Relevant bibliographies by topics / Central Labor Union of Cleveland

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Central Labor Union of Cleveland'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Central Labor Union of Cleveland"

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Lubienecki, Paul. "From the Parish Hall to the Union Hall: Catholic Labor Education in Cleveland." Ohio History 124, no. 2 (2017): 49–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ohh.2017.0015.

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Fletcher, Bill. "Central Labor Councils: A Vehicle for Building Labor Union/Community Alliances?" WorkingUSA 16, no. 4 (November 14, 2013): 537–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/wusa.12079.

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Varga, Joseph. "Occupying the Picket Line: Labor and Occupy in South Central Indiana." Journal of Working-Class Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.13001/jwcs.v3i1.6121.

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This article examines the relationship between a striking labor union and a local Occupy group in South Central Indiana in fall, 2011. It looks at areas of cooperation, tension, and coordination between the two groups within the context of Occupy/organized labor relations during the same period in other locations in the United States. The article examines attitudes of union members and Occupy participants regarding each other, unions, working people, class, labor law, strikes, and direct action. This work examines areas of agreement and mutual benefit between the striking union and the Occupy group, while also discussing the major areas of tension in the specific case in Southern Indiana and in other instances where Occupy groups and labor organizations came into contact. The article concludes with a discussion of major difficulties in the Occupy/labor relationship, and avenues of potential cooperation.
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I. Sachs, Benjamin. "THE UNBUNDLED UNION." Revista Direito das Relações Sociais e Trabalhistas 4, no. 2 (October 9, 2019): 16–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26843/mestradodireito.v4i2.126.

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Public policy in the United States is disproportionately responsive to the wealthy, and the traditional response to this problem, campaign finance regulation, has failed. As students of politics have long recognized, however, political influence flows not only from wealth but also from organization, a form of political power open to all income groups. Accordingly, as this Essay argues, a promising alternative to campaign finance regulations is legal interventions designed to facilitate political organizing by the poor and middle class. To date, the most important legal intervention of this kind has been labor law, and the labor union has been the central vehicle for this type of organizing. But the labor union as a political-organizational vehicle suffers a fundamental flaw: unions bundle political organization with collective bargaining, a highly contested form of economic organization. As a result, opposition to collective bargaining impedes unions’ ability to serve as a political-organizing vehicle for lowerand middle-income groups. This Essay proposes that labor law unbundle the union, allowing employees to organize politically through the union form without also organizing economically for collective bargaining purposes. Doing so would have the immediate effect of liberating political-organizational efforts from the constraints of collective bargaining, an outcome that could mitigate representational inequality. The Essay identifies the legal reforms that would be necessary to enable such unbundled “political unions” to succeed. It concludes by looking beyond the union context and suggesting a broader regime of reforms aimed at facilitating political organizing by those income groups for whom representational inequality is now a problem.
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Silverman, Victor. "Sustainable Alliances: The Origins of International Labor Environmentalism." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000201.

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This article examines evaluates the strength of the Labor-Environmentalist alliance of the late twentieth century. It traces the evolution of trade unionists' thinking about nature and the human relationship to the environment by examining intellectual and political sources of labor involvement in United Nations' environmental policy making from the 1950s through the 1980s. The article explores the reasons trade union organizations, notably the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, the International Trade Secretariats (Global Union Federations) and the European Trade Union Confederation, participated in a variety of international conferences and institutions such as the 1972 Stockholm Conference on the Environment, the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development. It finds that environmentally conscious trade unionists developed their own version of environmentalism and sustainable development based on a reworking of basic trade union principles, a reworking that emphasized solidarity with nature and made central the protection of the health and safety of workers, communities, and environments.
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Armbruster-Sandoval, Ralph. "Globalization and Transnational Labor Organizing." Social Science History 27, no. 4 (2003): 551–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012682.

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The proliferation of garment industry sweatshops over the past 20 years has generated numerous cross-border (transnational) organizing campaigns involving U.S., Mexican, and Central American labor unions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). This article examines one such campaign that took place at the Honduran maquiladora factory known as Kimi. The Kimi workers (along with their transnational allies) struggled for six years before they were legally recognized as a union, and they negotiated one of the few collective bargaining agreements in the entire Central American region. The factory eventually shut down, however. Based on Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink's “boomerang effect” model, this case study analyzes why these positive and negative outcomes occurred. It concludes with some observations about “the enemy” and offers short-, medium-, and long-term suggestions for the broader antisweatshop movement.
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Black, Simon. "Community Unionism without the Community? Lessons from Labor-Community Coalitions in the Canadian Child Care Sector." Labor Studies Journal 43, no. 2 (April 5, 2018): 118–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x18763442.

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The theory and practice of community unionism has been central to discussions of alt-labor, union renewal, and revitalization, particularly in relation to union praxis at the urban or local scale. This comparative case study explores two labor-community campaigns to defend public child care services in the context of neoliberal austerity in urban/suburban space. While labor-community coalitions are a necessary—if not sufficient—condition for success, in urban/suburban contexts in which community allies are weak and municipal administrations hostile, public-sector unions must continue to play a leading role in campaigns despite the risk of being cast as defenders of sectional interests rather than of the public good. In such contexts, union involvement in community organizing is a necessary precursor to successful labor-community campaigns.
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Gerteis, Christopher. "Labor’s Cold Warriors: The American Federation of Labor and “Free Trade Unionism” in Cold War Japan." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 3-4 (2003): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645252.

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AbstractDuring the 1950s, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) led a global covert attempt to suppress left-led labor movements in Western Europe, the Mediterranean, West Africa, Central and South America, and East Asia. American union leaders argued that to survive the Cold War, they had to demonstrate to the United States government that organized labor was not part-and-parcel with Soviet communism. The AFL’s global mission was placed in care of Jay Lovestone, a founding member of the American Communist Party in 1921 and survivor of decades of splits and internecine battles over allegiance to one faction or another in Soviet politics before turning anti-Communist and developing a secret relation with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) after World War II. Lovestone’s idea was that the AFL could prove its loyalty by helping to root out Communists from what he perceived to be a global labor movement dominated by the Soviet Union. He was the CIA’s favorite Communist turned anti-Communist.
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Nelson, Bruce C. "“We Can't Get Them to Do Aggressive Work”: Chicago's Anarchists and the Eight-Hour Movement." International Labor and Working-Class History 29 (1986): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900000508.

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In the last month before the Haymarket Riot, Chicago's labor movement staged two grand demonstrations as it prepared to inaugurate the Eight Hour Day on May 1. The Knights of Labor and the Trade and Labor Assembly arranged the first on April 10, the International Working Peoples' Association (IWPA) and the Central Labor Union (CLU) arranged the second, two weeks later, on Easter Sunday, April 25. The two demonstrations shared a common purpose—to rally the city's labor movement around shorter hours—but they could not have been more different.
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Packard, Randall M. "The Invention of the ‘Tropical Worker’: Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor on the South African Gold Mines, 1903–36." Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (July 1993): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033351.

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In 1903 the South African mining industry began recruiting African labor from Central Africa in order to shore up their labor supplies. From the outset, Central African recruitment was problematic, for Central African mine workers died at very high rates. The primary source of Central African mortality was pneumonia. In response to this high mortality the Union government threatened to close down Central African recruitment, a threat which they carried out in 1913. From 1911 to 1933, the mining industry fought to maintain, and then after 1913 to regain access to Central African labor. Of central importance in this struggle were efforts to develop a vaccine against pneumonia. While the mine medical community failed to produce an effective vaccine against pneumonia, the Chamber of Mines successfully employed the promise of a vaccine eventually to regain access to Central African Labor in 1934. The mines achieved this goal by controlling the terrain of discourse on the health of Central African workers, directing attention away from the unhealthy conditions of mine labor and toward the imagined cultural and biological peculiarities of these workers. In doing so the mines constructed a new social category, ‘tropical workers’ or ‘tropicals’. The paper explores the political, economic and intellectual environment within which this cultural construction was created and employed.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Central Labor Union of Cleveland"

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Wu, Xin. "The European Union labor market :opportunities and challenges from the Eastern enlargement." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953684.

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Dufresne, Anne. "Les stratégies de l'euro-syndicalisme sectoriel: étude de la coordination salariale et du dialogue social." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210769.

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The main contribution of my thesis is the analysis of substantial empirical material that I have collected from Community trade union actors. My analysis focuses on the institutional strategies of the sectoral European trade union federations and their implications for the Europeanisation of wages policy. I have demonstrated that the development of European coordination processes of national collective bargaining, particularly at sectoral level, has contributed to reviving the concept of collective bargaining and professional relations in the European Area, which until then had been covered in the literature by the social dialogue. I have identified three obstacles to collective negociations at a European level: the “depoliticised” wage in the economic partnership, employers identified as the “lobby partner” in the sectoral social dialogue, and the difficulties encountered in the Europeanisation of trade unions.

L’apport majeur de notre thèse est l’analyse d’un matériel empirique conséquent que nous avons collecté auprès des acteurs syndicaux communautaires. Notre analyse se concentre sur les stratégies institutionnelles des fédérations syndicales sectorielles européennes et sur leurs implications en matière d’européanisation de la politique salariale. Nous avons démontré que le développement des processus de coordination européenne des négociations collectives nationales, en particulier au niveau sectoriel, peut contribuer à renouveler la conception de la négociation collective et des relations professionnelles dans l’espace européen jusqu’alors appréhendée dans la littérature par le dialogue social. Nous avons identifié trois obstacles à la négociation collective européenne :le salaire « dépolitisé » dans le partenariat économique, le patronat devenu « partenaire-lobby » dans le dialogue social sectoriel, et la difficile européanisation syndicale.


Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Curto, Millet Fabien. "Inflation expectations, labour markets and EMU." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9187d2eb-2f93-4a5a-a7d6-0fb6556079bb.

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This thesis examines the measurement, applications and properties of consumer inflation expectations in the context of eight European Union countries: France, Germany, the UK, Spain, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Sweden. The data proceed mainly from the European Commission's Consumer Survey and are qualitative in nature, therefore requiring quantification prior to use. This study first seeks to determine the optimal quantification methodology among a set of approaches spanning three traditions, associated with Carlson-Parkin (1975), Pesaran (1984) and Seitz (1988). The success of a quantification methodology is assessed on the basis of its ability to match quantitative expectations data and on its behaviour in an important economic application, namely the modelling of wages for our sample countries. The wage equation developed here draws on the theoretical background of the staggered contracts and the wage bargaining literature, and controls carefully for inflation expectations and institutional variables. The Carlson-Parkin variation proposed in Curto Millet (2004) was found to be the most satisfactory. This being established, the wage equations are used to test the hypothesis that the advent of EMU generated an increase in labour market flexibility, which would be reflected in structural breaks. The hypothesis is essentially rejected. Finally, the properties of inflation expectations and perceptions themselves are examined, especially in the context of EMU. Both the rational expectations and rational perceptions hypotheses are rejected. Popular expectations mechanisms, such as the "rule-of-thumb" model or Akerlof et al.'s (2000) "near-rationality hypothesis" are similarly unsupported. On the other hand, evidence is found for the transmission of expert forecasts to consumer expectations in the case of the UK, as in Carroll's (2003) model. The distribution of consumer expectations and perceptions is also considered, showing a tendency for gradual (as in Mankiw and Reis, 2002) but non-rational adjustment. Expectations formation is further shown to have important qualitative features.
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Yu, Feng-chu, and 游鳳珠. "THE STUDY OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE RECOGNITION OF ORGANIZATION CHANGE, ORGANIZATION CLIMATE, ROLE RECOGNITION OF LABOR UNION VERSUS THE ORGANIZATION COMMITMENT, ROLE PRESSURE AND JOB SATISFACTION-- TAKE EXAMPLE OF THE CENTRAL DISTRICT BRANCH OF CHUNGHW." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/79850724462613159490.

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碩士
南華大學
管理科學研究所
94
The biggest change for the nationally owned business is no more than the business is transferred into privately owned business, because it not only changes the ownership but also changes the right of operation, and it is a big test for both the employees and the business administrator; also with the interference of heavy motion from the labor union and the political power, the transformation procedure of privately owned Chunghwa Telecom is striking one snag after another and which can be a lesson for other to be transferred companies. 　 　　There is a necessity to develop a set of an analytical structure for empirics to verify the relationship between the recognition of organization change、organization climate、role recognition of labor Union versus the organization commitment、role pressure and job satisfaction. 　 　　The purpose of this study is to explore the recognition of organization change of employees in Chunghwa Telecom、organization climate、the difference in recognizing the labor union versus the organization commitment and the role pressure and the job satisfaction. This thesis has the employees in the central district branch of Chunghwa Telecom as the study target, through convenient retrieving way to proceed questionnaire survey, there are 5308 employees and 530 copies of questionnaires are issued and returned 453 copies, eliminating 41 invalid copies the total valid questionnaires are 412 copies, the valid retrieving rate is 77.74%. This study has adopted SPSS FOR WINDOWS as the tool for statistical analysis. For sampling data using the research method such as: factor analysis, reliability analysis, descriptive statistics, t-test analysis, single factor variant analysis (one-way ANOVA), subsequent inspection, cluster analysis, Pearson correlated analysis, multiple regression analysis, hierarchical regression analysis, path analysis and so on. 　 　　The conclusions of this study are as followings: 　　1.Those Chunghwa Telecom officers on the variant item of different individual features partially have apparent differences in the recognition of organization change、organization climate、recognition of the role of labor union、organization commitment、role pressure and the recognition of work satisfaction. 　　2.There is an apparent difference in various cluster analysis for Chunghwa Telecom officers on the recognition of organization change、organization climate、recognition of the role of labor union、organization commitment、role pressure and the recognition of work satisfaction. 　　3.The recognition of organization change、organization climate、recognition of the role of labor union、organization commitment、and the role pressure are evidently related to the work satisfaction. 　　4.The recognition of organization change、organization climate、recognition of the role of labor union、organization commitment、and the role pressure have noticeable influence to the work satisfaction. 　 　　The above conclusions are provided for the reference and the direction base for the policy enactor and executor、business administrator、labor union leader、related scholars and future researchers for nationally owned businesses to transfer to privately owned businesses.
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Books on the topic "Central Labor Union of Cleveland"

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Carolina, Sánchez-Páramo, Silva-Jauregui Carlos, and World Bank, eds. Does eurosclerosis matter?: Institutional reform and labor market performance in Central and Eastern Europe. Washington, D.C: World Bank, 2002.

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College, St Antony's, ed. Work, employment and unemployment in the Soviet Union. London: Macmillan Press, in association with St. Antony's College, Oxford, 1989.

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Work, employment, and unemployment in the Soviet Union. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989.

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Bensted, Lee. Women and the maquila in Central America. Vancouver: CoDevelopment Canada, 1999.

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Job rights in the Soviet Union: Their consequences. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987.

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Kahmann, Marcus. Changes in national trade union structures: Organisational restructuring by mergers in Central and Eastern Europe, Germany, the U.K. and Australia. Bruxelles: European Trade Union Institute, 2003.

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Holzner, Brigittte M. Gender and social security in Central and Eastern Europe and the countries of the Former Soviet Union. The Hague: Institute of Social Studies ; Netherlands Development Assistance (NEDA), 1997.

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Court, India Supreme. Supreme Court & High Courts on the Trade Unions Act, 1926: As amended by the Trade Unions (Amendment) Act, 2001 (Act No. 31 of 2001) along with the central trade union regulations 1938 and different state rules. Mumbai: Snow White Publication, 2002.

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Gema Galgani Silveira Leite Esmeraldo. O feminino na sombra: Relações de poder na CUT. Fortaleza: UFC Edições, 1998.

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service), SpringerLink (Online, ed. Dynamic Policy Interactions in a Monetary Union. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Central Labor Union of Cleveland"

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Martin, Christopher. "Introduction." In No Longer Newsworthy, 1–19. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501735257.003.0001.

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The introduction argues that the news media, like in their coverage of Donald Trump supporters, typically consider “the working class” not in its entirety, but just in its stereotypical white male form. This nicely serves the purposes of divisive politicians who seek to exploit this image and divide the broader working class. The introduction contrasts news coverage of transit labor union strikes from the mid- and late-twentieth century to illustrate how America’s working class became invisible. The introduction also describes the author’s working class background and the discovery of a former Cleveland Plain Dealer labor reporter that sparked the idea for this book.
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Preminger, Jonathan. "Conclusion." In Labor in Israel. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501717123.003.0017.

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The Conclusion discusses the themes of the book in general terms. It reiterates that the weakening of neocorporatism has enabled those once excluded to be included in at least some frameworks for collective representation; however, neocorporatism’s central premises have been undermined, and much of the “new” organizing does not re/build the collective frameworks that once gave labor a voice. The chapter first discusses the hurdles with which labor activism has to contend in its bid to establish itself as a democratic, participatory force. It then addresses labor activism as opposition to policies associated with neoliberalism, and reviews organized labor’s status within the socio-economic regime, in particular in light of increasing labor-oriented activism among non-union organizations. Subsequently, it suggests that “cracks” in neocorporatism facilitate political participation for those who have been economically incorporated but politically excluded. Finally, the significance of these developments is discussed in light of Israel’s singular labor history.
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Spreckelsen, Thees F., Janine Leschke, and Martin Seeleib-Kaiser. "Europe’s promise for jobs?" In Youth Labor in Transition, 419–42. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190864798.003.0014.

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This chapter examines the labor market integration of recent migrant youth from Central and Eastern Europe (EU8) countries, Bulgaria and Romania (EU2), Southern Europe, and the remaining European Union in the German and UK labor markets. The chapter measures levels of employment, income, marginal employment, fixed-term employment, (solo) self-employment, and the skills/qualification mismatch of each group compared to nationals before and after the financial crisis. Despite institutional differences, young EU citizens are well integrated into the respective labor markets (especially in the United Kingdom) in terms of employment rates. However, EU youth migrants’ qualitative labor market integration seems to mirror the existing stratification across regions of Europe: EU8 and EU2 citizens often work in precarious and nonstandard employment, youth from Southern Europe take a middle position, and youth from the remaining EU countries do as well or better on several indicators compared to their native peers.
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Driouchi, Ahmed. "Introduction to Labor and Health Economics." In International Business, 1628–49. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-9814-7.ch075.

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This chapter introduces the main components of the book and focuses on the shortage in medical doctors, its causes, and its consequences. The implications on migration of medical doctors is also introduced. The role of the new economics of migration is identified as a promising research angle. A series of issues need to be analyzed in order to better understand the global health system and feed economic and social policies. These elements are discussed in relation to the outcomes of the new economics of migration of medical doctors in the context of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), Eastern and Central Europe (ECE), and the European Union (EU).
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Cummings, Scott L. "Truck Drivers." In An Equal Place, 311–445. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190215927.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the monumental campaign to raise labor and environmental standards in the trucking industry at the Los Angeles and Long Beach ports. Building on the blue-green coalition launched in the CBA and big-box contexts—and incorporating central lessons from a decade of community–labor organizing in Los Angeles—the Campaign for Clean Trucks emerged as a fight over air quality but ultimately advanced as a local policy struggle over working conditions for roughly sixteen thousand short-haul port truck drivers. For these drivers, the central problem was their misclassification as independent contractors. Misclassification forced drivers to bear all the costs of operation—contributing to poorly maintained dirty diesel trucks causing air pollution—while depriving them of the right to organize unions to improve labor conditions. Restoring drivers to the status of employees was the mutual goal bringing together the labor and environmental movements in this campaign. It rested on a novel legal foundation: The ports, as publicly owned and operated entities, had the power to define the terms of entry for trucking companies through contracts called concession agreements. The campaign—led by LAANE, the Teamsters union, and NRDC—leveraged this contracting power to win passage of the landmark 2008 Clean Truck Program, which committed trucking companies seeking to enter the Los Angeles port to a double conversion: of dirty to clean fuel trucks (thus reducing pollution) and of independent contractor to employee drivers (thus enabling unionization). However, the program’s labor centerpiece—employee conversion—was invalidated by an industry preemption lawsuit that went all the way to the United States Supreme Court. As a result, the policy gains from a blue-green campaign built on mutual interest were split apart and reallocated, resulting in environmental victory but labor setback. Why the coalition won the local policy battle but lost in court—and how the labor movement responded to this legal setback through an innovative strategy to maneuver around preemption—are the central questions this chapter explores.
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Goldfield, Michael. "The Vanguard." In The Southern Key, 35–86. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190079321.003.0003.

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Chapter 2 examines coal miners during the 1930s through the 1950s, when coal was a central industry both for the U.S. economy and for the growth of industrial unionism. It highlights the vanguard role they played in the labor movement in general and in society at large, especially in the South. It also examines their solidarity and their ability and willingness to help workers in virtually every other industry. They were one of the few groups in the old AFL that had a public commitment to racial equality and a good record on that score. The chapter exposes the myth—accepted by the vast majority of analysts—that coal miner union organizing was facilitated by governmental legislation, especially Section 7(a) of the National Industrial Recovery Act.
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Reidy, Joseph P. "Confines." In Illusions of Emancipation, 161–93. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469648361.003.0006.

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Confined space offers an instructive vantage point into the reconfiguration of social relationships that were central to the emancipation process. In homes and kitchens throughout the slave states, enslaved house servants devised strategies for asserting greater control over their labor and their lives, even when escape to freedom was out of reach. Women and men hired to work in the shops and factories that supported the Confederate war effort interacted with new casts of characters with new possibilities for stretching their customary boundaries and shedding their usual constraints. For freedom-seeking refugees who reached Union lines, refugee camps (generally called "contraband camps") offered shelter and employment, though often under the watchful eyes of proselytizing Northerners. Cities presented special conditions for the breakdown of slavery, as the experience of Washington, D.C., illustrates. The D.C. emancipation act of April 1862 set in motion a contested process that defies the simple characterization of immediate emancipation.
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Goldman, Wendy Z., and Donald Filtzer. "Introduction." In Fortress Dark and Stern, 1–10. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190618414.003.0001.

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On June 22, 1941, the Nazis launched Operation Barbarossa with the mightiest military force ever concentrated in a single theater of war. They occupied large swathes of Soviet territory; surrounded Leningrad in the longest siege in modern history; and reached the outskirts of Moscow. Soviet leaders adopted a policy of total war in which every resource, including labor, was mobilized for war production. The civilian toll was great. The Soviet Union lost more people, in absolute numbers and as a percentage of its population, than any other combatant nation: an estimated 26 million to 27 million people. Almost every Soviet family was affected in some terrible way. This book is the first archivally based history of the home front to explore the relationship of state and society from invasion to liberation. Focusing on the cities and industrial towns, it shows how ordinary citizens, mobilized for “total war,” became central to the Allied victory.
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Conference papers on the topic "Central Labor Union of Cleveland"

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Çelebi Boz, Füsun, and Atakan Durmaz. "Immigration in Central Asia and its Effects on the Labor Market." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00526.

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Many Central Asian countries declaring their independence after the splitting of the Soviet Union, cannot meet the economical and social needs of their citizens by falling much behind of the era in terms of industry despite the natural wealth they have. In addition to all these, the problems in the ruling class and the chaos environment have resulted in the immigration of many people to alternative living spaces. These immigrations have affected labor market both positively and negatively besides the social life. The labor demand increased by the entrance of the immigrants into the market has affected the employee wages and also this situation has affected the life standards of the citizens. In this study, the immigration that took place in the countries established after the splitting of the Soviet Union, forming one of the two poles of the world before the cold war, and the effects of this immigration on the labor market have been analyzed considering previous studies on the subject. The studies carried out on this subject have yielded various results according to the area in which it’s carried out, the time interval it includes, and the period’s structure. For this reason, the points of views on the subject are compared by making a long literature review.
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Sabyrbekov, Rahat. "Software Development in Kyrgyzstan: Potential Source of Economic Growth." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00256.

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In recent years, software development in the Kyrgyz Republic demonstrated 60-70% growth rate. Kyrgyz software products are exported to Central Asian neighbors and to the Western countries such as Italy, Australia and Holland. With the highest Internet penetration in the region and pool of qualified staff Kyrgyzstan has real chances to sustain the growth rate of the industry. Moreover, the cheap labor creates comparative advantage for local software producers. The break-up the Soviet Union lead to bankruptcies of traditional industries in the Kyrgyz Republic and thousands of highly qualified engineers were left unemployed. Simultaneously since independence Kyrgyz government implemented number of reforms to encourage development of Information and Communication Technologies which lead to the establishment of ICT infrastructure in the region. The paper analyzes the development trend of the software production industry in the Kyrgyz Republic. We will also overview international experience as in the leading software producers as well as in neighboring countries. The study also builds projections for the next decade and draw on certain policy implications. In addition the paper will provide policy recommendations. The data used is from by the Association on IT companies, questionnaires, National Statistics Committee, Word Bank and Asian Development Bank.
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