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1

Perdue, Peter C. "China Marches West: Jacket cover." Harvard University Press, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/9567.

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The China we know today is the product of vast frontier conquests of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries by the expanding Qing empire. China Marches West tells the story of this unprecedented expansion and explores its consequences for the modern Chinese nation.
Jacket cover of book
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2

Chen, Xinguang, and 陈新广. "Linking the central: new waterfront landscapedesign at Central, Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B47541854.

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3

Safaya, Smriti. "Neotectonic faulting along the central Bangong-Jiang suture zone, central Tibet." Thesis, Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2006. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B37105309.

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4

Serikbayeva, Assel. "China and Russia| Competition for Central Asian energy." Thesis, Webster University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1523365.

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Over the past two decades, a substantial literature has focused on the geopolitics of strategically located Central Asian energy supplies. Some analysts have even regarded the international competition over the regional oil and gas as a New Great Game among the developed West, Russia, and the emerging Asian energy importers. Much less attention has been paid to the means employed by the various competitors in achieving their interests in the Central Asian hydrocarbon sector. This Master Thesis analyzes the competition over the energy resources in Kazakhstan between two regional powers Russia and China for the period from 1991 to 2011. The study assesses the concept of power in its political, economic, and military terms as a way to achieve desired outcomes in the regional energy sector. The analysis concludes that economic statecraft is the dominant tool used in securing interests in the Central Asian oil and gas sector and thus allows China's economic clout to guarantee favorable energy deals. At the same time, the results suggest that Russia's soft power along with the traditional military engagements help to secure other strategic interests in the region apart from the energy sector.

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5

林偉明 and Wai-ming Willy Lam. "Community artscape in Central." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31985816.

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6

Hughes, Malcolm K., and Steven W. Leavitt. "Climate in North-Central China from tree-ring variables." Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research Archives. The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/302463.

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7

Liu, Zhiyao, and 刘志尧. "Intra-provincial inequality in post-reform China: a case study of Anhui Province, Central China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46541950.

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8

Leung, Chung-ping Louis, and 梁中平. "Hong Kong Central Library." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31982505.

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9

Karrar, Hasan Haider. "The new silk road diplomacy a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005 /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium access full-text, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?NR27796.

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10

Pharoah, Robin. "Visions of authority : leadership, power and heirarchy in Central China." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417094.

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11

Herman, John E. "National integration and regional hegemony : the political and cultural dynamics of Qing State Expansion, 1650-1750 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10519.

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12

Chan, Siu-wing Ringo. "New legal complex (Court of Appeal) in Central." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2000. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25953023.

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Thesis (M. Arch.)--University of Hong Kong, 2000.
Includes special report study entitled: Courthouse and its relationship with public. Year of submission 2002 [i.e. 2000]--Cover. Includes bibliographical references.
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13

Chan, Kit-yi Kitty, and 陳潔儀. "Transformation of Central Police Station, Victoria Prison and former Central Magistracy Complex." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31985634.

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14

陸敏婷 and Man-ting Ifa Luk. "Pedestrianizing the Central District: the CBDin Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31259467.

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15

Karrar, Hasan H. (Hasan Haider) 1973. "The new silk road diplomacy : a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102514.

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This thesis explores China's relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from 1991 to 2005, contributing to the body of knowledge by arguing that China's relations with post-Soviet Central Asia were shaped by security and economic imperatives in Xinjiang, home to Muslim Turkic nationalities who have historically challenged Beijing's jurisdiction.
As discussed in Chapter One, after 1949, the Communist Party sought to bring Xinjiang firmly within Beijing's orbit, ending a 150-year long period during which Beijing's hold over Xinjiang periodically faltered. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, coupled with instability in Afghanistan, led to new challenges to Beijing's authority.
Chapter Two examines China's relations with Central Asia from 1992 to 1996. In the post-Cold War order characterized by US primacy, China envisioned Central Asia as an arena of cooperation between China, Russia, and the independent republics. However, the republics became fertile ground for transnational Islamist movements. China feared spillover into Xinjiang; consequently, China extended economic cooperation to the impoverished republics with the understanding that they would suppress emigre Uighur organizations. Bilateral economic cooperation was also important for Xinjiang, which benefited from cross-border trade.
Chapter Three examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 1996 to 2001, exploring the development of the Shanghai Five mechanism in 1996 between China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, which initially addressed confidence building, but after 1998, focused on regional security. This was important for China, since in 1996/1997, Xinjiang experienced instability that was exacerbated by the independence of Central Asia. Competition over the region's energy is also examined, which contributed to international rivalry.
Chapter Four examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 2001 to 2005. In June 2001, the Shanghai Accord signatories, and Uzbekistan, established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While envisioned as a forum for wide-ranging cooperation, combating "terrorism, separatism, and extremism," was an immediate priority. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States sought a military presence in Central Asia that temporarily undermined China's influence, heightening China's concerns over energy security. China's response was to gradually deepen relations with the republics in the energy and security fields.
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16

Wong, Wing-yin, and 黃永賢. "Alternative development for Central reclamation." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45013275.

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17

Luo, Chia-li. "Coastal culture and religion in early China a study through comparison with the central plain region /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium access full-text, 1999. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?9950782.

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18

Nascimento, Flavio Augusto Lira. "A limitação à cooperação securitária sino-russa na Ásia Central devido ao não gerenciamento conjunto do fluxo local de hidrocarbonetos por Moscou e Pequim." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-07052015-104230/.

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A Ásia Central tem sido, para a Federação Russa e a República Popular da China, uma zona de cooperação estratégica desde o fim da URSS em 1991. Desde então, desenvolve-se um regime de segurança que congrega, além das duas potências, Cazaquistão, Quirguistão, Tadjiquistão, Turcomenistão e Uzbequistão. Acredita-se, porém, que a efetiva cooperação entre Moscou e Pequim é limitada nesta parte do globo devido ao não desenvolvimento de um regime energético (focado em hidrocarbonetos) que envolva todos os países da região e que seja encabeçado por Rússia e China. Para demonstrar isto, busca-se apresentar as diferentes posições internacionais e as percepções destes dois países no tocante aos hidrocarbonetos e às suas diferentes prioridades geopolíticas. Além disto, sugere-se, ao final do trabalho, que um eficaz desenvolvimento de uma cooperação forte e abrangente entre os dois países deve se basear em um regime securitário-energético regional que inclua a Ásia Central em uma lógica sino-russa de gerenciamento mútuo tanto da segurança quanto do fluxo de hidrocarbonetos.
For both the Russian Federation and the People\'s Republic of China, Central Asia has been a zone of strategic cooperation since the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. From then on, a security regime encompassing those powers as well as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan has developed. We believe, however, that effective cooperation between Moscow and Beijing is limited in this part of the globe due to the non-development of a (hydrocarbon-based) energy regime that includes all countries in the region under the leadership of Russia and China. To demonstrate this argument we shall present the different international positions and perceptions of those two countries concerning hydrocarbons and their different geopolitical priorities. In addition, we suggest at the end of this study that effective development of a strong and comprehensive cooperation between both countries must stem from a regional security-energy regime that includes Central Asia in a Chinese-Russian logic of mutual management of both security and hydrocarbon flow.
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19

Sedo, Timothy R. "Linzhang county and the culturally central periphery in mid-Ming China." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30400.

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This dissertation offers a local history of a small, peripheral county located in the most northern part of Henan Province during the Ming dynasty known as Linzhang County. Henan suffered a great deal from the wars that recurred frequently from the end of the Six Dynasties Period through the late fourteenth century and Linzhang County was among its many places that seemed to “fall behind” as the economic and cultural centres of the empire shifted to the south. Linzhang could however, claim a direct link with some of the empire’s most culturally central heartlands of the past. Given that the foundation of the Ming state followed a period of prolonged alien rule under the Mongol Yuan Dynasty, promotion of such “cultural centrality” was at the discursive core of the Ming state’s restorationist legitimacy. In this context, even a small peripheral county that went largely untouched by the dramatic commercial transformations characterizing southern China throughout the 15th to 17th centuries could rightfully claim a degree of “centrality” within the Ming realm. One particular mid-Ming magistrate named Jing Fang, realized this opportunity and in his tenure actively promoted projects that publicly linked the county to its distant antiquity. In just a few years Jing Fang successfully rectified Linzhang’s historic record; compiled and edited the county’s gazetteer; promoted the cult of the region’s most famous ancient culture hero, Ximen Bao; and renovated the county’s most important historic sites, temples and public buildings. Jing Fang’s dizzying pace of activity reveals the use and power of a stylized antiquity as a vital resource for local governance in north China during the mid-Ming period. While the dominant southern, or Jiangnan model of Ming studies emphasizes relatively autonomous commercial development and literati academic achievement as the key to late imperial wealth and culture, this “northern,” or perhaps more precisely “central” study gives more credit to state supervision and popular culture in the sustenance of this particular locality during the Ming period. It also offers a new local vantage point to begin to rethink the deeply regional characteristics of the composite Ming realm.
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20

Huaxing, Liu. "Why is local government less trusted than central government in China?" Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6162/.

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The public's trust in government is a subject that arouses interest and debate among researchers and politicians alike. This thesis is concerned with public trust in government in China and particularly in local government. It provides insights both on the patterns of public trust in different levels of government and explores the key factors that account for variance in this respect. In light of the findings in this respect, the thesis also makes suggestions about measures that might be taken to improve public trust in local government particularly in the China context. A mixed methods research design has been employed that has included analysis of responses to a major trans-China quantitative survey of public opinions and the conduct of a series of semi-structured interviews with local government officials operating at different governmental levels within one municipal city. The research examines the commonalities and differences between the perspectives of citizens and of officials with regard to the scale, nature and causes of public distrust in local government. The thesis considers the implications of the findings and makes suggestions as to the kinds of policy and practice responses that would seem necessary to improve Chinese's citizens' trust levels in their local government.
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21

Ferreira, Kelly de Souza 1987. "China e a Ásia Central : petróleo, segurança e os Estados Unidos." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279377.

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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T21:50:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_KellydeSouza_M.pdf: 993965 bytes, checksum: 3ef539284f8c3b0704d3e65c6c8c217e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012
Resumo: Nas últimas duas décadas, os Estados Unidos aumentaram substancialmente sua presença na Ásia Central. Por sua vez, a China sempre buscou construir um ambiente estável e pacífico ao redor de seu próprio território, tendo sob sua influência todos os países da Ásia Central; por isso,o incremento da presença norte-americana na região causou desconforto nos políticos chineses. Uma das formas utilizadas pelos últimos para se aproximar dos países dessa região se dá por meio do petróleo. Dessa forma, as companhias de petróleo da China compram direitos de exploração de reservas ou indústrias de petróleo e gás natural de países da Ásia Central e, por meio das empresas chinesas, estabelece e aprofunda os laços de amizade com países como Cazaquistão, Quirguistão, Uzbequistão, Turcomenistão e Tadjiquistão. A prática ficou conhecida como diplomacia do petróleo. Essa nova ferramenta do governo chinês possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região, o que desagrada os Estados Unidos, que, por sua vez, buscam ser ainda mais presentes na Ásia Central. O objetivo desta pesquisa é: como a diplomacia do petróleo possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região. E como os Estados Unidos usa sua presença na Ásia Central e nas rotas marítimas de transporte de petróleo para conter a expansão chinesa
Abstract: In the last two decades, the United States have substantially increased their presence in Central Asia. Therefore their presence left China in an uncomfortable position, as China seeks to build a stable and peaceful environment in its near abroad, having under its influence all the countries of Central Asia. One of the ways used by the Chinese government to get closer to the countries of this region is through the oil. Being so, the Chinese oil companies buy rights of exploitation of oil and gas reserves in Central Asia and through this establishes and deepens friendly ties with these countries. This practice became known as oil diplomacy. This new tool of the Chinese government has a double effect: it increases the projection of the Chinese power and dilutes the American influence in the region. In other words, it displeases the United States, and in turn tries to be even more present in Central Asia. The main goal to be worked in this study is how the oil diplomacy increases Chinese influence in Central Asia and dilutes American power in the region. It also aims to explain how the United States uses its presence in Central Asia and on sea lines of communication used to transport oil to contain the Chinese expansion
Mestrado
Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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22

Ferreira, Kelly de Souza [UNESP]. "China e a Ásia Central: petróleo, segurança e os Estados Unidos." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/126274.

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Nas últimas duas décadas, os Estados Unidos aumentaram substancialmente sua presença na Ásia Central. Por sua vez, a China sempre buscou construir um ambiente estável e pacífico ao redor de seu próprio território, tendo sob sua influência todos os países da Ásia Central; por isso,o incremento da presença norte-americana na região causou desconforto nos políticos chineses. Uma das formas utilizadas pelos últimos para se aproximar dos países dessa região se dá por meio do petróleo. Dessa forma, as companhias de petróleo da China compram direitos de exploração de reservas ou indústrias de petróleo e gás natural de países da Ásia Central e, por meio das empresas chinesas, estabelece e aprofunda os laços de amizade com países como Cazaquistão, Quirguistão, Uzbequistão, Turcomenistão e Tadjiquistão. A prática ficou conhecida como diplomacia do petróleo. Essa nova ferramenta do governo chinês possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região, o que desagrada os Estados Unidos, que, por sua vez, buscam ser ainda mais presentes na Ásia Central. O objetivo desta pesquisa é: como a diplomacia do petróleo possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região. E como os Estados Unidos usa sua presença na Ásia Central e nas rotas marítimas de transporte de petróleo para conter a expansão chinesa
In the last two decades, the United States have substantially increased their presence in Central Asia. Therefore their presence left China in an uncomfortable position, as China seeks to build a stable and peaceful environment in its near abroad, having under its influence all the countries of Central Asia. One of the ways used by the Chinese government to get closer to the countries of this region is through the oil. Being so, the Chinese oil companies buy rights of exploitation of oil and gas reserves in Central Asia and through this establishes and deepens friendly ties with these countries. This practice became known as oil diplomacy. This new tool of the Chinese government has a double effect: it increases the projection of the Chinese power and dilutes the American influence in the region. In other words, it displeases the United States, and in turn tries to be even more present in Central Asia. The main goal to be worked in this study is how the oil diplomacy increases Chinese influence in Central Asia and dilutes American power in the region. It also aims to explain how the United States uses its presence in Central Asia and on sea lines of communication used to transport oil to contain the Chinese expansion
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23

Ferreira, Kelly de Souza. "China e a Ásia Central : petróleo, segurança e os Estados Unidos /." Campinas, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/126274.

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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz
Banca: Alexandre Ratsuo Uehara
Banca: Igor Fuser
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: Nas últimas duas décadas, os Estados Unidos aumentaram substancialmente sua presença na Ásia Central. Por sua vez, a China sempre buscou construir um ambiente estável e pacífico ao redor de seu próprio território, tendo sob sua influência todos os países da Ásia Central; por isso,o incremento da presença norte-americana na região causou desconforto nos políticos chineses. Uma das formas utilizadas pelos últimos para se aproximar dos países dessa região se dá por meio do petróleo. Dessa forma, as companhias de petróleo da China compram direitos de exploração de reservas ou indústrias de petróleo e gás natural de países da Ásia Central e, por meio das empresas chinesas, estabelece e aprofunda os laços de amizade com países como Cazaquistão, Quirguistão, Uzbequistão, Turcomenistão e Tadjiquistão. A prática ficou conhecida como diplomacia do petróleo. Essa nova ferramenta do governo chinês possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região, o que desagrada os Estados Unidos, que, por sua vez, buscam ser ainda mais presentes na Ásia Central. O objetivo desta pesquisa é: como a diplomacia do petróleo possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região. E como os Estados Unidos usa sua presença na Ásia Central e nas rotas marítimas de transporte de petróleo para conter a expansão chinesa
Abstract: In the last two decades, the United States have substantially increased their presence in Central Asia. Therefore their presence left China in an uncomfortable position, as China seeks to build a stable and peaceful environment in its near abroad, having under its influence all the countries of Central Asia. One of the ways used by the Chinese government to get closer to the countries of this region is through the oil. Being so, the Chinese oil companies buy rights of exploitation of oil and gas reserves in Central Asia and through this establishes and deepens friendly ties with these countries. This practice became known as oil diplomacy. This new tool of the Chinese government has a double effect: it increases the projection of the Chinese power and dilutes the American influence in the region. In other words, it displeases the United States, and in turn tries to be even more present in Central Asia. The main goal to be worked in this study is how the oil diplomacy increases Chinese influence in Central Asia and dilutes American power in the region. It also aims to explain how the United States uses its presence in Central Asia and on sea lines of communication used to transport oil to contain the Chinese expansion
Mestre
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24

Kung, Chung-yan, and 龔頌欣. "Children with autism: central coherence and pragmatic communication skills." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4357189X.

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25

Tenzin. "Marriage customs in central Tibet /." Oslo : Department of Cultural Studies and Oriental Languages, Universitetet i Oslo, 2008. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/IKOS/2008/74471/EMENDED_6thxofxMayxTenzin.pdf.

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26

Chan, Kwun-hang Coway, and 陳冠恆. "Pedestrian planning in Central District: a place to work; a place to walk." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31259583.

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Chan, Siu-wing Ringo, and 陳紹榮. "New legal complex (Court of Appeal) in Central." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31985087.

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Almardi, Jasim Mohamed Jasim Mohamed. "A geological field guide to the east and central Lantau Island." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/192988.

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This field guide has been carried out to fulfil part of the requirements of my master’s degree in the field of Applied Geosciences at the University of Hong Kong. The project was mainly written from September 2012 to July 2013 under the supervision of Dr. Jason R. Ali. The objective of the study was to produce a simple, easily understood, geological guide of areas on eastern and central Lantau Island. The guide intends to introduce useful, fundamental concepts of geomorphology and geology to everyone who visits the selected study areas. Data has been obtained by a literature survey, interpretation of aerial photographs, use of geological and topographic maps and much fieldwork. The information is presented in the form of a simple field guide divided into four chapters. Chapter 1 is the introduction, while Chapter 2 presents background information of the geology of Lantau Island and Chapter 3 is the actual field guide divided into two areas, east Lantau and central Lantau. Chapter 4 concludes this dissertation. It is concluded that Lantau Island exhibits many interesting landscapes and geological features. This field guide provides convenient and easy to understand information for any person, professional or amateur, having an interest in understanding their surroundings (the physical environment) when visiting Lantau Island.
published_or_final_version
Applied Geosciences
Master
Master of Science
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Wan, Wai-san, and 溫慧珊. "Dynamics of the central business district of Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38875408.

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Garfin, Gregg M., Malcolm K. Hughes, Liu Yu, James M. Burns, Ramzi Touchan, Steven W. Leavitt, and An Zhisheng. "Exploratory Temperature and Precipitation Reconstructions from the Qinling Mountains, North-Central China." Tree-Ring Society, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/262620.

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February-April (FMA) temperature at Foping (1879-1989) and July-August (JA) precipitation at Xian (1895–1988) have been reconstructed using total ring width (TRW) and maximum latewood density (MXD) from trees in the Qinling Mountains, at the northern limit of the East Asian monsoon, in central China. The Xian JA precipitation reconstruction, albeit short, represents the first well-replicated, crossdated dendroclimatic reconstruction of summer monsoon precipitation for this region. Reconstructed Xian precipitation shows significant positive relationships with historical evidence from the region. The key feature of the precipitation reconstruction is prolonged summer drought during the late 1920s and early 1930s. The Foping reconstruction displays warmer-than-average FMA temperatures during this time period. These exploratory reconstructions, along with a previous reconstruction from Huashan, demonstrate the complexity of attempting dendroclimatic reconstructions from this region. Our results indicate that further attempts to locate long-lived conifers from here can result in an extended well-calibrated and verified reconstruction of summer monsoon precipitation.
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31

Hun, Jessica Li En. "Balancing central control and provincial autonomy in Deng Xiaoping's China 1978-1997." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496712.

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32

Yin, Jiafei. "Selling to the "Central Kingdom" : a survey of international advertisers in China /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9841203.

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Li, Chen. "Han Dynasty (206BC-AD220) stone carved tombs in Central and Eastern China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bca2d725-eca3-4d10-bc5f-f77fb0228ece.

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This thesis studies Han Dynasty stone carved tombs in Central and Eastern China. These multi-chambered tombs were constructed from carved stone slabs, and were very popular among the Han people. However, such horizontal stone structures were entirely new, and were a result of outside stimuli rather than an independent development within China. The stone carved tombs were a result of imitating royal rock-cut tombs, while the rock-cut tombs were stimulated by foreign examples. Moreover, many details of stone carved tombs also had Western features. These exotic elements were incorporated to satisfy specific requirements of the Han people, and reflected the desire to assimilate exotica within Chinese traditions. Some details within stone carved tombs showed high level of stone working technologies with Western influences. But in general the level of stone construction of the Han period was relatively low. The methods of construction showed how unfamiliar the Western system was to the Han artisans. Han Dynasty stone carved tombs were hybrids of different techniques, including timber, brick and stone works. From these variations, Han people could choose certain types of tombs to satisfy their specific ritual and economic needs. Not only structures, but also pictorial decorations of stone carved tombs were innovations. The range of image motifs is quite limited. Similar motifs can be found in almost every tomb. Such similarities were partly due to the artisans, who worked in workshops and used repertoires for the carving of images. But these also suggest that the tombs were decorated for certain purposes with a given functional template. Together with different patterns of burial objects and their settings, such images formed a way through which the Han people gave meaning to the afterworld. After their heyday, stone carved tombs ceased being constructed in the Central Plains as the Han Empire collapsed. However, they set a model for later tombs. The idea of building horizontal stone chamber tombs spread to Han borderlands, and gradually went further east to the Korean Peninsula. The legacy and spread of the Chinese masonry tradition was closely related to the political circumstances of late Han and post-Han period. The spread of stone chamber tombs in Northeast Asia is presented as a part of a long history of interactions between different parts of Eurasia.
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34

Qian, Fenggen. "The transformation of central design organisations in modern Britain, France and China." Thesis, University of Brighton, 2009. https://research.brighton.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/c8e47386-3026-4e1f-8edb-72f2fb734f80.

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This thesis proposes that a conceptual structure of ‘modernity’ and ‘national identity’,interrogated through an analytical model of ‘modernism’ and ‘modernisation’ contributes substantially to decoding the institutionalisation of design as reflected in the transformation of central design organisations.
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35

Chan, Pui-sim Joyce, and 陳佩嬋. "An analysis of agenda-setting: regional/central slaughtering scheme in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B36519121.

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36

Chow, Sin-yin, and 鄒倩賢. "The central-local relationship in Guangdong and Fujian: a comparative approach." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31953451.

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Lin, Zhimin. "The retreat of the center : changing central-provincial fiscal relations in China, 1979-1992 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10772.

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田頌天 and Jung-tin John Tien. "Improve pedestrian safety and access in central Sham Shui Po." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4293106X.

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Tubilewicz, Czeslaw. "The evolving relations between the People's Republic of China and East Central Europe : 'strategic' triangularism to 'pragmatic' bilateralism /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1606446X.

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Ho, Ying-kwong, and 何應光. "An Evaluation of retail outlet developments in Central, Sheung Wan andWestern districts: final report." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1992. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31257963.

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Wong, Chi-wai, and 黃志偉. "Redevelopment of Central Market: an urban node." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31983091.

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42

岑家豪 and Ka-ho Eugene Shum. "Urban nexus: vision for Mid-levels-Central." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31986018.

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43

Li, Chen. "Reinventing 'China Inc.' : industrial reform, institutional evolution and the political economy of the central industrial order." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648343.

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44

李欣欣 and Yan-yan Linda Li. "Media Art for the Mid-Levels Escalator, Central." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31986651.

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Jian, Wei [Verfasser]. "Gold and molybdenum metallogeny in the Xiaoqinling region of central China / Wei Jian." Clausthal-Zellerfeld : Universitätsbibliothek Clausthal, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1078230641/34.

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46

Gur, Mehmet. "The balancing role of Turkey for the influence of China in Central Asia." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44571.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
Today, there is a dynamic new ‘Great Game’ in Central Asia engaging multiple players and institutions who compete for influence in Central Asia, such as the Russian-dominated Collective Security Treaty Organization, the U.S.-dominated NATO Partnership for Peace Program, and the Sino-Russian-dominated Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Of all the players, China is clearly one of the most dominant. China’s authoritarian regime, domestic problems, and huge energy demands hold potential threats for the long-term stability of Central Asia. To sustain the survival of the regime, Central Asia is open to the risk of aggression from China, especially if it diverts public attention from internal matters such as corruption, separatist movements, pollution, and particularly the Uyghur question. Since the Central Asian Countries (CACs) are not strong enough to withstand a possible Chinese aggression alone, they are more likely to accept Chinese-run policies. This will probably change into a win-lose game in which China becomes the sole hegemon in control of all Central Asia. Turkey, as a bridge country between East and West, is in a position to balance China’s potential long-term aggression in Central Asia. To mitigate China’s influence, as a model country, Turkey should encourage the CACs to build a regional economic and security organization. A CACs-led institution with the mediation of Turkey would help resolve regional issues like water shortages and poverty, and foster long-term stability. More interaction with Turkey will enable CACs to perceive the benefits of democracy and get the support of the West, and this could prod them in the direction of democracy under a self-development objective without reliance on a sponsor, China.
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47

Alexander, Colin Robert. "Public diplomacy in Central America : the rise of the People’s Republic of China." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5047/.

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This thesis contributes to the growing literature on public diplomacy by examining the role it plays in Chinese and Taiwanese relations with Central America. This is an innovative project given that most literature on the international affairs of Central America considers it either through the gaze of its colonial past or its relations with other parts of the Americas. As such, until now there has been no substantial published work, academic or otherwise, dedicated to Sino – Central American relations. Furthermore, by taking the public diplomacy approach, this research has expanded the boundaries of modern understanding of the term and the uses for which it can be deployed by a nation-state to help meet their domestic and international goals. The research takes three neighbouring Central American Republics – Costa Rica, El Salvador and Guatemala – and positions the public diplomacy practices being undertaken by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan within these nation-states amidst wider political communications debates on public diplomacy and the troubled relationship between the PRC and Taiwan. Beyond mapping the variety of forms public diplomacy can take, this research has been able to document the various motivations for performing that nation-states have, in particular, public diplomacy’s purpose beyond its engagement with foreign publics. The research is the result of observations and 33 interviews conducted in Central America with leading diplomats, civil servants, journalists and experts between 2010 and 2011.
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48

Xu, Jing. "Li County under reform : policy implementation and impact in central China, 1978-2013." Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2016. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/6365/.

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This thesis analyses the implementation and impact of a succession of reform policies in a reasonably typical county in central China between 1978 and 2013. Three phases in the recent history of Li County – a fairly representative microcosm – are examined. These phases emerged as China witnessed transitions across three generations of the central leadership. This study pays special attention to certain key reforms: the allocation of lands to households, the development of Township and Village Enterprises, and self-governance for villagers in the 1980s; the decentralisation of fiscal authority, and the tax sharing system in the 1990s; and the reforms of taxes and fees, reforms beneficial to agriculture, and other supporting reforms from 2000 to 2013. By assessing the implementation of these policies in one predominantly agrarian county in central China – in which 81.5% of the population was rural in 2010 - the thesis attempts to present a vivid picture of what has been happening in China, and to explain why China became what it is now. It also seeks to contribute to an understanding of the diverse political and social impacts of the reforms. The methodology which the current study employs is mainly qualitative. The findings in the thesis are based in part on secondary sources, but it mainly relies on two types of primary sources, which were examined during several phases of fieldwork between 2011 and 2013. First, documentary materials archived by many government departments at different levels within the county were consulted. Second, oral evidence was collected through recorded interviews with local party cadres and peasants in 53 villages in thirty townships within the county. The quantitative data set out in the thesis is drawn either from official statistics or from personal testimonies. The two sets of evidence complement each other, enable cross checking, and lend credibility to this analysis. They help us to understand conflicts that arose amid reform between different groups, and between traditional customs and modern values – and the strategies that have been adopted by a diversity of actors to ease those conflicts and to stabilise society. They also yield insights into the economic, social and environmental impediments which confronted the reform process, and into both the hardships and opportunities which ordinary people encountered.
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Au, Yeung Man-bun Francis, and 歐陽文彬. "An examination of policy entrepreneur using the case study central slaughtering policy." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46779334.

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50

Jaros, Kyle Alan. "The Politics of Metropolitan Bias in China." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13064986.

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Policymakers in China and other developing countries grapple with a metropolitan dilemma. Building on the existing advantages of leading cities makes it easier to achieve fast, visible progress in economic development. But further concentrating resources in top urban centers can marginalize other areas, worsen urban congestion, and increase inequality. The degree to which governments favor key metropolitan centers relative to other cities and outlying areas in the distribution of policy support and resources is thus a consequential issue in development politics. Yet, scholars lack a systematic understanding of "metropolitan bias," and existing theories have difficulty explaining wide variation in development approaches over time and across regions in countries like China. This project analyzes variation in development strategies across China's provinces during the 1990s and 2000s to shed light on the nature and sources of metropolitan bias. Existing research generally views favoritism toward large cities as an unintended consequence of rapid industrialization and rent-seeking dynamics. In contrast, I highlight more strategic efforts by higher-level governments to shape the growth of cities and regions, and probe the politics surrounding spatial development policies. First, I argue that metropolitan bias tends to be greater in provinces that have experienced lagging economic performance, where policymakers build up top cities as a means of enhancing regional competitiveness. Second, I argue that metropolitan-oriented development has been driven in large part by provincial governments, and that there is greater metropolitan bias where the provincial level is strong relative to other government tiers. To develop and test these claims, I employ a mixed-method research design and draw on Chinese- and English-language written sources, interview material, and statistical data. Through comparative case studies of Jiangsu, Hunan, and Jiangxi provinces and analysis of China's policy institutions, I explore how different explanatory factors influence the formulation and implementation of development strategies. Meanwhile, I use statistical analysis to test how well key claims generalize to a larger sample of units. Beyond contributing in a timely way to our knowledge of the politics behind China's urban boom, the study advances our theoretical understanding of the politics of state-led development and multilevel governance more broadly.
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