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1
Panchón, Hidalgo Marian. "Traducción, censura y recepción de la literatura surrealista francesa en España (1959-1975)." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018TOU20083.
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Ce travail a pour objectif d’analyser la traduction, la censure et la réception de six œuvres des écrivains surréalistes Louis Aragon et André Breton en Espagne pendant le second franquisme (1959-1975). La traduction des livres d’Aragon et de Breton en Espagne peut être perçue comme un des signes de l’ouverture de la société espagnole qui s’amorce dans les années 60, vers la fin du franquisme, et qui annonce la fin de ce régime autoritaire et la transition démocratique du pays. À son échelle, elle prend place parmi d’autres manifestations de cette ouverture : l’essor du tourisme qui met la société espagnole en contact avec des cultures politiques et des styles de vie différents, une tolérance plus grande vis-à-vis de la religion, une plus grande liberté des mœurs, le pluralisme politique, l’influence du marxisme, etc.Les ouvrages de notre corpus, que le régime considère comme dangereux, ont été critiqués et censurés par l’appareil censorial de cette dernière étape de la dictature, même si finalement les publications ont pu voir le jour dans ce pays. Avant d’examiner les dossiers de censure de ces textes à l’Archivo General de la Administración (AGA) à Alcalá de Henares, nous avons d’abord cherché des informations sur les maisons d’édition et les traducteurs intéressés par la publication de ces auteurs, accusés d’être dissidents et marxistes par la dictature. Nous avons ensuite réalisé une minutieuse analyse des textes afin de comparer le texte original au texte cible en établissant si une autocensure préalable a eu lieu. Nous avons également consacré une partie de notre thèse à l’étude des erreursThis doctoral thesis aims to analyze the translation, censorship and reception of six literary works of the surrealist writers Louis Aragon and André Breton in Spain during the period of Second Francoism (1959-1975). The translation of Aragon’s and Breton’s books in Spain can be perceived as one of the signs of the opening of Spanish society that begins in the ‘60s, around the end of Francoism, and announces the end of this authoritarian regime and the democratic transition of the country. In its own way, this translation occurs alongside other manifestations of this openness: the rise of tourism that puts Spanish society in contact with varied political cultures and with different lifestyles, greater tolerance regarding religion, greater freedom from traditional moral norms, political pluralism, the influence of Marxism, etc.The books of our corpus, that the regime considered dangerous, had been criticized and censored by the dictatorship’s entire censor apparatus during this late period even as these publications were finally being read in Spain. Before examining the censorship files of these texts at the Archivo General de la Administración (AGA) in Alcalá de Henares, we firstly looked for information about the publishing houses and translators interested in the publication of the authors accused of being dissidents and Marxists by the dictatorship.We then conducted a meticulous analysis of the texts in order to compare the original text to the target text and determine if any previous self-censorship was done by translators or publishing houses.We dedicated a part of our thesis to the study of translation mistakes: inadequacies that affect the source text’s comprehension (omission, false sense, inconsistency, nonsense, not the same sense, addition, suppression, poorly resolved extralinguistic/cultural reference), inadequacies that affect the target language expression (orthography and punctuation, grammar, lexical, textual aspects and writing) and pragmatic inadequacies (the chosen method and the textual genre and its conventions, etc.). We have also examined the reception of these works in the ABC conservative newspaper as well as in the Triunfo progressive literary magazine in order to observe the reception of these publications in Spain during this transitional period
Este trabajo de investigación tiene como objetivo analizar la traducción, censura y recepción de seis obras de los escritores surrealistas Louis Aragon y André Breton en España durante el segundo franquismo (1959-1975).Las traducciones de los libros de Aragon y de Breton en España pueden percibirse como uno de los signos de la apertura de la sociedad española que se inicia en los años sesenta, hacia el final del franquismo, y que anuncia el fin de este régimen autoritario y la transición democrática del país. La traducción de estos autores puede inscribirse dentro de otras manifestaciones características de dicha apertura: el auge del turismo, que pone en contacto a la sociedad española con otras culturas políticas y con estilos de vida diferentes, una mayor tolerancia relativa a la religión, una mayor libertad de costumbres, un pluralismo político, la influencia del marxismo, etc. Las publicaciones de nuestro corpus, que el régimen tildó de peligrosas, fueron criticadas y censuradas por el aparato censor, aunque finalmente estos textos pudieron ver la luz en España durante esta última etapa de la dictadura. Antes de examinar los expedientes de censura de estos libros en el Archivo General de la Administración (AGA) en Alcalá de Henares, hemos buscando primero información sobre las editoriales y los traductores interesados en publicar a estos escritores, acusados de ser disidentes y marxistas por la dictadura. Además, hemos realizado un minucioso análisis con el fin de comparar el texto original con el texto meta para así saber si existió una autocensura previa. También hemos dedicado una parte de nuestra tesis al estudio de los errores de traducción: las inadecuaciones que afectan a la comprensión del texto original (omisión, falso sentido, contrasentido, sin sentido, no el mismo sentido, adición, supresión, referencia extranlingüística/cultural mal resuelta e inadecuación de variación lingüística),las inadecuaciones que afectan la expresión en la lengua de llegada (ortografía y puntuación, gramática, léxico, aspectos textuales y redacción) y las inadecuaciones pragmáticas (el método elegido y el género textual y sus convenciones, etc.). Asimismo, hemos examinado la recepción de estas obras en el periódico conservador ABC y en la revista literaria progresista Triunfo con el objetivo de observar la recepción de estas publicaciones en España durante este período de cambio
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Meyer, Georges. "L'Etat, l'art et les moeurs : sociologie historique de la censure du cinéma (1961-1975)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080016.
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Cette thèse a pour objet la transformation de l’institution de la censure d’État du cinéma en France, entre 1961, date d’une réforme qui la durcit, à 1975, année de la mise en place de la classification « X » et de l’octroi de la liberté d’expression au cinéma. Son enjeu principal est d’interroger, à travers cette institution et sa mutation, ce qui se joue dans-la bifurcation des années 1968. Pour cela, cette thèse est construite autour d’un cadre théorique spécifique articulant notamment la sociologie politique des institutions et la théorie de la « civilisation » de Norbert Elias. Ses matériaux sont essentiellement des archives étatiques, mais aussi des sources imprimées comme la presseThis thesis explores the transformation of censorship in cinema by the French state, between 1961, the date when a more strict reform was applied, and 1975, the year that classification “X” was put in place and the same year freedom of expression in cinema was also established. This is the question at stake, through this institution and its mutation, which is played in the bifurcation during “les années 1968”. Because of this, in this thesis, a specific theoretical framework is used which articulates the political sociology of the institutions and the theory of civilization by Norbert Elias. Resources were primarily conducted in state archives, but also includes printed sources from the press
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Luciano, de Queiroz Aires José. "Cenas de um espetáculo político: poder,memória e comemorações na paraíba (1935-1945)." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2012. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/7624.
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Previous issue date: 2012O objetivo desse trabalho é compreender a dinâmica do Estado Espetáculo na Paraíba (1935-1945). Parto do pressuposto de que a teatralização do poder, como parte da hegemonia cultural foi o recurso retórico bastante utilizado pelo Estado na busca de legitimidade política. Por isso, procuro estudar as várias linguagens do campo cultural e suas apropriações para o campo da política, tais como: o teatro, a fotografia, a radiofonia, a música e o cinema. Entretanto, também investigo as resistências ao Estado Espetáculo, porque, no meu modo de ver, não há controle político absoluto, nem manipulação de massas. Teoricamente, trabalho fazendo interface entre a história política, os estudos culturais e a história social. Por essa fundamentação, dialogo com os autores do campo da teatrocracia, como Schwartzenber, Balandier e E. P. Thompson. Metodologicamente, opero com o paradigma indiciário nas formulações de Carlo Ginzburg, as noções de vestígio de Paul Ricoeur e o método iconológico de Erwin Panofsky. Quanto às fontes, procuro fazer um cruzamento diverso, desde relatos orais, iconografias, músicas, periódicos, sempre observando os alertas de Jacques Le Goff sobre a concepção de documento-monumento
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Meyer, Georges. "L'Etat, l'art et les moeurs : sociologie historique de la censure du cinéma (1961-1975)." Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080016.
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Cette thèse a pour objet la transformation de l’institution de la censure d’État du cinéma en France, entre 1961, date d’une réforme qui la durcit, à 1975, année de la mise en place de la classification « X » et de l’octroi de la liberté d’expression au cinéma. Son enjeu principal est d’interroger, à travers cette institution et sa mutation, ce qui se joue dans-la bifurcation des années 1968. Pour cela, cette thèse est construite autour d’un cadre théorique spécifique articulant notamment la sociologie politique des institutions et la théorie de la « civilisation » de Norbert Elias. Ses matériaux sont essentiellement des archives étatiques, mais aussi des sources imprimées comme la presseThis thesis explores the transformation of censorship in cinema by the French state, between 1961, the date when a more strict reform was applied, and 1975, the year that classification “X” was put in place and the same year freedom of expression in cinema was also established. This is the question at stake, through this institution and its mutation, which is played in the bifurcation during “les années 1968”. Because of this, in this thesis, a specific theoretical framework is used which articulates the political sociology of the institutions and the theory of civilization by Norbert Elias. Resources were primarily conducted in state archives, but also includes printed sources from the press
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Hervé, Frédéric. "Les enfants du cinématographe et d'Anastasie : la censure cinématographique et la jeunesse en France (1945-1975)." Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010577.
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A partir d'un échantillon constitué d'un dossier de censure sur cinq parmi les 2715 films de longs-métrages interdits aux mineurs entre 1945 et 1975, cette thèse retrace l'histoire de la Commission de contrôle des films depuis sa création, à la Libération, jusqu'à la proclamation de la fin de la censure par Valéry Giscard d'Estaing (suivie de l'instauration du classement X). Durant cette période, les jeunes, plus nombreux, changent et l'inquiétude qu'ils suscitent croît. Cette histoire est donc celle d'une politique de la jeunesse en même temps que celle d'une politique culturelle. On a aussi voulu mettre à jour un rituel censorial fait de discours, de protocoles et de stratégies, celles des censeurs et celles des gens de cinéma confrontés à cette instance de régulation culturelle. Il fallait aussi mesurer le rendement de la censure - c'est-à-dire la quantité annuelle d'interdictions aux mineurs, de coupures, de restrictions à l'exportation et d'interdictions totales - ainsi que la conflictualité engendrée par ces entraves à la liberté d'expression. L'examen des dossiers et, surtout, l'analyse des films censurés, permettent de tracer les contours d'une jurisprudence censoriale non écrite mais réelle. Elle consiste en dix-huit motifs de censure qui renvoient à la sexualité, à la violence, à la politique et aux questions sociétales. La fréquence des occurrences de ces motifs de censure dans les avis de la Commission varie tout autant que le contenu des images et des dialogues auxquels ils renvoient. En creux, apparaissent l'ensemble des représentations, coproduites par les censeurs et les cinéastes, dont s'est nourrie la jeunesse des Trente Glorieuses.
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Schmidt, Róbi Jair. "Cenas da constituição de um mito político." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFPR, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1884/44628.
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Orientador: Luis Carlos RibeiroDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do Paraná
Resumo: O presente trabalho concentra suas discussões sobre o estudo das pressões socioculturais existentes entre o personagem Willy Barth e as comunidades do Oeste paranaense, durante os anos iniciais de sua colonização: 1945 a 1965. Neste espaço, busca-se visualizar variados ângulos que moldam a constituição de um mito político que integra elementos relacionados aos mitos modernos. Com isso, evidenciam-se aspectos que circulam em torno de questões culturais e poderes que referendam sensibilidades políticas, apresentando este sujeito enquanto um significativo componente da memória coletiva. Tal característica destaca Willy Barth e o universo de suas ações, inseridas no contexto das comunidades desta região.
Abstract: The present work concentrates its discussions on the study of the existente sociocultural pressures between the character Willy Barth and the communities of the West "paranaense", during the initial years of its colonization: 1945 to 1965. In this space, it is looked for to visualize varied angles that mold the constitution of a political myth that integrates elements related to the modern myths. With that, aspects are evidenced that circulate around cultural subjects and powers that refering political sensibilities, introducing this subjects while a significant component of the collective memory. Such characteristic highlights Willy Barth and the universe of its actions, inserted in the context of the communities of this area.
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Destais, Alexandra. "L'Émergence de la littérature érographique féminine en France : 1954-1975." Caen, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006CAEN1462.
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Notre appréhension contemporaine de la littérature érographique est le résultat d’un processus qui, au cours de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, a permis progressivement aux curiosa de sortir de l’ombre caverneuse du second rayon tandis que, parallèlement à la promotion d’un nouveau mythe - l’« Érotisme » -, l’Histoire de l’amour, de la sexualité et des rapports entre les sexes se trouvait bouleversée par la pensée et les actions féministes ainsi que par l’entrée féconde des auteures dans un secteur de la sensibilité littéraire autrefois « réservé ». Au sein de ce domaine, Histoire d’O occupe une place particulière. Livre pionnier en matière d’expression érographique féminine de même que régressif en raison de son « sujet », Histoire d’O sera étudié dans le cadre des trois premières phases de sa réception critique et journalistique. Ce récit nous servira de fil d’Ariane afin d’étudier l’émergence et l’évolution de la littérature érographique féminine entre 1954 et 1975. Si la compréhension du récit ambivalent de Réage suppose que soient prises en considération les circonstances à la fois intimes et historiques qui ont présidé à son élaboration ainsi que le rapport spécifique des écrivaines à l’ars erotica, le développement ultérieur de l’érographie féminine suppose de même que soit prise en compte cette « lettre d’amour » exacerbée, contre-exemple fictionnel au modèle de la femme « non liée »
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Sardi, Rosana Aparecida Fernandes. "Das andanças do pensar : cenas infantis." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/7209.
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Na estrada, pegadas sugerem passos e descompassos de andarilhos de diferentes tribos. Por toda parte, pisadas: rastejantes, superficiais, firmes, a-fundadas, dançarinas, crianceiras e até rasuradas. A diagramação é a máquina que captura as relações de forças e ressalta, no percurso e no percorrido, linhas, fluxos e composições. Da vida, lampejos de pensamentos desgarram-se. Dos pensamentos, possibilidades de vida desprendem-se. É nesse ponto que a experimentação suscita outros modos de pensamento e desencadeia novas maneiras de viver. É por essa conjugação com a vida que os signos se dão à sensibilidade e coagem-na a sentir. A agressão inicial repercute: leva a memória a aprender um imemorial, a fabular um por vir e a resistir ao presente; introduz o tempo no pensamento e o desafia a pensar o impensado. À vista disso, a aprendizagem conduz as faculdades ao exercício transcendente e requer uma educação voltada para a emissão e a exploração dos signos. Da conexão entre educação, crianceiria e filosofia, forças são duplicadas e devires precipitados.
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Garreau, Laurent Sébastien. "La censure des films en France de 1945 à 1975 à partir des archives du Centre national de la cinématographie." Paris 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA010545.
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L'histoire de la commission de contrôle des films en France reflète les évolutions de notre société depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les sources utilisées pour écrire cette histoire (1945-1975) proviennent d'archives inédites que nous avons été le premier à pouvoir explorer. Leur consultation nous a permis de découvrir les multiples facettes de la censure cinématographique et de préciser les points de vue moraux et politiques d'une administration toujours en alerte sur le contenu des films produits dans le pays. Au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la fascination des citoyens français pour le grand écran inspire aux pouvoirs publics le souci d'exprimer les sentiments collectifs d'espoir et d'anxiété qui touchent à la signification de ce qu'est « être français» dans un monde moderne.
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Benetollo, Anne. "Rock et politique : censure, opposition, intégration." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010656.
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Ce travail a pour objectif d'analyser les relations ambigües entre le rock et le monde politique aux États-unis. Trois cas de figures sont possibles : lorsque la politique censure, lorsque les artistes s'engagent politiquement, et lorsque les politiciens se servent des artistes, à des fins électorales notamment. Les années 80, et plus particulièrement l'année 1985, constituent une période privilégiée pour l'observation de ces liens complexes qui unissent rock et politique. Pourquoi ? D'une part, en 1985, on assiste à la naissance d'une association créée par des femmes de politiciens : le parents' music resource center (PMRC), (dont le but est, même s'il s'en defend, de censurer certaines chansons rock), et d'autre part, le milieu des années 80 est marqué par le début des concerts caritatifs. Ce qui est surprenant, c'est qu'une infime partie des artistes rock se battent contre le PMRC; ils sont pour la plupart investis dans ces concerts de charité, et en cela réside leur seul engagement"politique". Nous remarquerons simultanément que même dans les années 80 les politiciens n'ont pas toujours eu de rapports conflictuels avec les rock stars (ces dernières ayant été souvent récupérées par les politiques). Bien que ce travail se fonde sur le milieu des années 80, il est nécessaire de revenir aux décennies précédentes afin d'étudier le cheminement qui a provoqué l'explosion du PMRC. Cela nous permettra de montrer comment la politique, ou plutôt l'establishment, s'est toujours opposé é ce courant musical et l'a censuré (on s'aperçoit en fait que l'on a toujours reproché les mêmes choses au rock et qu'en ce sens le PMRC n'a rien inventé), d'étudier l'engagement politique des artistes à des moments clés de l'histoire du rock, et enfin de mettre en exergue les relations privilégiées qu'ont pu tisser les politiciens avec des artistes rockThe point of this work is to analyse the ambiguous relationship between rock and the political world in the united states. Three occurences are feasible : when politics censure, when the artists commit themselves politically and when the politicians use the artists, particularly with a political end in view. The eighties and more exactly 1985 - constitute a privileged period for the observation of the intricate bonds that link rock and politics. Why? On the one hand, in 1985, we attented the birth of an association which was created by some politicians' wives : the parents' music resource center (pmrc), (whose aim is, though it denies it, to censure some rock songs), and on the other hand, the mid-eighties were marked by the first charity concerts. What is surprising is that a tiny part of rock performers are fighting against the PMRC; most of them have invested in those charity concerts, and their only political commitment lies in this. We simultaneously notice that even in the eighties the politicians have not always have a conflicting relationship with rock stars (the latest often being won over by politicians). Although this work is based on the mid-eighties, it is necessary to go back to the previous decades so as to study the advance which entailed the explosion of the pmrc. This will enable us to show how politics - or let's say the establishment - has always clashed with this musical trend and censured it (in fact, we realize that rock has always been blamed for the same things, and in this way the pmrc hasn't invented anything). This will also enable us to study the political commitment of the artists at important moments of the history of rock, and at last to underline the privileged relationship politicians were able to weave with some rock performers
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Caralt, Montse. "Inquietud (1955-1966). Una revista cultural sota el franquisme." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Vic, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/404146.
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Inquietud fue un vertible foco de cultura y un agente cultural activo durante los años cincuenta y sesenta del siglo XX. La revista se entiende como una fuente histórica intelectual y social del periodo, que jugo un papel aglutinador en la configuración cultural de su entorno como vehículo transmisor de pensamiento, de modernización, i cómo tribuna des de donde se difundían ideas des de un punto de vista interdisciplinario. El estudio analiza el Concurs de Cantonigròs, el primer certamen literario en catalán después de la Guerra Civil, el contexto artístico y literario de la época (Los ( y Josep Maria Selva), la censura, y el tejido intelectual que participaron en la publicación (Brossa, Mestres Quadreny, Subirachs, Ionesco, Espriu, Quasimodo, Tharrats, Serrallonga, Martí i Pol, Quintana, Triadú, Selva, Solà, Pedrolo, Riba, Furriols...).
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Beauregard, Claude. "Guerre et censure : l'expérience des journaux, des militaires et de la population pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/22936.
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Fitas, Manuel Joaquim Rodrigues. "Seara Nova : tempos de mudança... e de perseverança (1940-1958)." Master's thesis, Porto : [Edição do Autor], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10216/57338.
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A análise da revista Seara Nova, no arco cronológico (1940-1958), constitui o objecto deste trabalho. A conjuntura política nacional e internacional em mutação reflecte-se, inevitavelmente, na orientação da Revista que, através dos seus conteúdos, vai proceder a ajustamentos quer para ultrapassar problemas impostos pela censura, quer para se manter actualizada face a outra imprensa que, em concorrência e recentes no mercado, assimilaram uma postura activa mais condizente com a actualidade. Até que ponto a Seara vacilou em relação ao seu programa inicial (1921) face aos condicionalismos já referidos e ao afastamento dos seus principais doutrinadores - António Sérgio e Raul Proença - é o objectivo deste nosso trabalho.
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Fitas, Manuel Joaquim Rodrigues. "Seara Nova : tempos de mudança... e de perseverança (1940-1958)." Dissertação, Porto : [Edição do Autor], 2010. http://aleph.letras.up.pt/F?func=find-b&find_code=SYS&request=000206264.
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A análise da revista Seara Nova, no arco cronológico (1940-1958), constitui o objecto deste trabalho. A conjuntura política nacional e internacional em mutação reflecte-se, inevitavelmente, na orientação da Revista que, através dos seus conteúdos, vai proceder a ajustamentos quer para ultrapassar problemas impostos pela censura, quer para se manter actualizada face a outra imprensa que, em concorrência e recentes no mercado, assimilaram uma postura activa mais condizente com a actualidade. Até que ponto a Seara vacilou em relação ao seu programa inicial (1921) face aos condicionalismos já referidos e ao afastamento dos seus principais doutrinadores - António Sérgio e Raul Proença - é o objectivo deste nosso trabalho.
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Zaretskaïa-Balsente, Ioulia. "De la vérité allégorique à l'érosion du système, une troisième voie : les non-conformistes intégrés et le pouvoir en URSS : 1965-1985." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000IEPP0003.
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Cette thèse présente une partie de l'intelligentsia artistique soviétique à l'époque brejnévienne. Malgré la censure, ces "non-conformistes intégrés", ni des dissidents, ni des fidèles du pouvoir soviétique, essayaient de faire passer leurs idées déviantes vis-à-vis de l'idéologie en place. Intégrés au système, leurs oeuvres n'en présentaient pas moins la réalité que le pouvoir cherchait à occulter. Cette vérité, présentée sous une forme allégorique est devenue une voie d'expression dans un Etat totalitaire vieillissant. Elle a provoqué une lente érosion de l'idéologie soviétique et donc du système base sur celle-ci. L'intelligentsia artistique a contribué ainsi à l'éveil de la conscience nationale. Le pouvoir ne sachant plus assurer le contrôle idéologique a pris conscience du caractère inéluctable des changements à venir. L'arrivée de Mikhail Gorbatchev au pouvoir s'est donc préparée dès l'époque brejnévienne.
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Navet-Bouron, Françoise. "Censure et dessin de presse en France pendant la Grande Guerre." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010650.
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De la déclaration de guerre à la levée de l'état de siège, la censure demande la suppression d'environ 850 dessins de presse. Bien que n'ayant aucune existence légale, la censure préventive est instaurée, avec l'accord des journalistes, dès le début des hostilités. Si la presse accepte généralement de se soumettre à la censure des informations à caractère militaire et diplomatique, elle revendique sa liberté d'expression dans le domaine politique. Dans un grand nombre de la direction des journaux s'oppose à l'échoppage des dessins, souvent victimes de la censure politique. Que faire contre une presse qui refuse de se plier aux injonctions de la censure ? En vertu des lois du 9 aout 1849 et du 5 aout 1914, les journaux peuvent être saisis. Mais la stricte application de ces lois aurait entrainé la saisie de nombreux journaux au seul motif de dessins non échoppés. Sur toute la durée du conflit, les dessins sont seulement à l'origine de moins de dix sanctions, ce qui nous permet de conclure que la presse a joui d'une relative libertéFrom the beginning of first world war until its end, french censorship had been asking for the removal of about 850 newspaper drawings. The outbreak of fighting led to the immediate application of preventive censorship by the authorities acting in common agreement with the journalists. But already after the first battles, the press reaffirmed its freedom of expression on political questions, while it continued to accept military and diplomatic informations being censured. About half of the removals requested by the censorship had been objected by the newspaper boards of directors. The existing laws permitted the government to confiscate papers. Their strict application would have led to at least 400 confiscations for the only reason that censured drawings had not been removed. Nevertheless during the whole wartime period this drastic measure was applied only to three papers that had not removed the censored drawings. Two other papers were threatened with serious sanctions, and another one was simply warned. The small number of severe sanctions taken against papers which did not remove censored press drawings suggests that freedom of press was maintained to a very large degree during the conflict, even if many papers suffered from the abuses and uncoherent application of censorship
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Martínez-Michel, Paula. "La censure dans le théâtre espagnol de l'après-guerre : le cas d'Alfonso Sastre." Dijon, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000DIJOL013.
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La censure dans le théâtre espagnol de l'après-guerre. Le cas d'Alfonso Sastre présente l'action de la censure franquiste sur l'oeuvre d'un des écrivains les plus polémiques du théâtre de la période concernée, Alfonso Sastre. Le volume principal est constitué d'une première partie où l'on présente le contexte historique et littéraire qui permet de situer l'oeuvre de l'auteur ainsi que les caractéristiques essentielles de l'appareil légal de la censure. Ensuite dans une deuxième partie l'on analyse la censure sur chacune des pièces d'Alfonso Sastre lors de la publication ainsi que lors de la représentation. Puis, dans une troisième partie, l'on détermine les principales lignes d'action de la censure. Les deux volumes d'annexes réunissent des textes juridiques concernant la censure espagnole et des documents historiques relatifs à la publication et à la représentation des pièces -jusqu'en 1975- trouvées aux archives d'Alcala de Henares.
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Lo, Tit Wing. "The censure of corruption in Hong Kong and China after 1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386184.
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Godet, Martine. "La pellicule et les ciseaux : la censure dans le cinéma soviétique du dégel à la perestroi͏̈ka." Paris, EHESS, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000EHES0083.
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Iglesias, Mira Antonio. "Ricard Salvat en Portugal: Brecht, Castelao e a sua época e censura." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/458764.
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Durante o curso académico de 1968/69, o grupo de teatro universitario Circulo de Iniciação Teatral da Academia de Coimbra (CITAC) contrata como director artístico ao catalán Ricard Salvat. Este era unha figura destacada polo seu traballo coa Escola de Arte Dramàtica Adrià Gual (EADAG) e pola súa vertente como profesor e ensaísta, así como polo seu coñecemento das teses teatrais de Bertolt Brecht. Salvat é contratado para realizar un traballo pedagóxico, cun curso de libre inscrición de historia do teatro, e un traballo artístico, coa preparación de dous espectáculos co CITAC. O primeiro destes espectáculos, titulado Brecht + Brecht, aborda as teses brechtianas dun modo práctico ao tempo que reflexiona sobre acontecementos históricos como o crack da bolsa de 1929, sendo acollido polo público con grande interese. O segundo espectáculo estaba destinado a ser unha ambiciosa montaxe, relacionada co teatro épico e o teatro documento e con colaboradores estranxeiros do nome de Luís Seoane ou Isaac Díaz Pardo e a colaboración de músicos como José Niza. Este proxecto, titulado Castelao e a sua época (CSE), pretendía ser un diálogo entre culturas ibéricas centrado na figura de Alfonso Daniel Rodríguez Castelao, político e artista galego. O texto dramático do espectáculo estaba formado por máis de 140 textos autónomos. Eses textos son de autores, entre outros, como Rosalía de Castro, Joan Maragall, Federico García Lorca, Almada Negreiros ou André Bretón, pertencentes a diferentes campos culturais destacando a presenza portuguesa, galega e catalá.
Infelizmente para o traballo de Salvat, o curso 1968/69 sería lembrado en Coímbra pola Crise Académica de 1969, onde os estudantes se enfrontaron ás autoridades universitarias nun dos desafíos máis famosos á ditadura portuguesa. A policía do Estado Novo, Policia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado (PIDE), nun ataque contra o movemento estudantil, prende e expulsa a Salvat do país o que, sumado á anterior negativa de autorización para a representación de CSE que fora levada polos servizos de censura, fixeron con que o traballo deste segundo espectáculo se perdese. Despois do acontecido, a memoria de CSE foise perdendo co tempo.
Con esta investigación tentamos recuperar, case 50 anos despois da suposta estrea de CSE, o traballo de Salvat en Coimbra, polo que abordamos un estudo do seu curso de teatro, das principais teses teatrais que impulsaban a súa actividade artística en 1969 e presentamos unha edición crítica e comentada do texto dramático de CSE, até o de agora inédito, partindo dos materiais de traballo do grupo e da versión enviada á censura para a súa avaliación. Estudamos tamén as marcas que a censura deixou sobre ese texto así como outros materiais da PIDE sobre director e identificamos as consecuencias artísticas e culturais que dese proxecto falido naceron.During the 1968/69 academic year, the university theatre group Circulo de Iniciação Teatral da Academia de Coimbra (CITAC) hired the Catalan playwright Ricard Salval as artistic director. He was well-known for his work at the Escola de Arte Dramática Adrià Gual (EADAG), and for his activities as a teacher and essayist. Salvat was hired to teach a free registration course on the history of theatre and coordinate two shows at CITAC. The first show, Brecht+Brecht, represented the most serious approach to Brechtian theses made in Portugal until then, and was therefore received by the public with great interest. The second show, Castelao e a súa época (CSE), was conceived as a grand performance combining epic theatre and documentary theatre, and encouraging an Iberian cultural dialogue on the figure of the Galician artist and politician, with the help of artists such as Luís Seoane, Isaac Díaz Pardo and Jose Niza. This drama was composed of 142 autonomous texts written by authors from various literary fields such as Rosalía de Castro, Federico García Lorca, Joan Maragall, Almada Negreiros and André Breton. Unfortunately, the preparation and premiere of this show coincided with a moment of special tension in Portugal known as the 1969 academic crisis. Thus, in an attack on the academic movement, the autorities of the Estado Novo (New State) banned the performance and Ricard Salvat was expelled from the country. Later, the memory of the project was gradually lost. Our research has recovered Salvat’s work in Coimbra, nearly fifty years after the intended premiere of CSE. We have studied his theatre course and the main characteristics of his artistic activity in 1969. Here, we provide a critical and commented edition of the dramatic text of CSE, unpublished until now, based on the materials of the group and on the version delivered to censors for evaluation. We have also examined the marks of censorship in the text and other materials collected by the Portuguese International and State Defense Police (PIDE) about the group director. Lastly, we have identified the artistic and cultural consequences arising from this unsuccessful project.
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Pacheco, Maria Abília de Andrade. "Taiguara : a volta do pássaro ameríndio (1980 - 1996)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2013. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/14671.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, 2013.Submitted by Jaqueline Ferreira de Souza (jaquefs.braz@gmail.com) on 2013-11-12T14:39:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_MariaAbiliadeAndradePacheco_Parcial.pdf: 897577 bytes, checksum: 4b1d06922a7853d359a24c13e94be707 (MD5)
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Esta pesquisa desenvolve uma investigação em torno da memória que vem se construindo sobre o cantor Taiguara, pela qual se privilegia o perfil de compositor censurado durante a ditadura militar. Partindo da ideia de que tal memória produz um primeiro paradoxo ao eleger o silêncio em vez da música como pretexto para trazer um cantor para a história, constata-se que é possível superar esta condição se buscarmos compreender as razões por que toda uma produção discográfica é posta em segundo plano em favor de uma honraria que vem inserir o cantor num seleto grupo de artistas que se posicionaram musicalmente contrários ao regime. Assim, é possível, de pronto, notar que há um vasto repertório de canções de Taiguara que permanece silenciado por uma conjunção de fatores que transcendem o âmbito da censura oficial, o que vem ocorrendo, inclusive, com a sua produção musical mais conhecida. Na história da música popular brasileira, tal se deve ao fato de não se tomar Taiguara como interlocutor de sua época, mesmo tendo o cantor participado efetivamente da cena musical dos festivais, espaço de prestígio desses interlocutores. Com foco nas condições de produção dos discursos, o período escolhido abrange essencialmente os anos oitenta e meados dos noventa, quando o cantor reaparece publicamente, imbuído do espírito de desmontar as farsas construídas sobre a sua história.
This research develops an investigation around the memory that has been built on the performer Taiguara, by which privileges the profile of composer censored during the military dictatorship. Starting from the idea that this memory produces a first paradox to elect the silence instead of music as a pretext to bring a singer for the story, it appears that this condition can be overcome if we seek to understand the reasons why an entire discography is put into the background in favor of an honor that inserts this singer in a select group of artists who have positioned themselves musically opposed to the regime. Thus, it is possible, immediately, to note that there is a vast repertoire of songs composed by Taiguara that remains silenced by a combination of factors that transcend the scope of official censorship, even concerned to its best-known musical production. In the history of Brazilian popular music, this is due to the fact Taiguara not be taken as an interlocutor of his time, even though this singer had participated effectively in the music scene of festivals, prestigious space of these interlocutors. With a focus on the conditions of discourse production, the period chosen covers essencially the eighties and mid-nineties when the singer reappears publicly, imbued with the spirit of dismantling the farces built on its history.
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VIEIRA, Kyara Maria de Almeida. "“Onde estão as respostas para as minhas perguntas”?: Cassandra Rios – a construção do nome e a vida escrita enquanto tragédia de folhetim (1955 – 2001)." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2014. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/11869.
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Este trabalho tem como inspiração a escritora paulistana Cassandra Rios (1932-2002), e as ressonâncias provocadas por sua obra, que constam de mais de cinquenta livros, sendo a maioria romances, muitos deles censurados em décadas distintas do século XX. Tomando como referência temporal os anos entre 1955-2001, respectivamente anos da primeira e da última aparição do nome de Cassandra Rios, enquanto viva, na impressa escrita, o objetivo da tese é problematizar as condições históricas que possibilitaram a emergência do nome autoral de Cassandra Rios e a inscrição de sua vida enquanto uma tragédia de folhetim. Usando como metáfora a composição do enredo da tragédia grega, que caracteriza-se pela mudança de sorte do herói realizada através da peripécia (peripetéia), do reconhecimento (anagnórisis), e da catástrofe (sparagmós), de forma mais específica, no primeiro capítulo discuto a questão da força do nome e como o nome Cassandra Rios passou a constituir um caleidoscópio de imagens, nem sempre congruentes, nem sempre díspares, possibilitando a existência de seu nome autoral; no segundo capítulo, discuto como as escritas de Cassandra Rios constroem um “eu” trágico a partir da relação entre a autora, sua arte de escrever e os dispositivos da sexualidade; no terceiro capítulo, analiso as narrativas da autora que tratam das posturas assumidas por sua família e pelo aparato da censura ditatorial (1964-1985) diante o seu sucesso literário, além das narrativas sobre o câncer que a atingira, enquanto experiências do limite que serão convocadas nos discursos de Cassandra Rios para que esta produzisse uma inscrição de sua vida enquanto uma peça trágica. Quanto às fontes, procurei analisar os discursos contidos nas duas autobiografias escritas por Cassandra Rios, “Censura, minha luta meu amor-1977” e “Mezzamaro, Flores e Cassis: o pecado de Cassandra- 2000”; como também as entrevistas concedidas a vários jornais e revistas, e matérias que veicularam informações sobre a autora e sua obra. Assim, essa tese defende que se o nome de Cassandra Rios passou a operar enquanto força autoral, não foi apenas por ter sido acessada por milhares de leitores ou porque escrevia sobre temáticas eróticas de forma folhetinesca. Mas, também porque a autora se embrenhou em construir seu próprio nome, e por rasurar alguns dos códigos morais vigentes no século XX, entrou em contato com defensores desses códigos, no espaço familiar, estatal, jurídico, midiático, literário, que também puseram seu nome em circulação. Ora se distanciando, ora se aproximando dos significados que lhes foram atribuídos, enquanto tática, narrou a si mesma com a dramaticidade com que produzia seus romances, na construção de sua vida enquanto uma tragédia de folhetim.
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Vergara, Anelize. "Rubem Braga : crônica e censura no Estado Novo (1938-1939) /." Assis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/113808.
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Orientador: Tânia Regina de LucaBanca: Karina Anhezini de Araújo
Banca: Ana Luiza Martins
Resumo: O reconhecimento de Rubem Braga no meio literário deveu-se à sua atuação como cronista, gênero ao qual se consagrou integralmente por mais de sessenta anos. Foi considerado, pelos estudiosos do tema, como o escritor responsável por dotar a crônica de um caráter singular sendo, de acordo com Antonio Candido, o "primeiro a elevar a crônica ao nível de mais alta categoria literária". No inicio de sua formação como cronista, colaborou em periódicos que integravam o maior conglomerado da imprensa na época, os Diários Associados, de Assis Chateaubriand. No entanto, após um desentendimento com Chatô, o cronista deixou o conglomerado, em 1935, e passou a colaborar em diversos periódicos num curto período de tempo, o que o levou a ser chamado de "cigano" pelo amigo Carlos Drummond. É significativo que a maioria destas publicações faziam oposição a Getúlio Vargas, ao integralismo e à Igreja Católica, postura também compartilhada por Braga que, muitas vezes, recorreu a pseudônimos para poder publicar. A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo estudar as crônicas publicadas por Rubem Braga nos primeiros anos de sua formação como escritor e jornalista, numa conjuntura que ainda não foi, sistematicamente, analisada. Esse momento coincide com a instauração do Estado Novo (1937-1945) e a intensificação da censura institucionalizada pelo Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (1939). Para tanto, tratou-se de analisar os textos publicados entre os anos de 1938 e 1939 em três periódicos distintos e que tiveram colaboração simultânea do cronista, a revista Diretrizes (1939-1944) e a Revista Acadêmica (1933-1948), publicações de caráter de esquerda e, ainda, o jornal O Imparcial (1935-1942), alinhado ao projeto político estadonovista. Trata-se de analisar quais foram as principais questões e problemáticas suscitadas pelo cronista, bem como mapear seu posicionamento político e intelectual diante dos ...
Abstract: Rubem Braga's recognition in the literary world was due to his role as a chronicler, genre to which he was devoted entirely for more than sixty years. He was regarded by experts on the subject, to be responsible for providing the chronicle a unique character, according to Antonio Candido, the "first one to raise the level of chronicle to the highest literary category." Early in his career of chronicler, collaborated in journals that formed the largest conglomerate of media at the time, the Assis Chateaubriand Diários Associados. However, after a disagreement with Chatô, the chronicler left the conglomerate in 1935, and went on to work in various newspapers in a short period of time, which led him to be called "Gypsy" by his friend Carlos Drummond. It is significant that most of these publications were in opposition to Vargas, the integralismo and the Catholic Church stance shared by Braga who often resorted to pseudonyms to publish. This research aims to study the chronicles published by Rubem Braga in the early years of its formation as a writer and journalist, in an environment that has not been systematically analyzed. This time coincides with the Estado Novo (1937-1945) and the intensification of institutionalized censorship by the Department of Press and Propaganda (1939). For this purpose, it comes to analyze the texts published between 1938 and 1939 in three different journals and that had simultaneous collaboration of the chronicler, Diretrizes (1938-1944) and Revista Acadêmica (1933-1948), both leftist publications and also the newspaper O Imparcial (1935-1942), aligned to the Estado Novo political project. The aim is to analyze what were the main issues and problems raised by the chronicler, as well as map his intellectual and political positioning on the early years of the newly ...
Mestre
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Henry, Yann. "Une Espagne borgne : la vision des photographes espagnols et étrangers durant la période médiane du franquisme (1945‐1959)." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011REN20059.
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Après la victoire militaire du général Franco, le 1er avril 1939, s’instaure en Espagne une dictature militaire et ecclésiastique. Un « temps du silence » commence pour les vaincus de la guerre. À partir de 1945, cependant, la dictature surnage après la défaite des régimes qui avaient été ses modèles ; elle va traverser plusieurs étapes. L’époque médiane du franquisme (1945-1959) sera celle de la consolidation du régime, qui s’affiche désormais comme nationalcatholique.Dans le domaine photographique, les pratiques professionnelle et amateur vont se heurter à de sévères et nombreux interdits, et l’imagerie nationale sera celle du repli sur soi, du respect des conventions. La photographie espagnole sera adepte du franquisme ou sa vassale obligée ; ses avant-gardes seront balayées, les reportages, muselés, et les mouvements rétrogrades, comme le pictorialisme tardif, magnifiés. Une photographie qui ne donnera qu’une vision borgne de la réalité, tant les sujets traités obéissent à une certaine nostalgie de commande, aux reflets maniérés et académiques d’un passé révolu.Un élan de modernité et des minces filets d’air libre surgiront néanmoins de la province – où naîtront des associations d’amateurs – ainsi que de la vision des quelques photographes étrangers qui parcourent l’Espagne à cette époque. En interrogeant les usages et les pratiques, en scrutant l’esthétisme de ces images, nous tenterons de savoir dans quellemesure, de quelle manière et jusqu’à quel point les photographes espagnols et étrangers ont pu représenter la société espagnole de 1945 à 1959. Les uns, dans un discours de légitimation d’un pouvoir en place ; les autres, dans un esprit moderniste et humanisteAfter General Franco’s victory on April 1st, 1939, a military and ecclesiastical dictatorship takes hold of Spain. A “time of silence” sets in for the vanquished of the war. After 1945, however, the dictatorship survives the demise of the political regimes it had modelled itself on and goes through several stages. Under the median period of Franquism (1945–1959), the regime, in a phase of consolidation, sets itself up as National-Catholic. In the realm of photography, both professional and amateur practices are up against harsh, manifold prohibitions, and the national imagery displays introversion and respect for conventions. Spanish photography proves the follower or mandatory vassal of Franquism; its avant-gardesare annihilated, its reports muzzled, while retrograde movements, such as late Pictorialism, are glorified. It conveys only a one-eyed vision of reality in that its subjects respond to a conventional nostalgia reflecting a bygone past in affected, academic fashion.However, a surge of modernity, as well as thin trickles of fresh air, emerges from the provinces –where amateur associations come into light– and from the vision of some foreign photographers then touring Spain. We will question common practices and scrutinize the esthetics of these images in order to find out how, to what extent and in what way theseSpanish and foreign photographers have managed to picture Spanish society between 1945 and 1959: some with a view to legitimizing the authorities in control, others in a modernist, humanist frame of mind
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Rashid, Md Shahedur. "A study of land transformation in Savar Upazila, Bangladesh, 1915-2001 : an integrated approach using remote sensing, census, map and field data." Thesis, Durham University, 2003. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1064/.
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The aim of this research is to analyse the process of land transformation for an upazila (subdistrict) of Dhaka, the Capital of Bangladesh, using image interpretation techniques and GIS approaches. The analysis spansa time period at decenniali ntervals from 1951 (predevelopmenpt hase)t o 2001 (urbanisation stage). The upazila is considered in Bangladesh to be the main focal point of government planning, land management, environment and development policies. Savar Upazila has been selected as the study area because of its rapidly changing population density, socioeconomicp henomenaa nd land use/coverc hanges ince the independencefr om the Great Britain. The major sources of high resolution (up to a 2.4 metre resolution) remotely sensed data are panchromatic and infrared aerial photography (1953,1984 and 1990); CORONA K114 and K114b spy satellite panoramic film (1962 and 1972) and IRS-ID panchromatic imagery (2000); and DGPS based GCP coordinates of 2001. Digitally converted conventional and Historical administrative, settlement, planning, revenue and topographic maps have been digitised and used at a large-scale of up to 1: 3,960. Moreover, the enhanced 1951,1961,1974,1981,1991 and 2001 population censuses are used in parallel to help interpret images and related factors. In-depth survey and participatory approaches were used during the fieldwork at plot level to help interpret and develop a weighted land cover model and to understand factors responsible for change. In grid format, compatible to temporal image data, detailed land value data were converted into gridded format compatible with a decadal time-series of imagery and from the field for the early 1950s to 2001 integrated with mauza maps. The attribute data have been used as if it was an image data layer in order to visualise land value data. The results illustrate that significant and visible land transformations and population change have occurred over the last half-century from a completely river-dependent countryside to a modem road network orientation, with a change from the byde (low-lying flood-prone area) to chala (highland flood-free area) land economies. A spatio-temporal land transformation index is proposed to explain the complex micro-scale change that have taken place using land use and land value data. Remotely sensed data provides the context with which to interpret past and present land cover and land use. This study shows the importance of modem GIS techniques to integrate enhanced field and secondary data/maps with raster data as well as for mapping historical images and information on the future development, land reform/management, environmental study and planning in Bangladesh.
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Buzalaf, Márcia Neme [UNESP]. "A censura no Pasquim (1969-1975): as vozes não-silenciadas de uma geração." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93346.
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O período de censura militar sobre o Pasquim, entre seu lançamento, em 1969, até 1975, evidencia aspectos sobre a capacidade de produção intelectual no campo da imprensa alternativa passíveis de uma análise mais acurada. A formação de uma geração em torno do jornal, e em nome dele, ajudou a manutenção e a continuidade do semanário, mesmo com as diferentes formas de tentar acabar com sua circulação. Através de uma linha editorial humorística de representação do cotidiano daqueles anos, o Pasquim passou por três fases de censura durante o período: uma censura circunstancial, que coexiste com o início do jornal; uma censura prévia, feita por militares cariocas que censuravam o material jornalístico próximos aos redatores; e uma censura centralizada em Brasília, que visou prejudicar o processo de produção do jornal. Nesta tese, o Pasquim torna-se fonte e objeto de pesquisa. As trezentas primeiras capas representam o semanário como um todo: a geração que alimentava suas páginas e seu processo de produção; as entrevistas diferentes em formato, conteúdo e linguagem; as frases-editoriais, que definiam o jornal semanalmente; e as ilustrações, principalmente do ratinho-mascote, Sig. O discurso subjetivo, coloquial e humorístico do Pasquim, aliado aos documentos do governo Ernesto Geisel e reportagens da imprensa internacional sobre a censura ao jornal, evidenciam o jogo de ação e reação que se estabeleceu naqueles anos. Censurado desde seu início, o Pasquim persiste e resiste às pressões militares, evidenciando, em seu estilo e linguagem, os elementos de integração entre os novos grupos culturais ligados à geração de 60, e os elementos de repressão das variadas formas de censura ao semanário.
The period of time military censorship over Pasquim, between its launch, in 1969, until 1975, highlights aspects about the intellectual production capacity on the alternative press field that are liable to an accurate analysis. The development of a generation around the newspaper, and after its name, helped the maintenance and the continuity of the weekly publication, besides the different forms of mining its circulation. Using a humoristic editorial guidance of representing the quotidian of those years, Pasquim overcame three phases of censorship during the period: a circumstantial censorship, that coexists with the beginning of the newspaper; a prior censorship, executed by militaries in Rio de Janeiro that censored the journalistic material close to the editorial staff; and a censorship centralized in Brasília, which aimed to damaged the newspaper production process. In this thesis, Pasquim becomes the source and the object of research. The first three hundred covers represent the weekly publication in its totality: the generation that feeded its pages and its production process; the innovative in format, content and language; the editorial sentences that defined the newspaper every week; and the illustrations, especially of Sig, the mascot mouse. The subjective, colloquial and humoristic discourse, allied to Ernesto Geisel´s government documents and articles from the international press about the censorship over the newspaper, evidences the action and reaction dynamics established in those years. Censored from its beginning, Pasquim insists and resists the military pressures, evidencing, in its style and speech, the integrational elements among the new cultural groups connected to the 60´s generation and the repression elements of the different forms of censorship over the weekly newspaper.
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Buzalaf, Márcia Neme. "A censura no Pasquim (1969-1975) : as vozes não-silenciadas de uma geração /." Assis : [s.n.], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93346.
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Orientador: Zélia Lopes da SilvaBanca: Maximiliano Martin Vicente
Banca: Sérgio Augusto Queiroz Norte
Banca: Rozinaldo Antonio Miani
Banca: Laura Antunes Maciel
Resumo: O período de censura militar sobre o Pasquim, entre seu lançamento, em 1969, até 1975, evidencia aspectos sobre a capacidade de produção intelectual no campo da imprensa alternativa passíveis de uma análise mais acurada. A formação de uma geração em torno do jornal, e em nome dele, ajudou a manutenção e a continuidade do semanário, mesmo com as diferentes formas de tentar acabar com sua circulação. Através de uma linha editorial humorística de representação do cotidiano daqueles anos, o Pasquim passou por três fases de censura durante o período: uma censura circunstancial, que coexiste com o início do jornal; uma censura prévia, feita por militares cariocas que censuravam o material jornalístico próximos aos redatores; e uma censura centralizada em Brasília, que visou prejudicar o processo de produção do jornal. Nesta tese, o Pasquim torna-se fonte e objeto de pesquisa. As trezentas primeiras capas representam o semanário como um todo: a geração que alimentava suas páginas e seu processo de produção; as entrevistas diferentes em formato, conteúdo e linguagem; as frases-editoriais, que definiam o jornal semanalmente; e as ilustrações, principalmente do ratinho-mascote, Sig. O discurso subjetivo, coloquial e humorístico do Pasquim, aliado aos documentos do governo Ernesto Geisel e reportagens da imprensa internacional sobre a censura ao jornal, evidenciam o jogo de ação e reação que se estabeleceu naqueles anos. Censurado desde seu início, o Pasquim persiste e resiste às pressões militares, evidenciando, em seu estilo e linguagem, os elementos de integração entre os novos grupos culturais ligados à geração de 60, e os elementos de repressão das variadas formas de censura ao semanário.
Abstract: The period of time military censorship over Pasquim, between its launch, in 1969, until 1975, highlights aspects about the intellectual production capacity on the alternative press field that are liable to an accurate analysis. The development of a generation around the newspaper, and after its name, helped the maintenance and the continuity of the weekly publication, besides the different forms of mining its circulation. Using a humoristic editorial guidance of representing the quotidian of those years, Pasquim overcame three phases of censorship during the period: a circumstantial censorship, that coexists with the beginning of the newspaper; a prior censorship, executed by militaries in Rio de Janeiro that censored the journalistic material close to the editorial staff; and a censorship centralized in Brasília, which aimed to damaged the newspaper production process. In this thesis, Pasquim becomes the source and the object of research. The first three hundred covers represent the weekly publication in its totality: the generation that feeded its pages and its production process; the innovative in format, content and language; the editorial sentences that defined the newspaper every week; and the illustrations, especially of Sig, the mascot mouse. The subjective, colloquial and humoristic discourse, allied to Ernesto Geisel's government documents and articles from the international press about the censorship over the newspaper, evidences the action and reaction dynamics established in those years. Censored from its beginning, Pasquim insists and resists the military pressures, evidencing, in its style and speech, the integrational elements among the new cultural groups connected to the 60's generation and the repression elements of the different forms of censorship over the weekly newspaper.
Doutor
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Braw, Monica. "The atomic bomb suppressed : American censorship in Japan, 1945-1949 /." Malmö : Liber Förlag, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb357336050.
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Lemonidou, Elli. "La Grèce vue de France pendant la première guerre mondiale, entre censure et propagandes." Paris 4, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA040016.
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Cette étude examine la façon dont la France a considéré et accueilli la Grèce durant la Première guerre mondiale. Cette recherche a exigé d’analyser le système d’information sur les affaires helléniques mis en place par la France, et ainsi de définir et de mesurer les influences qui ont orienté, tout au long de la guerre, le regard des Français sur la Grèce. Or, le sujet traitant de l’information se trouve être l’un des plus complexes pour la période de la Grande Guerre parce qu’il soulève les questions épineuses de la propagande et de la censure. Les autorités françaises recoururent à la propagande en vue d’encadrer et orienter l’opinion publique du pays, tandis que par le biais d’autres organismes, tels que le bureau de la presse du ministère de la Guerre, on essayait de maîtriser le flux des informations nationales et étrangères et d’occulter aux Français certaines réalités de la guerre. Tout en étudiant donc le rôle et l’action des organismes français de propagande et de censure, nous envisageons aussi la propagande développée du côté grec destinée à agir sur l’opinion publique française. Ainsi tentons-nous de saisir, à travers un cas précis, celui de la perception de la Grèce par la France, le phénomène général de l’information pendant la Première guerre mondiale et d’évaluer la portée de cette information qui parvint à influencer l’opinion publique et à s’imposer à elleThis thesis examines the way in which France considered Greece during the First World War. It sets out to analyze the network of information on Greek issues that France established, as well as to define and evaluate the resulting influence that it had on the French attitude to Greece during the war. The question of “information” is one of the most complexes of the Great War because it raises controversial issues of propaganda and censorship. The French authorities resorted to propaganda in order to orientate and shape public opinion, while the tendency of other bodies such as the Press Bureau of the French Ministry of War was to control the flow of both national and foreign information and to conceal from the French some of the realities of the war. While studying the role and importance of French propaganda and censorship organizations, this work also considers propaganda developed in Greece, which was geared towards French public opinion. The purpose of this thesis is, through the specific example of how France perceived Greece during the Great War, to elucidate the nature of information during this period in history and to evaluate the extent in which it came to influence and dominate public opinion
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Bouvard, Julien. "Manga politique, politique du manga : histoire des relations entre un médium populaire et le pouvoir au Japon contemporain des années 1960 à nos jours." Lyon 3, 2010. https://scd-resnum.univ-lyon3.fr/in/theses/2010_in_bouvard_j.pdf.
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La thèse analyse les relations entre la bande dessinée japonaise (le manga) et le pouvoir dans le Japon contemporain (de 1960 à nos jours). Le but est de retracer, d’un point de vue d’Histoire culturelle, l’évolution des discours politiques contenus dans les mangas de cette période et leurs évolutions dans le temps, en les confrontant avec la situation de ce médium populaire qui est l’objet d’un double mouvement de reconnaissance et de censure de la part des institutions japonaises. La première partie s’attache à définir les spécificités du gekiga, un genre de manga plus adulte apparu au début des années 1960 qui adhère en partie aux discours contestataires de l’époque. La partie suivante (les années 1970 principalement) marquent une rupture avec la précédente à travers le rejet des idéologies politiques. Par la suite, dans les années 1980, le statut du manga change progressivement : il commence à devenir un médium « normal », parfois même pédagogique, alors qu’il était jusque là critiqué pour sa mauvaise influence sur la jeunesse. Cette normalisation va aussi de pair avec une « nationalisation » du manga, du moins dans ses thèmes. Enfin, du milieu des années 1990 à nos jours, la nationalisation devient quasiment une réalité politique avec les mesures prises par les pouvoirs publics pour faire du manga un patrimoine national et un soft power utilisable par la diplomatie japonaise. Néanmoins, ces politiques ont des limites et se heurtent à un médium difficilement domptable par le pouvoir car profondément subversif. De surcroit, les discours de certains mangas dans les années 2000 se radicalisent, et ce dans plusieurs directions politiques : le nationalisme et la critique socialeThe present dissertation analyses the relationship between Japanese comics (manga) and power in contemporary Japan (from 1960 to present). Its aim is to trace back, from a cultural history point of view, the evolution of political discourses within the manga from this period and their changes over time, and to analyze them against the background of manga as a popular medium both recognized and censored by Japanese institutions. The first chapter seeks to define the specifics of gekiga, a more adult genre of manga which emerged in the early 1960s and mostly endorsed the political protest discourses of the time. The next part (mainly the 1970s) marked a break with the previous period through the rejection of political ideologies. Subsequently, in the 1980s, the status of manga changed gradually: it started to become a “conventional” medium, sometimes even educational, whereas it had previously been criticized for its bad influence on youth. Such a normalizing process is also associated with a “nationalization” of manga, at least in its themes. Finally, from mid 1990 to our days, the nationalization becomes almost a political reality including measures taken by the various governments to turn manga into a national heritage and a soft power to be used by diplomacy. Nevertheless, these policies are reaching their limits insofar as they have to deal with a profoundly subversive and hard-to-tame medium. The discourse of some manga has become more radical in the first decade of the 21th century but it tends to follow two different political orientations: nationalism and social criticism
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Ferreira, Sheila. "Um modelo simbólico-conexionista para interpretacao de cenas." Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas Espaciais (INPE), 1997. http://urlib.net/sid.inpe.br/iris@1905/2005/07.29.21.08.47.
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Neste trabalho, e proposto um modelo hibrido para a interpretacao de cenas. Os objetos em uma cena sao identificados e classificados e em seguida, as relacoes entre eles sao interpretadas utilizando suas coordenadas e conhecimento sobre o tipo de cena. No modelo hibrido proposto, duas redes neurais sao utilizadas em sequencia para efetuar a classificacao dos objetos na cena. A primeira rede, do tipo Kohonen, e utilizada para recuperar padroes imperfeitos. A segunda rede, do tipo Backpropagation, associa um codigo de classificacao a cada objeto advindo da rede de Kohonen. Apos a classificacao dos objetos, um sistema especialista baseado em quadros (compilado) identifica a estrutura da cena atraves do uso de regras para encontrar as relacoes entre os objetos classificados. Um prototipo para o reconhecimento de equacoes matematicas, e tambem apresentado, onde detalhes de implementacao do modelo proposto, podem ser observados. Para mostrar a generalidade do modelo proposto, apresenta-se tambem um prototipo para o reconhecimento de formulas quimicas, que foi obtido a partir do outro prototipo, com a substituicao da base de conhecimento do sistema especialista.In this work, a hybrid model for scene interpretation is proposed. The objects in a scene are first of all identified and classified, and then the relationships existing among these objects are interpreted using the objects coordinates and knowldege about the scene. In the proposed hybrid model, two neural networks are used in sequence in order to classify the objects. The first one, a Kohonen network, is used to restore imperfect patterns. The second one, a Backpropagation network, associates a classification code to each object issued by the Kohonen network. After all the objects are classified, a (compiled) expert system identifies the scene structure, using rules of thumb to interpret the relationships existing among the classified objects. A prototype for the recognition of mathematical equations is also presented, from which details about the model implementation can be observed. in order to highlight the model generality, a prototype for the recognition of chemical equations is also proposed. This prototype was obtained from the mathematical equations one, by the substitution of the expert system knowledge base.
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Goudal, Émilie. "La France face à son histoire : les artistes plasticiens et la guerre d’Algérie, de 1954 a nos jours." Thesis, Paris 10, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA100011.
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Entre 1954 et 1962, la guerre d’indépendance ou d’Algérie, selon que l’on se place du côté de la victoire ou de la défaite, marque durablement plusieurs générations d’artistes internationaux, tout en traversant et bousculant des questionnements esthétiques quant à la représentation de l’innommable. Cette thèse, qui récolte les traces de cette déchirure franco-algérienne au travers du prisme de l’art, révèle l’importance d’un sujet historique, ignoré par l’histoire de l’art, dont les répercussions sur la politique contemporaine de la France sont encore perceptibles. Terreau d’une génération d’artistes en devenir, qui confortera son engagement social et artistique dans les évènements de Mai 68, mais aussi d’artistes de l’hybridité postcoloniale, qui revendiquent une modernité non hiérarchisée et l’écriture d’une histoire du non dit, la guerre d’Algérie revêt des enjeux fondamentaux dans la construction contemporaine de la scène artistique française et algérienne. Or, alors que la prescription historique d’une cinquantaine d’années est maintenant révolue, il semble que les conflits mémoriaux inhérents à cette défaite française continuent à entraver l’écriture et l’exposition sereines d’une séquence historique, qui apparaît pourtant matricielle dans la construction de la France contemporaine. Aussi, cette étude se propose de porter un regard critique sur la place des représentations de cette « non-histoire » dans les institutions muséales françaises et tente alors de mesurer l’impact d’une histoire encore non consensuelle dans la création artistique actuelle, aujourd’hui percutée par des enjeux de mémoire et politique, et qui de fait interroge la notion même d’identité(s)From 1954 to 1962, the Independence War or Algerian War — depending on whether the story is narrated from the perspective of the victors or the defeated — touched many generations of international artist, while also penetrating and pushing aesthetic questions about representations of the unspeakable. By tracing the scar of this break between France and Algeria through the prism of art, this thesis reveals the importance of a crucial historical moment, hitherto unexamined by art history, which continues to bear upon contemporary politics in France. Offering exploratory themes not only to a generation of budding artists who affirmed their social and artistic commitments during the events of Mai 68, but also to artists from postcolonial world who proclaimed a modernity without hierarchy and the writing of unsaid histories, the Algerian War produced some of the fundamental issues underpinning the contemporary French and Algerian art worlds. With the historic prescription of a fifty years’ deferral now being over, the conflicted memories of the French defeat continue to trouble the undisturbed writing and exhibition of this sequence of historical events, formative key to construction of contemporary France. Consequently, this study proposes a critical examination of the representation of this “non history” in the French museum. In so doing, it estimates the impact of a “non-consensual” history on contemporary artistic practice touched by issues of memory and politics, and which interrogate notions of identity(ies)
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Vergara, Anelize [UNESP]. "Rubem Braga : crônica e censura no Estado Novo (1938-1939)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/113808.
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000804654.pdf: 2488768 bytes, checksum: db5ab26542438288a0c0e491c8721167 (MD5)Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
O reconhecimento de Rubem Braga no meio literário deveu-se à sua atuação como cronista, gênero ao qual se consagrou integralmente por mais de sessenta anos. Foi considerado, pelos estudiosos do tema, como o escritor responsável por dotar a crônica de um caráter singular sendo, de acordo com Antonio Candido, o “primeiro a elevar a crônica ao nível de mais alta categoria literária”. No inicio de sua formação como cronista, colaborou em periódicos que integravam o maior conglomerado da imprensa na época, os Diários Associados, de Assis Chateaubriand. No entanto, após um desentendimento com Chatô, o cronista deixou o conglomerado, em 1935, e passou a colaborar em diversos periódicos num curto período de tempo, o que o levou a ser chamado de “cigano” pelo amigo Carlos Drummond. É significativo que a maioria destas publicações faziam oposição a Getúlio Vargas, ao integralismo e à Igreja Católica, postura também compartilhada por Braga que, muitas vezes, recorreu a pseudônimos para poder publicar. A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo estudar as crônicas publicadas por Rubem Braga nos primeiros anos de sua formação como escritor e jornalista, numa conjuntura que ainda não foi, sistematicamente, analisada. Esse momento coincide com a instauração do Estado Novo (1937-1945) e a intensificação da censura institucionalizada pelo Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (1939). Para tanto, tratou-se de analisar os textos publicados entre os anos de 1938 e 1939 em três periódicos distintos e que tiveram colaboração simultânea do cronista, a revista Diretrizes (1939-1944) e a Revista Acadêmica (1933-1948), publicações de caráter de esquerda e, ainda, o jornal O Imparcial (1935-1942), alinhado ao projeto político estadonovista. Trata-se de analisar quais foram as principais questões e problemáticas suscitadas pelo cronista, bem como mapear seu posicionamento político e intelectual diante dos ...
Rubem Braga’s recognition in the literary world was due to his role as a chronicler, genre to which he was devoted entirely for more than sixty years. He was regarded by experts on the subject, to be responsible for providing the chronicle a unique character, according to Antonio Candido, the “first one to raise the level of chronicle to the highest literary category.” Early in his career of chronicler, collaborated in journals that formed the largest conglomerate of media at the time, the Assis Chateaubriand Diários Associados. However, after a disagreement with Chatô, the chronicler left the conglomerate in 1935, and went on to work in various newspapers in a short period of time, which led him to be called Gypsy by his friend Carlos Drummond. It is significant that most of these publications were in opposition to Vargas, the integralismo and the Catholic Church stance shared by Braga who often resorted to pseudonyms to publish. This research aims to study the chronicles published by Rubem Braga in the early years of its formation as a writer and journalist, in an environment that has not been systematically analyzed. This time coincides with the Estado Novo (1937-1945) and the intensification of institutionalized censorship by the Department of Press and Propaganda (1939). For this purpose, it comes to analyze the texts published between 1938 and 1939 in three different journals and that had simultaneous collaboration of the chronicler, Diretrizes (1938-1944) and Revista Acadêmica (1933-1948), both leftist publications and also the newspaper O Imparcial (1935-1942), aligned to the Estado Novo political project. The aim is to analyze what were the main issues and problems raised by the chronicler, as well as map his intellectual and political positioning on the early years of the newly ...
FAPESP: 11/15692-0
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García, de la Torre Alfredo. "Propaganda y cultura del "nuevo Estado" franquista en Alicante durante la posguerra (1939-1945)." Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Alicante, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10045/24335.
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Morgan, Daniel. "Du crime de guerre au fait divers ˸ la justice pénale, un enjeu politique dans le cinéma français, 1945-1958." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA124.
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Le cinéma français de l’après-guerre, largement apolitique, laisse pourtant surgir des questionnements autour de la remise en place de l’État de droit dans ses représentations de la justice pénale. Point de rencontre entre l’individu et l’État qui doit rétablir sa légitimité après les abus et les exactions du régime de Vichy, la justice représente un thème épineux pour les cinéastes, d’autant plus que le cinéma est à cette époque un moyen d’expression hautement surveillé, censuré et toujours associé à la propagande des régimes totalitaires. À partir d’un corpus de quarante longs métrages de fiction, l’objectif de cette étude est d’analyser les représentations des tribunaux, des forces de l’ordre, des prisons, du crime et du châtiment par le média de masse le plus important de l’époque, avant que la Nouvelle Vague n’entraîne une transformation de l’industrie et de l’esthétique cinématographiques et que la télévision atteigne un public plus nombreux encore. Les critiques dans la presse, les archives de la censure publique ou encore les bandes d’actualités qui abordent ces mêmes thèmes font partie des sources utilisées dans cette étude pour replacer dans leur contexte historique les images de la justice dans le cinéma de fiction. Souvent dépolitisés, parfois propagandistes, en quelques cas subversifs, ces films permettent de délimiter le périmètre d’expression possible autour de ce thème intrinsèquement politique dans la France des années 1940 et 1950. Ils fournissent un aperçu de la morale, des idéaux, des tabous, des espoirs et des peurs d’une société qui a rétabli la démocratie, mais qui commence à interroger la violence de ses propres pratiques de maintien de l’ordreAlthough French cinema from the period following World War Two is known for being largely apolitical, its images of criminal justice allow for a glimpse of the difficult questions that the postwar society was forced to ask itself about its return to the rule of law. As a point of conflict between the individual and the state—in a state attempting to reestablish its legitimacy—criminal justice was a delicate subject for filmmakers to address, especially since the cinematic medium, still seen as a means of propaganda and associated with totalitarian regimes, was strictly monitored and censored by public authorities. Using a corpus of 40 feature-length fiction films, this study attempts to analyze the representations of law enforcement, courts, prisons, crime, and punishment in the most important mass media of the era, before the transformation of the film industry by the New Wave and the spread of television to a substantial audience. A range of primary sources, from film reviews in the press to public censorship archives and newsreels dealing with similar themes, help to place the feature films’ images of criminal justice in their historical context. Often depoliticized, sometimes propagandistic, occasionally subversive, the films reveal the possibilities and the limits of expression on an intrinsically political topic, in the film industry and more broadly in 1940s and 1950s French society. They expose the morals, ideals, taboos, hopes and fears of a nation that had recently reestablished democracy but faced difficult questions about the violence of its own methods of maintaining order
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Ferrand, Olivier. "La République et le problème de l'espace public culturel : naissance de la censure du cinéma en France (1909-1919)." Grenoble 2, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004GRE29019.
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Ce travail se propose de jeter un nouvel éclairage sur les conditions dans lesquelles un dispositif de contrôle du cinéma voit le jour en France, au début du vingtième siècle. Pour comprendre l'épisode, il est indispensable de penser à nouveaux frais le concept d'espace public. Contrairement à ce que l'on a coutume de répéter, cette sphère est intrinsèquement duale : elle comporte un versant politique qui a fait l'objet de nombreux travaux, et un versant culturel, qui a jusqu'à présent été laissé dans l'ombre. Chansons, spectacles, pièces de théâtre : autant de distractions, fondées sur un usage public de la parole, qui, à compter de 1880, s'inscrivent dans les modes de vie du grand nombre. Le cinéma fait à son tour l'objet d'un vif engouement : à la veille de la guerre, il s'impose comme l'un des passe-temps préférés des Français. La censure du cinéma se conçoit comme une tentative pour enrayer l'influence supposée des œuvres de divertissement sur les mœurs de la population. Il s'agit principalement d'interdire les films policiers, soupçonnés d'inciter la jeunesse au crime. C'est à l'analyse des raisons pour lesquelles cette représentation fait autorité que nous avons consacré l'essentiel de notre réflexion.
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Bocquenet, Bernard. "La Censure sous Vichy en Béarn 1940-1944." Thesis, Pau, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PAUU1029/document.
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A la déclaration de guerre en septembre 1939, la censure est rétablie sous le contrôle des militaires pour empêcher les critiques de la politique du gouvernement et encadrer les informations militaires. Les bureaux de la censure s'installent à Pau et contrôlent la presse départementale. Après l'armistice, la censure passe aux mains des civils et se structure dans le cadre d'une organisation régionale, dépendant d'une censure centrale à Vichy. En novembre 1941, la nomination à Pau d'Henri Peyre durcit le contrôle de presse. Les conflits se multiplient avec les trois quotidiens : Le Patriote, l'Indépendant et France Pyrénées. Le censeur transforme ses services en une officine de propagande et de délation. Il surveille de très près la vie publique et culturelle avec beaucoup de zèle. A la Libération, les journaux palois passent en jugement et disparaissent, le censeur est condamné à dix ans de travaux forcésFollowing the declaration of war in September 1939, censorship is reestablished under the control of military forces to prevent people from criticizing the government’s policy and to regulate the communication of military information. Censorship offices settle down in Pau and check the departmental press. After the armistice is signed, censorship falls into the hands of civilians and forms itself under a regional organization which depends on the central censorship office in Vichy. In November 1941, when Henri Peyre is nominated in Pau, measures to monitor the press are strengthened. There are increasing numbers of conflicts involving the three daily newspapers: Le Patriote, l'Indépendant and France Pyrénées. The censor transforms his services into a propaganda and informing outlet. He closely monitors the public and cultural life with great zeal. After the liberation, newspapers in Pau stand trial and disappear. The censor, in turn, is sentenced to ten years of forced labour
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Fournier, Caroline. "La prolifération des versions multiples dans le cinéma en Espagne de 1955 à 1967." Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030011.
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La prolifération des versions multiples dans le cinéma en Espagne de 1955 à 1967 résulted’une situation complexe, qui trouve son origine dans les conditions de production et dedistribution, dans une législation qui ne cesse d’évoluer pour mieux contrôler le domaine, et aussidans l’émergence de voix discordantes au sein de la création.Le premier facteur déterminant est la mise en place de structures administratives decontrôle, dont la censure se révèle l’instrument le plus direct, mais qui ne doit pas faire oublier laportée des autres mécanismes d’autorisation et de protection économique : il s’agit d’imposer aucinéma les cadres de l’idéologie du régime franquiste et de l’Église. Il ne faut cependant pas sousestimerl’importance de l’industrie dans cette pratique systématique : les formes de production,de distribution, de diffusion, l’émergence de nouveaux courants et les difficultés techniques jouentelles aussi un rôle essentiel.Après une analyse générale de ces facteurs étroitement liés entre eux, un éventail de neufétudes de cas dresse un portrait de la pluralité filmique dans une Espagne qui traverse unepériode d’espoir et de velléités d’ouverture. À travers l’approfondissement de la genèsecompliquée de films représentatifs des principaux genres et courants ainsi que des différentesétapes qui jalonnent l’histoire du cinéma espagnol de 1955 à 1967, il apparaît quel’interdépendance de l’État et de l’industrie constitue le terrain propice à l’existence systématiquede variantes voulues ou imposéesThe proliferation of multiple versions in cinema in Spain from 1955 to 1967 is due to a complexsituation originating from the conditions of production and distribution, a legislation that constantlyevolved in order to control the sector more efficiently and the emergence of dissenting voices amongcreators themselves.The first decisive factor is the setting up of administrative organs of control, among whichcensorship proves to be the most straightforward instrument, although other significant mechanismssuch as licensing or protectionism are equally important: their aim is to impose upon cinema theideology of the Franco regime and Catholic Church. However, the role of the industry in this systematicpractice should not be underestimated: a significant part is played by the forms of production,distribution and diffusion, the emergence of new trends and also technical difficulties.After a general analysis of these closely interconnected factors, a sample of nine case studiesprovides a portrait of film plurality in Spain as it is undergoing a period of hope and timid opening.Through an in‐depth study of the complicated creation of films representative of the main genres andcurrents as well as the different stages in the history of Spanish cinema from 1955 to 1967, it appearsthat the interdependency of the State and the industry is the breeding ground for a systematic use ofmultiple versions, whether deliberate or imposed
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Liogier, Hélène. "Le cinéma français en Espagne, 1939-1975." Grenoble 2, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998GRE29012.
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Le cinema est ici un enjeu economique, politique et culturel qui permet d'etudier le sens et les fonctions des relations entre une democratie et une dictature. Les initiatives des autorites et des professionnels francais se heurtent aux mesures prises par les franquistes pour controler l'importation et la diffusion du cinema etranger. Avant 1936, l'espagne est le premier marche d'exportation du cinema francais. En 1939, ce marche lui echappe totalement, et pour longtemps. Jusqu'en 1949, rares sont les films francais qui parviennent a entrer dans le pays. En revanche, nombreux sont ceux dont la carriere - debutee avant 1939 - est interrompue par la censure franquiste. Quelques cinemas projettent parfois de vieux films. Resultat, le public n'est pas au rendez-vous malgre les efforts entrepris par les representants de la culture francaise en espagne pour diffuser des films dans le cadre des instituts et des lycees francais. Les annees qui s'ecoulent entre 1950 et 1962 constituent une etape intermediaire dans l'entreprise de reintroduction du cinema francais en espagne. En tant qu'attache d'information de l'ambassade de france et delegue d'unifrance film a madrid, marcelin defourneaux se depense sans compter pour favoriser la diffusion du cinema francais dans le pays. Mais, du fait de la maniere discriminante dont s'exerce la censure, seule une minorite cultivee a le "privilege" de decouvrir la production cinematographique francaise, en particulier dans les cine-clubs. A partir de 1963 et jusqu'a la fin de la dictature, en revanche, les films francais sont tres presents en espagne. Ils rencontrent, enfin, le " grand public" espagnol parce que les relations franco- espagnoles se sont ameliorees et que la censure franquiste est moins stricte sur les questions d'ordre moral. Au debut des annees soixante-dix, le marche espagnol est d'ailleurs le second, voire le premier marche d'exportation du cinema francaisThe film industry is therefore an economical, political and cultural stake which allow to study sens and fonction of the relations between a democracy and a dictatorship. The initiatives in favour of french movies knocked against franquistes's measures to control the importation and the broadcasting of foreign film. Before 1936, spain was the first exportation market for french movies. In 1939, this market completely passed out and for a long time. Until 1949, only a few french movies succeded entering the country. On the other hand, many movies, entered spain before 1939, were forbidden by the franquiste censorship. Only a few cinema did showed old french movies without success. The representatives of french culture could only broadcast some films in their institute. The years between 1950 and 1962 were an intermediary step to the reintroduction of french movies in spain. As the director of french embassy information department and supervisor of unifrance film in madrid, marcelin defourneaux made strong efforts to enhance the broadcasting of french film in spain. Nevertheless, because of discriminantory censorship manners, only a cultural minority had the opportunity to discover the french production, essentially thanks to "cine-clubs". On the contrary, from 1963 to the end of the dictatorship, french movies were well- represented in spain. Thanks to the bether relations between france and spain and also the less restricted censorship about moral questions, french films have eventually met their large audience. At the beginning of the seventies, spain is again the second or even the first exportation market for french film industry
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Souza, Pinto Léonor Estela. "Le cinéma brésilien au risque de la censure pendant la dictature militaire de 1964 à 1985." Toulouse 2, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001TOU20090.
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Ce travail consiste à établir les différents mouvements de l’action de la censure sur le cinéma brésilien pendant la dictature militaire qui a eu lieu entre 1964 et 1985 au Brésil, à partir de l'analyse des documents officiels de la censure, récemment libérés à la consultation. Trois vecteurs s'entrecroisent : les documents de la censure, les entretiens avec les réalisateurs des films analysés et les articles de presse. La présentation du travail se fait en trois parties : Panorama Politique, Les Films Etudiés et L'action de la Censure. Chaque partie sera présentée en respectant la chronologie, en quatre mouvements : Années 50 / 60 ; 1964 / 1968 ; 1969 / 1974 et 1975 / 1985. La première partie présente le panorama politique de 1955 à 1985, en débutant par la période de l'après guerre et en finissant avec le dernier gouvernement militaire. La deuxième partie présente les films dont les dossiers sont analysés. Dans cette présentation, il y a le synopsis, l'historique et les critiques sur chaque film. Les bases pour cette présentation ont été les dossiers de presse sur les films, sur les cinéastes et les entretiens réalisés. La troisième partie présente l'analyse des dossiers de la censure sur chaque film, en montrant comment la censure change sa façon d'agir par rapport au cinéma brésilien et par rapport aux différents moments politiques. Différemment des deux parties antérieures, cette partie sera présentée en respectant la chronologie du tournage des films. C'est-à-dire que chaque film aura son dossier de censure analysé du début à la fin. Ce travail veut établir comment et à quel point le régime en vigueur reconnaissait le cinéma comme un moyen de former les mentalités. Et que c'est justement parce que le régime avait cette conscience, qu'il lui est devenu capital de tout mettre en œuvre pour démanteler un certain cinéma brésilien : un cinéma qui devenait de plus en plus puissant en tant qu'instrument d'affirmation de l'identité culturelle du paysThis work consists on the establishment of the different movements of the action of censorship on the Brazilian movies during the military dictatorship that took place between 1964 and 1985 in Brazil, based on the analysis of the official documentation of censorship, that has been freed lately to consultation. Three are the vectors that will drive our thought : the documentation of censorship, the interviews with the directors of the movies analysed and the articles of press. My work is presented divided in three parts : Political Panorama, The Film Presentation and The Action of Censorship. Every part will be presented while following the chronology, in four movements : Years 50 / 60 ; 1964 / 1968 ; 1969 / 1974 and 1975 / 1985. The first part presents the political panorama from 1955 to 1985, starting on the period of the after war and finishing with the last military government. The second part presents the movies whose files are analysed. In this presentation, there are a brief synopsis, the history and the critiques about every film. The basis for this presentation were the press files on the movies and on the directors and the interviews. The third part presents the analysis of the censorship files on every movie, while showing how censorship changes its way to act in relation to the Brazilian movies, considering each different political period. Differently of the two previous parts, this part will be presented while respecting the chronology of the shooting of the movies. That is to say that every movie will have its file of censorship analysed from the beginning to the end, all at once. This work wants to establish how and at what point the military regime recognised the movies like a means of forming identities. And precisely because it had this conscience, it became fundamental to its maintenance to dismantle a certain Brazilian cinema by all means : the cinema that was becoming increasingly powerful as instrument of affirmation of the Brazilian cultural identity
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Clerc, Isabelle. "Teatro abierto 1981-1983 : censure et écriture théâtrale dans l'Argentine du Processus de réorganisation nationale." Toulouse 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003TOU20047.
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Teatro Abierto est né en 1981 à Buenos Aires, durant le "Processus de réorganisation nationale" (1976-1983), une des plus tragiques dictatures qu'ait connues l'Argentine. Ce cycle théâtral devait être, pour les artistes, une façon de réaffirmer l'existence du théâtre argentin victime de la censure. Mais il est devenu au fil des représentations, grâce à l'appui du public, un mouvement politique d'opposition au régime. Le succès de cette aventure encouragera les artistes à renouveler l'expérience ; quatre éditions auront lieu et plus de quatre-vingt-dix pièces seront offertes aux spectateurs porteños. Par quels procédés les œuvres parviennent-elles à dénoncer certains aspects de la réalité ? L'analyse du mouvement et des œuvres représentées entre 1981 et 1983 montre que Teatro Abierto, souvent considéré par la critique, et par les artistes eux-mêmes, comme un phénomène politique avant tout, a également vu naître des œuvres importantes dans le panorama théâtral argentinTeatro Abierto first appeared in 1981 in Buenos Aires during the "Process of national reorganization" (1976-1983), one of the most tragic dictatorship Argentina ever endured. It was a theatrical phenomenon meant to reaffirm the existence of Argentine theatre though being the victim of censorship. However, as the performances went on, and thanks to public support, it eventually became a political movement opposed to the regime. The success of this venture would incite the artist to repeat the experience. More than ninety plays, performed during four seasons, were indeed proposed to the porteños spectators. What means did the plays use to denounce some of the reality of the time ? The analysis of the movement and of the plays performed between 1981 an 1983 shows that while Teatro Abierto was first and foremost considered as a political phenomenon, not only by the critics but also by the artists themselves, it was also at the root of important actworks in the argentine theatrical scene
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Wang, Charlotte. "La télévision en Chine continentale : ses enjeux politiques et économiques aujourd'hui." Paris 2, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA020039.
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L’introduction de cette thèse campe le média TV dans le contexte original et complexe de la Chine d’aujourd’hui. Dans une première partie, l’auteur analyse les caractéristiques de la télévision chinoise, la seule autorisée aujourd’hui en Chine. Elle est la première du monde, ne serait ce que par le nombre de ses téléspectateurs. Dans un premier temps, le média TV est replacé par rapport aux autres médias chinois au sein du paysage médiatique général. Elle est comparée en particulier à la radio, banalisée en Chine comme partout ailleurs dans le monde. Quant à la presse écrite, média chinois par excellence dans la civilisation de l’idéogramme, elle demeure aujourd’hui essentiellement urbaine. Dans la mesure où elle s’est développée dans un pays qui se réclame du marxisme-léninisme, la TV chinoise est par nature au service de l’Etat. On ne s’étonne donc pas que ses structures administratives soient très hiérarchisées, très complexes, parfois opaque. De même, la présence étrangère en matière de programmes est strictement limitée et la censure gouvernementale est très forte. Quant à l’économie du secteur, elle est encore pour l’essentiel étatisée même si la concurrence et la publicité se sont considérablement développées. Il est vrai que le marché de la consommation télévisuelle, avec plus de 95% de Chinois regardant la TV, est devenu considérable. L’étude des audiences montre, quant à elle, que même si la CCTV a une grande importance à l’échelle nationale, les régionalismes marqués ne sont pas pour autant absents du paysage TV chinois. Dans une deuxième partie, intitulée « une histoire particulièrement mouvementée », on apprend que la TV chinoise, moyen de propagande communiste par excellence, a souffert dès ses débuts de la pauvreté du pays. Mais ce sont surtout les valses hésitations du Maoïsme tant politiques qu’économiques qui ont donné à la TV chinoise ses traits les plus essentiels. Quant à la Révolution culturelle, elle a marqué au fer rouge ce média. La télévision tout en étant maintenue en vie a connu des attaques telles qu’elles ont failli la faire disparaître en tant que véhicule culturel. Dans la troisième partie, on peut s’apercevoir que, la TV chinoise, renaissante de ses cendres depuis l’Ouverture de 1978, connaît aujourd’hui des problèmes qui sont de trois sortes. Tout d’abord, elle devra faire peau neuve en se débarrassant des freins bureaucratiques et administratifs qui l’empêchent de progresser vers la liberté. Ensuite, il lui faudra limiter une censure d’autant plus difficile à maintenir qu’elle doit s’exercer en même temps sur les nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication. Enfin, la qualité des programmes devra être améliorée sauf à craindre la désertion de nombreux téléspectateurs chinois si la concurrence étrangère venait vraiment à se faire jour. Dans la conclusion, les contradictions de la TV chinoise sont examinées, en particulier celles qui procèdent du fait qu’il est difficile de concilier censure et modernité, administration communiste, concurrence et ouverture globale à l’économie de marché sans parler des pressions encore assez minoritaires d’une bourgeoisie intellectuelle chinoise grandissante qui exige chaque jour plus d'ouverture et de liberté
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Díaz, Cardozo Leidy Carolina. "La literatura erótica de Cassandra Rios: O bruxo espanhol (1959) y uma mulher diferente (1968)." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2018. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/8196.
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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
The laborious work proposes the study of two novels by Cassandra Rios, O Bruxo Espanhol (1959) and Uma Mulher Diferente (1968), in which it is intended to analyze fundamental aspects of censorship on sexuality, to support the banning of Cassandra's books from the 50's to the 70's. Through the generality of the work of the brazilian writer Cassandra Rios, aspects of personal life and her literary career are pointed out in order to understand the contradictions of the context surrounding the author as the constructed narratives responsible for opening the debate on preconceptions in the face of sexuality.
El presente trabajo propone el estudio de dos novelas de Cassandra Rios, O Bruxo Espanhol (1959) y Uma Mulher Diferente (1968), en los cuales se pretende analizar aspectos fundamentales de la censura sobre sexualidad, para fundamentar la prohibición de los libros de Cassandra Rios desde la época de los 50´s hasta los 70´s. A través de la generalidad de la obra de la escritora brasilera Cassandra Rios son señalados aspectos de la vida personal y de su trayectoria literaria a fin de entender las contradicciones del contexto que rodeo a la autora como las narrativas construidas responsables de abrir el debate sobre los preconceptos frente a la sexualidad.
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Silva, Camila Gonçalves. "A censura veste farda: elites conservadoras, policiais militares e o consentimento da imprensa escrita a censura, durante o governo militar em Montes Claros de 1964-1985." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2011. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/4979.
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A dissertação analisa a censura à imprensa, numa localidade distante dos grandes centros urbanos do país, focalizando a cidade de Montes Claros, situada em região sertaneja do Norte de Minas Gerais, entre 1964 e 1985. Inicialmente discorre-se sobre a trajetória econômica e política da cidade, salientando o caráter politicamente orientado do desenvolvimento, evidenciado pelo ingresso na era industrial através de ações do Estado. Notadamente da Superintendência de Desenvolvimento do Nordeste/SUDENE, sem que seja plenamente derrogada a influência das elites agrárias tradicionais, a “elite agropecuária”. Salienta-se como o temor à reforma agrária, a presença de movimentos políticos de esquerda, certa tradição anticomunista e o incremento das atividades reivindicatórias que acompanham o crescimento urbano e as mazelas sociais, a ele vinculados, inclinaram as elites da cidade em favor do golpe de 1964 e do regime militar que ele instaura. Além de contribuir para a definição dos motivos que, ao lado das prescrições da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, eram utilizados para justificar a repressão política e a censura. Destaca-se, ainda, o protagonismo da Polícia Militar e de seu comandante na ação golpista e, após o golpe, na repressão política e no exercício da censura, em Montes Claros. Contrariamente à prática comum aos grandes centros urbanos, efetuada não por organismos especializados, mas pela polícia, num primeiro momento e, em seguida, pelo Exército. Descreve-se, também, a trajetória da imprensa em Montes Claros que, na década de 1950, distancia-se do jornalismo subordinado às facções políticas locais, traço comum à imprensa da cidade em momentos anteriores. Por força da ação de uma nova geração de jornalistas, de formação e experiência profissionais construídas em grandes centros urbanos. Observa-se, contudo, que a autonomia revelada por tais jornalistas não eliminava os limites próprios do exercício do jornalismo em organismos cuja sobrevivência depende de seu corpo de anunciantes e da relação com sua clientela. Além disto, os jornais de Montes Claros atribuíam-se o papel de instrumentos do desenvolvimento da cidade que favorecia, pelo seu caráter politicamente orientado, a busca de relações amistosas com atores políticos situados nas esferas estadual e federal. Analisa-se, por fim, a prática da censura em Montes Claros, em suas diferentes dimensões, as iniciativas de resistência e acomodação, bem como as relações verificadas entre censores e jornalistas, boa parte das vezes cordiais, em certa medida por força das características que envolvem a convivência social em pequenas localidades. A dissertação se vale de diversos documentos escritos, como revistas, jornais, processos crime, além de entrevistas com jornalistas que, no período delimitado pelo estudo, atuaram nos periódicos ‘Diário de Montes Claros’ e ‘Jornal de Montes Claros.’
The dissertation examines the censorship of the media in a location far from major urban centers, focusing on the city of Montes Claros, located in the hinterland region of northern Minas Gerais, between 1964 and 1985. Initially, talks about the economic and political trajectory of the city, highlighting the politically oriented character development, as evidenced by entry into the industrial age through state actions. Notably, the Superintendency of Northeast Development SUDENE without it being fully disregarded the influence of the traditional agrarian elite, the "dynasty of the ox." Stress as fears of agrarian reform, the presence of leftist political movements, anti certain tradition for equal rights and increase the activities that accompany the urban and social decay, linked to it, bowed elites of the city in favor of the coup 1964 and the military regime that it establishes. Besides contributing to the definition of the reasons why, alongside the requirements of the National Security Doctrine, were used to justify political repression and censorship. It is noteworthy, though, the leadership of the military police commander and his action in the coup and after the coup, political repression and the practice of censorship in Montes Claros. Contrary to the practice common to large urban centers, not done by specialized bodies, but by the police at first and then by the Army. It describes also the trajectory of the press in Montes Claros, in the 1950s, distanced himself from journalism subject to local political factions, a trait common to the press of the city in times past. Under the action of a new generation of journalists, training and work experience built in large urban centers. There is, however, revealed that autonomy by these journalists did not eliminate the proper limit the practice of journalism in organisms whose survival depends on your body of advertisers and the relationship with their customers. Moreover, the newspapers of Montes Claros attributed the role of instruments of development that favored the city, by its politically oriented, seeking friendly relations with political actors situated at the state and federal. It is analyzed, finally, the practice of censorship in Montes Claros, in its various dimensions, the initiatives of resistance and accommodation as well as the relationships found between censors and journalists, most of the time friendly to some extent because of the characteristics involving the social life in small towns. The paper draws upon various documents such as magazines, newspapers, criminal proceedings, and interviews with reporters that in the period defined by the study, worked in the journals' ‘Daily of Montes Claros' and 'Journal of Montes Claros. "
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BARROS, NETO Evandro Elias de. "Teatro e ditadura em Campina Grande: história e memória (1970-1985)." Universidade Federal de Campina Grande, 2017. http://dspace.sti.ufcg.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/riufcg/586.
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EVANDRO ELIAS DE BARROS NETO – DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGH) 2017.pdf: 11281091 bytes, checksum: beec443256124d965f62ffe48a6bffed (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-04T22:00:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EVANDRO ELIAS DE BARROS NETO – DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGH) 2017.pdf: 11281091 bytes, checksum: beec443256124d965f62ffe48a6bffed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-25
O objetivo desta dissertação consiste em analisar a ação dos artistas, teatrólogos e diretores de teatro, durante a repressão e censura no período da ditadura militar em Campina Grande/PB entre 1970 e 1985. Para tanto, foi necessário por meio de entrevistas, explorar o espaço de memórias e discursos dos artistas que participaram das realizações dos festivais da cidade. Em conjunto com as fontes jornalísticas, dentre elas: Jornal Diário da Borborema, Jornal da Paraíba e Jornal O Norte, procuramos construir uma narrativa sobre a realização do Festival Nacional Amador de Teatro (FENAT), o Festival de Inverno e os Festivais de Teatro nos Bairros, estes eventos foram responsáveis pela intensa movimentação artística cultural campinense. Partindo deste ponto, problematizamos a memória oficial contada por um grupo de pessoas ligadas a elite política local que estiveram à frente da organização destes eventos. Por fim, procuramos analisar algumas peças teatrais que passaram pelo crivo da censura, isto permitiu a compreensão do universo artístico diante da censura e repressão da ditadura. Todo este trabalho sobre este momento teatral na cidade, foi possível com as devidas apropriações teórico metodológicas da História Oral, análise das fontes jornalísticas, pesquisas bibliográficas, fontes do acervo pessoal e doações de materiais de pessoas interessadas na história do teatro na cidade.
The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the action of theatrical artists, theatricals and theater directors during the repression and censorship during the period of the military dictatorship in Campina Grande / PB between 1970 and 1985. It was necessary, through interviews, to explore the Space of memories and speeches of the artists who participated in the achievements of the city festivals. Together with journalistic sources, among them: Diário da Borborema, Jornal da Paraíba and Jornal O Norte, we tried to construct a narrative about the accomplishment of the National Amateur Theater Festival (FENAT), the Winter Festival and the Theater Festivals in Districts, these events were responsible for the intense artistic movement of Campinense. Starting from this point, we problematize the official memory told by a group of people linked to the local political elite who were at the forefront of the organization of these events. Finally, we try to analyze some plays that have passed through the censorship screen, this allowed the understanding of the artistic universe before censorship and repression of the dictatorship. All this work on this theatrical moment in the city was possible with appropriate theoretical methodological appropriations of Oral History, analysis of journalistic sources, bibliographical research, sources of personal collection and donations of materials of people interested in the history of the theater in the city.
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Gordon, II William. "A Comparison of Eighth Grade Reading Scores by State and By the Four Census-Defined Regions Identified by NAEP." Doctoral diss., University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/2308.
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This study provided information for policymakers and practitioners by comparing performance of eighth grade students in 2007 on state standardized reading assessments and by the four census-defined regions identified by NAEP. NCLB required states to set their own performance standards and to create their own data collection instruments resulting in increased transparency of student performance data and a lack of uniform accountability systems. The inability of educators, policy-makers, and the general public to make state-by-state comparisons in the area of reading was the catalyst for the study. NAEP data were collected from NCES and state performance data were collected from the USDOE SY 2006-2007 CSPR to determine if a relationship existed between eighth grade students' state scores and NAEP scores in the four census-defined regions. Data were further disaggregated by low socioeconomic students and by nonwhite students. A regression analysis was statistically significant in predicting: a) the state proficient and above scores from the NAEP proficient and above scores, b) the low socioeconomic state proficient and above scores from the NAEP proficient and above scores in the West census-defined region, and c) the nonwhite state proficient and above scores from the NAEP proficient and above scores in all regions. A regression analysis was not statistically significant in predicting low socioeconomic state proficient and above scores from the low socioeconomic NAEP proficient and above scores in the Midwest, South and Northeast regions.Ed.D.
Department of Educational Research, Technology and Leadership
Education
Educational Leadership EdD
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Silva, Vandré Aparecido Teotonio da. "Notícias do Rio\": a intervenção no jornal O Estado de S. Paulo e a autolegitimação do Estado Novo (1939-1945)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-23072012-085317/.
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A presente pesquisa se debruça sobre a produção noticiosa do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo entre os anos de 1940 e 1945. Durante esse período, o jornal sofreu intervenção do governo (Estado Novo, 1937-1945) e passou por transformações em sua estrutura que buscavam autolegitimar o regime entre os leitores do periódico. Dentre essas transformações operadas pela nova direção, a coluna Notícias do Rio se destaca por se constituir como espaço privilegiado do Estado Novo no sentido de construir sua autoimagem. Essas mudanças foram ao encontro de um projeto de comunicação social que o Governo Federal buscava impor para o jornal, especialmente ao considerar o contexto de relações com a imprensa (silenciamentos, incitações) vivenciadas durante o período. Muito mais do que exemplo de força do regime, a intervenção do periódico assume nesta análise como o resultado de longos conflitos entre grupos políticos que se digladiaram por sua manutenção no poder. Todavia, isso não impediu que os líderes do jornal construíssem uma relação situacional com Vargas caracterizada por momentos de apoio e combate a seu governo. Com a instauração do Estado Novo em 1937, os dirigentes dOESP sofreram com processos criminais e deportações, assumindo a intervenção do periódico o derradeiro golpe do regime contra seus antigos aliados de 1930. O Estado de S. Paulo será ressignificado com a intervenção em 1940, colocando em evidência novos personagens no cenário político nacional por meio de suas páginas. Deste modo, mais do que censurar, o Estado Novo se preocupou em produzir notícias e imagens que o autolegitimassem diante dos leitores do jornal, fazendo da coluna Notícias do Rio o painel das ações oficias do regime.This research focuses on the newsy production of the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo between the years of 1940 e 1945. During this period the newspaper suffered the intervention of the government (Estado Novo, 1937-1945) and went through changes in its structure that was seeking for self-legitimation of the regime among the readers of the journal. Among these transformations wrought by the new direction, the column Notícias do Rio stands out for constituting a privileged space for Estado Novo to build its self-image. These changes were to meet a social media project elaborated by the federal government in order to impose its will to the journal, especially when considering the context of its relationship with press (silences, incitements) experienced during the period. Much more than an example of strength of the regime, the intervention of the periodical assumes, in this analysis, the result of a long conflict among political groups that battled for its maintenance in power. Nevertheless, it has not stopped the leaders of the newspaper from building a situational relationship with Vargas characterized by moments of support and moments of combat against his government. With the introduction of Estado Novo in 1937, the leaders of OESP suffered some prosecutions and deportations, assuming the intervention of the journal, the ultimate hit of the regime against its former allies of 1930. O Estado de S. Paulo would be reframed with the intervention in 1940, putting in evidence new characters of the national politics scenario through its pages. This way, rather than censor, Estado Novo worried about producing news and images that could self-legitimate itself to the readers of the newspaper, making of the column Notícias do Rio the panel for the official actions of the regime.
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Leppos, Denise Aparecida de Paulo Ribeiro. "Falar e calar no teatro brasileiro contemporâneo: uma análise discursiva da obra de Plínio Marcos (1958-1993)." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2012. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/5746.
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Previous issue date: 2012-05-07La investigación propone un análisis del discurso teatral brasileño contemporáneo como expresión de las formaciones ideológicas vinculadas ciertamente a las formaciones discursivas. Más exactamente, el trabajo consiste en un enfoque discursivo de algunas piezas del dramaturgo Plínio Marcos. El corpus tendrá las siguientes obras: Barrela; Dois perdidos numa noite suja; O abajur lilás; Querô: uma reportagem maldita; O assassinato do anão do caralho grande, A dança final y Transas das sextas-feiras. El trabajo enfocará, en un primer momento, algunos aspectos de la historia teatral en que la relación teatro/política sobresalga, porque el teatro no es apenas para ser escenificado como espectáculo, sino una manera de compromiso y crítica social. Las obras presentan lo que se consideraba lenguaje coloquial, vulgar, grosero y subversivo en la época de la Dictadura Militar. Los enunciados, en los que ese tipo de lenguaje se materializa, producen efecto de sentido por medio de las formaciones discursivas en las cuales están inseridos y de sus condiciones de producción, atravesados por el contexto autoritario de las décadas de 1960/70. Por lo tanto, proponemos un análisis basado en los principios del Análisis del Discurso de línea francesa - Michel Pêcheux y su grupo-, para el cual las formaciones discursivas concebidas en un paradigma marxista derivan de formaciones ideológicas , de modo a aparecer en el discurso la lengua y la historia. Observaremos, a partir de eso, la presencia de los silencios/silenciamentos promovidos por la censura y el ambiente autoritario de la época utilizando la teoría de Eni Orlandi en el discurso de algunas piezas del Plínio Marcos, en las que el silencio es la propia condición de sentido, o sea, "el silencio es el indicio de una instancia significativa (ORLANDI, 2009, p. 68), determinando por medio de las Formaciones Discursivas lo que puede e debe ser dicho. Además, realizaremos un análisis de los tabúes linguísticos existentes en algunas de las obras citadas de Plínio Marcos, en el cual el objetivo es observar los efectos de sentido (producción de la verdad) que el coloquialismo causa para la formación de las imágenes del sujeto en una interfase lengua/discurso y sociedad-. Para alcanzar el objetivo de nuestro estudio, optamos por dividirlo en los siguientes capítulos: I) Lo dramático como institución y crítica social: el teatro en escena, II) Los silenciamientos de una formación discursiva: la censura en escena y III) Por un enfoque discursivo del registro informal de la lengua: efectos de sentido del lenguaje coloquial en Plínio Marcos.
A pesquisa propõe analisar o discurso do teatro brasileiro contemporâneo como expressão de formações ideológicas vinculadas a determinadas formações discursivas. Mais precisamente, o trabalho consiste numa abordagem discursiva de peças do dramaturgo Plínio Marcos. O corpus será composto pelas seguintes obras: Barrela; Dois perdidos numa noite suja; O abajur lilás; Querô: uma reportagem maldita, O assassinato do anão do caralho grande, A dança final e Transas das sextas-feiras. O trabalho abordará, num primeiro momento, alguns aspectos da história teatral em que a relação teatro/política se sobressaia, visto que, o teatro não era apenas para ser encenado como espetáculo, mas uma forma de engajamento e crítica social. As obras apresentam o que então fora considerada como uma linguagem coloquial, vulgar e subversiva pela Ditadura Militar. Os enunciados em que esse estilo de linguagem se materializa produzem seus efeitos de sentido, por meio das formações discursivas nas quais estão inseridos e de suas condições de produção, atravessados pelo contexto autoritário das décadas de 1960/70. A partir desse princípio, propomos uma análise calcada nas bases da Análise do Discurso de linha francesa derivada dos trabalhos de Michel Pêcheux e seu grupo, para a qual as formações discursivas concebidas em um paradigma marxista derivam de formações ideológicas , de modo a atribuir no discurso a língua e a história. A partir disso, observaremos a presença dos silêncios/silenciamentos promovidos pela censura e pelo ambiente autoritário da época pelo viés teórico de Eni Orlandi, no discurso de algumas peças do Plínio Marcos, visto que o silêncio é a própria condição de sentido, ou seja, ele é o indício de uma instância significativa (ORLANDI, 2009, p. 68), determinando por meio das Formações Discursivas o que pode e deve ser dito. Além disso, será empreendida uma análise dos tabus linguísticos existentes em algumas das obras citadas acima de Plínio Marcos, na qual o escopo é observar os efeitos de sentidos (produção de verdade) que o coloquialismo provoca para a formação das imagens do sujeito numa interface entre língua/discurso e sociedade. Para alcançar esses objetivos de nosso estudo, optamos por dividi-lo nos seguintes capítulos: I) O dramático como instituição e crítica social: o teatro em cena, II) Os silenciamentos de uma formação discursiva: a censura em cena e III) Por uma abordagem discursiva do registro informal da língua: efeitos de sentido da linguagem coloquial em Plínio Marcos.
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Oliveira, Luiz André Ferreira de. "Getúlio Vargas e o desenvolvimento do rádio no país: um estudo do rádio de 1930 a 1945." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/2125.
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Previous issue date: 2006-08-04T00:00:00ZThis research aims to study how the radio was used, from 1930 to 1945, by Vargas administration and the dialogue between the Government and radio workers. At that time, radio was ruled and received facilities from government to develop itself technically, commercially and professionally. This study tries to understand how the radio net was developped by radialists and if those workers sufferd any governmental interference. The research also aims to discover in wich way radio workers used to interact with social and political movements and how those happenings were treatened by this media. Our study was based on bibliographic research (books, periodicals, newspapers, sites and data basis) and on interviews with people that worked on the radio on the period 1930-1945. We reached the conclusion that government relashionship with radio was made by buying radio stations, by producing govermental programs and by the firm control of private radio satations.
A presente dissertação tem por objetivo estudar como o rádio foi usado, entre 1930 e 1945, pelo governo Vargas e o diálogo entre o poder e seus profissionais. Nesta fase, o meio radiofônico foi regulamentado e recebeu incentivos do poder público para seu desenvolvimento técnico, comercial e profissional. Este trabalho busca entender como a programação era desenvolvida pelos radialistas e se estes sofriam interferência governamental. A pesquisa procura ainda verificar de que maneira seus profissionais interagiam como movimentos sociais e políticos ocorridos no período e como esses fatos foram tratados por este veículo. O estudo foi fundamentado em pesquisa bibliográfica (livros, revistas, jornais, sites e bancos de dados) e em entrevistas com profissionais que trabalharam em rádio no período citado. Conclui-se que a participação governamental se deu através da aquisição de emissoras e produção de programas estatais e o controle rigoroso das estações privadas através de sua máquina de propaganda e da censura.
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Sgarbi, Elielson Antonio. "Os apontamentos (1972 - 1975) - Crônicas Políticas : Portugal segundo José Saramago /." Assis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/192951.
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Orientador: Sandra Aparecida FerreiraResumo: Esta tese efetua uma análise das crônicas políticas reunidas em Os Apontamentos (1990), de José Saramago (1922 – 2010), com o objetivo de elucidar as relações estabelecidas entre as crônicas e os acontecimentos que nortearam a política portuguesa e europeia nos anos 70. A hipótese é a de que essas crônicas apresentam, por meio de uma atenção rigorosa às manifestações dos dirigentes, uma reflexão destinada a apontar o alcance e as limitações da esfera governamental. Para fundamentar essa hipótese, apresenta-se o posicionamento de Saramago quanto ao intenso processo migratório derivado das péssimas condições de vida do campesinato, da precária industrialização, dos baixos salários e da exploração do trabalhador pela elite lusa. O permanente desassossego de Saramago com as limitações e assimetrias socioeconômicas de Portugal é também explicitado na discussão sobre a natureza do vínculo entre portugueses e europeus, que dá ensejo à vocação ibérica do escritor, francamente contrário ao paradigma neoliberal europeu. Em Os Apontamentos, destaca-se também o compromisso do escritor com os ideais comunistas, balizadores das esperanças e das decepções de José Saramago com a Revolução dos Cravos (25/04/1974) com destaque para as adversidades do período pós-revolucionário, bem como para a consecução de projetos políticos para a instauração da democracia. Dentre as obras que norteiam a análise do perfil jornalístico de José Saramago empreendida nesta tese, estão O Império derrotado (2006),... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
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