement rights promotion strategies and campaigns based on LGBTI identity. The Article draws upon feminist, queer, and trans theory to develop an expansive understanding of gender within international human rights law. An analysis incorporating such theory will catalyze more systematic promotion of LGBTI rights. Although the approach is applicable across a variety of geographic contexts, this Article uses sub-Saharan Africa as an illustrative case study. A focus on gender rights as supplementary to and interrelated with LGBTI rights offers both conceptual and pragmatic benefits in the struggle to promote LGBTI rights in the region. Specifically, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW Committee) has failed to meaningfully and systematically address discrimination and violence directed at LGBTI communities in this region. An expansion of the CEDAW Committee’s interpretation of gender would encourage the Committee to consider rights violations perpetrated against those who do not conform to gender norms, including normative expressions of masculinity and femininity. First, a focus on non-normative gender expression and sexuality expands our understanding of affected individuals from only self-identified gays and lesbians to include those who do not necessarily identify as gay or lesbian but who, nevertheless, do not conform to traditional norms of sexuality and gender expression. Second, a gender framework facilitates intersectional analysis. If adopted, this analysis would allow the CEDAW Committee to more fully explore how race, ethnicity, and nationhood construct sexuality in the post-colonial period. Intersectional analysis would also allow the Committee to capitalize on its success in raising awareness about and combating gender-based violence. Finally, a gender framework offers the CEDAW Committee and U.N. treaty bodies a discursive wedge to open conversations about sexuality, even in places with wide-spread homophobia.
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Michailovič, Ilona. "Smurtas prieš moteris kaip diskriminacijos dėl lyties forma ir lyčių stereotipų pasekmė." Informacijos mokslai 80 (July 4, 2018): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2017.80.11671.

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Straipsnyje nagrinėjama smurto prieš moteris problema kaip diskriminacijos dėl lyties forma ir lyčių stereotipų pasekmė. Aptariamos kai kurios Jungtinių Tautų konvencijos dėl visų formų diskriminacijos panaikinimo moterims (CEDAW) ir Europos Tarybos konvencijos dėl smurto prieš moteris ir smurto šeimoje panaikinimo nuostatos, susijusios su smurtu prieš moteris kaip diskriminacijos forma. Taip pat analizuojami Jungtinių Tautų Moterų diskriminacijos panaikinimo komiteto sprendimai dėl seksualinio smurto, kuriuose Komitetas pabrėžė lyčių stereotipų įtaką ne tik smurtui prieš moteris, bet plačiąja prasme – Konvencijos garantuojamų moterų teisių realizavimui. Sprendimuose buvo išryškinta niokojanti stereotipų įtaka įgyvendinant vieną iš žmogaus teisių apsaugos pagrindų – teisę į veiksmingą teisinę gynybą ir nešališką bylos nagrinėjimą. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: smurtas prieš moteris, diskriminacija dėl lyties, lyčių stereotipai, tarptautiniai standartai, CEDAW Komiteto praktika
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Merry, Sally Engle. "Gender Justice and CEDAW: The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women." Hawwa 9, no. 1-2 (2011): 49–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920811x575505.

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AbstractEthnographic analysis carried out over the years, indicates that the critical feature of the CEDAW process is its cultural and educational role: Its capacity to coalesce and express a particular cultural understanding of gender. Like more conventional legal processes, its significance lies in its capacity to shape cultural understandings and to articulate and expand a vision of rights. This is a form of global legality that depends deeply on its texts, not for enforcement but for the production of cultural meanings associated with modernity and the international. It is ultimately dependent on generating political pressure on states from the CEDAW committee, from sympathetic leaders within a country, and from international and national nongovernmental organizations.
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Hill, Daniel W., and K. Anne Watson. "Democracy and Compliance with Human Rights Treaties: The Conditional Effectiveness of the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqy058.

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Abstract Research on international human rights law suggests that the beneficial effects of treaties depend on the strength of democratic political institutions. However, democracies are, by definition, compliant with many provisions in treaties that protect civil and political rights. Additionally, theories of compliance derive from a focus on civil and political rights rather than on other rights, so we lack a good understanding of whether predictions hold for other kinds of rights. We examine compliance with the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which protects rights that are distinct from those that characterize democratic governance. To measure compliance, we create a new indicator of women's rights that offers several advantages over existing indicators. We examine the conditional effect of CEDAW using models that allow for heterogenous treaty effects. This helps to adjudicate between theories that expect treaties to be most effective in highly democratic countries and those that expect them to be most effective among partial democracies. Our findings do not support either expectation and suggest that effectiveness does not depend on democracy, at least in the case of CEDAW. This points to the need to enrich existing theories of ratification and compliance by accounting for differences in the nature of the rights protected by different treaties.
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Tønnessen, Liv. "Feminist Interlegalities and Gender Justice in Sudan: The Debate on CEDAW and Islam." Religion & Human Rights 6, no. 1 (2011): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103211x543635.

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AbstractThe fundamental argument put forward by Islamists, who have ruled Sudan since 1989, for not signing the convention is based on cultural relativism; different cultures provide indigenous and local solutions to their women’s problems. Islam is the solution, not Western feminism. But the Islamists’ failure to ratify CEDAW should not be regarded as a complete rejection of Western feminism, however defined. Through a review of the debate on CEDAW and Islam, this article explores the entanglements of ‘Islamic’ and ‘Western’ normative legal orders. It argues that although Islamist feminists’ discourse deems Western tenets of feminism and gender equality to be unessential to Islamic societies and falsely universalising in its premises, it simultaneously draws upon them in order to demonstrate their ‘alternative’ feminism. By analysing a range of Islamist women’s positions, it becomes apparent that on the one hand they reject CEDAW and gender equality, and on the other promote issues which empower women in the Sudanese state and society. But there are important points of criticism to be made regarding Islamic solutions in a multi-religious and class-divided Sudanese society. Sudanese Islamist women’s claims on behalf of Islamic solutions for Sudanese women can paradoxically be critiqued being as universalising in its premises as so-called Western feminism.
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Rudolf, Beate. "CEDAW – Potenzial für mehr Geschlechtergleichheit in Deutschland." djbZ 20, no. 2 (2017): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1866-377x-2017-2-47.

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Rodi, Katja. "CEDAW – Fünf Buchstaben für Frauenrechte und Gleichstellung." Recht und Politik 53, no. 3 (September 2017): 361–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/rup.53.3.361.

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Lee, Helen. "CEDAW Smokescreens: Gender Politics in Contemporary Tonga." Contemporary Pacific 29, no. 1 (2017): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2017.0003.

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Sokhi-Bulley, B. "The Optional Protocol to CEDAW: First Steps." Human Rights Law Review 6, no. 1 (February 16, 2006): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hrlr/ngi029.

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De la Discriminación contra la mujer, Comité para la Eliminación. "Nota con orientaciones: CEDAW y COVID-19." Cuaderno Jurídico y Político 6, no. 16 (December 15, 2020): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/cuadernojurypol.v6i16.11141.

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Pertsch, Anne. "CEDAW – Leerstellen im aktuellen Staatenbericht der Bundesregierung." Recht und Politik 57, no. 4 (October 1, 2021): 482–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/rup.57.4.482.

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48

Kanetake, Machiko. "María de los Ángeles González Carreño v. Ministry of Justice." American Journal of International Law 113, no. 3 (July 2019): 586–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2019.31.

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The ruling of the Spanish Supreme Court in Judgment No. 1263/2018, recognizing, for the first time, the binding character of the Views of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW Committee), augmented the normative authority of the Views of the human rights treaty monitoring body, not only at the domestic level, but also within the international legal sphere. In the Judgment, the Spanish highest court held that the government must comply with the Views of the CEDAW Committee as a matter of the state's constitutional mandate as well as its international obligations. The Court's interpretation in this case meets the expectation of human rights treaty monitoring bodies that states are obligated to respond to their Views concerning individual communications, despite some states parties’ claims to the contrary.
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Roald, Anne Sofie. "Islamists in Jordan: Promoters of or Obstacles to Female Empowerment and Gender Equality?" Religion & Human Rights 4, no. 1 (2009): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103209x440209.

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AbstractThis study deals with the Muslim Brotherhood's reception of CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discriminations against Women) in Jordan. In view of the Arab Human Development Report (AHDR) and interviews with several political actors in Jordanian society it is possible to evaluate Islamist ideas on women's rights. The main aim is to investigate whether Jordanian Islamists are promoters of or obstacles to female empowerment and gender equality. By analyzing various political stands it became apparent that Islamists, on the one hand, reject CEDAW, gender empowerment, and gender equality, and on the other promote issues which in the long run may empower women in Jordanian society. There is thus an unintentional trend towards female empowerment in the organization of the Muslim Brotherhood despite its opposition to such female politics.
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Hintjens, Helen. "UNIFEM, CEDAW and the Human Rights-based Approach." Development and Change 39, no. 6 (November 2008): 1181–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2008.00513.x.

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