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1
Lubienecki, Paul. "From the Parish Hall to the Union Hall: Catholic Labor Education in Cleveland." Ohio History 124, no. 2 (2017): 49–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ohh.2017.0015.
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Fletcher, Bill. "Central Labor Councils: A Vehicle for Building Labor Union/Community Alliances?" WorkingUSA 16, no. 4 (November 14, 2013): 537–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/wusa.12079.
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Varga, Joseph. "Occupying the Picket Line: Labor and Occupy in South Central Indiana." Journal of Working-Class Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.13001/jwcs.v3i1.6121.
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This article examines the relationship between a striking labor union and a local Occupy group in South Central Indiana in fall, 2011. It looks at areas of cooperation, tension, and coordination between the two groups within the context of Occupy/organized labor relations during the same period in other locations in the United States. The article examines attitudes of union members and Occupy participants regarding each other, unions, working people, class, labor law, strikes, and direct action. This work examines areas of agreement and mutual benefit between the striking union and the Occupy group, while also discussing the major areas of tension in the specific case in Southern Indiana and in other instances where Occupy groups and labor organizations came into contact. The article concludes with a discussion of major difficulties in the Occupy/labor relationship, and avenues of potential cooperation.
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I. Sachs, Benjamin. "THE UNBUNDLED UNION." Revista Direito das Relações Sociais e Trabalhistas 4, no. 2 (October 9, 2019): 16–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26843/mestradodireito.v4i2.126.
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Public policy in the United States is disproportionately responsive to the wealthy, and the traditional response to this problem, campaign finance regulation, has failed. As students of politics have long recognized, however, political influence flows not only from wealth but also from organization, a form of political power open to all income groups. Accordingly, as this Essay argues, a promising alternative to campaign finance regulations is legal interventions designed to facilitate political organizing by the poor and middle class. To date, the most important legal intervention of this kind has been labor law, and the labor union has been the central vehicle for this type of organizing. But the labor union as a political-organizational vehicle suffers a fundamental flaw: unions bundle political organization with collective bargaining, a highly contested form of economic organization. As a result, opposition to collective bargaining impedes unions’ ability to serve as a political-organizing vehicle for lowerand middle-income groups. This Essay proposes that labor law unbundle the union, allowing employees to organize politically through the union form without also organizing economically for collective bargaining purposes. Doing so would have the immediate effect of liberating political-organizational efforts from the constraints of collective bargaining, an outcome that could mitigate representational inequality. The Essay identifies the legal reforms that would be necessary to enable such unbundled “political unions” to succeed. It concludes by looking beyond the union context and suggesting a broader regime of reforms aimed at facilitating political organizing by those income groups for whom representational inequality is now a problem.
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Silverman, Victor. "Sustainable Alliances: The Origins of International Labor Environmentalism." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000201.
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This article examines evaluates the strength of the Labor-Environmentalist alliance of the late twentieth century. It traces the evolution of trade unionists' thinking about nature and the human relationship to the environment by examining intellectual and political sources of labor involvement in United Nations' environmental policy making from the 1950s through the 1980s. The article explores the reasons trade union organizations, notably the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, the International Trade Secretariats (Global Union Federations) and the European Trade Union Confederation, participated in a variety of international conferences and institutions such as the 1972 Stockholm Conference on the Environment, the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development. It finds that environmentally conscious trade unionists developed their own version of environmentalism and sustainable development based on a reworking of basic trade union principles, a reworking that emphasized solidarity with nature and made central the protection of the health and safety of workers, communities, and environments.
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Armbruster-Sandoval, Ralph. "Globalization and Transnational Labor Organizing." Social Science History 27, no. 4 (2003): 551–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012682.
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The proliferation of garment industry sweatshops over the past 20 years has generated numerous cross-border (transnational) organizing campaigns involving U.S., Mexican, and Central American labor unions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). This article examines one such campaign that took place at the Honduran maquiladora factory known as Kimi. The Kimi workers (along with their transnational allies) struggled for six years before they were legally recognized as a union, and they negotiated one of the few collective bargaining agreements in the entire Central American region. The factory eventually shut down, however. Based on Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink's “boomerang effect” model, this case study analyzes why these positive and negative outcomes occurred. It concludes with some observations about “the enemy” and offers short-, medium-, and long-term suggestions for the broader antisweatshop movement.
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Black, Simon. "Community Unionism without the Community? Lessons from Labor-Community Coalitions in the Canadian Child Care Sector." Labor Studies Journal 43, no. 2 (April 5, 2018): 118–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x18763442.
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The theory and practice of community unionism has been central to discussions of alt-labor, union renewal, and revitalization, particularly in relation to union praxis at the urban or local scale. This comparative case study explores two labor-community campaigns to defend public child care services in the context of neoliberal austerity in urban/suburban space. While labor-community coalitions are a necessary—if not sufficient—condition for success, in urban/suburban contexts in which community allies are weak and municipal administrations hostile, public-sector unions must continue to play a leading role in campaigns despite the risk of being cast as defenders of sectional interests rather than of the public good. In such contexts, union involvement in community organizing is a necessary precursor to successful labor-community campaigns.
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Gerteis, Christopher. "Labor’s Cold Warriors: The American Federation of Labor and “Free Trade Unionism” in Cold War Japan." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 3-4 (2003): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645252.
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AbstractDuring the 1950s, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) led a global covert attempt to suppress left-led labor movements in Western Europe, the Mediterranean, West Africa, Central and South America, and East Asia. American union leaders argued that to survive the Cold War, they had to demonstrate to the United States government that organized labor was not part-and-parcel with Soviet communism. The AFL’s global mission was placed in care of Jay Lovestone, a founding member of the American Communist Party in 1921 and survivor of decades of splits and internecine battles over allegiance to one faction or another in Soviet politics before turning anti-Communist and developing a secret relation with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) after World War II. Lovestone’s idea was that the AFL could prove its loyalty by helping to root out Communists from what he perceived to be a global labor movement dominated by the Soviet Union. He was the CIA’s favorite Communist turned anti-Communist.
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Nelson, Bruce C. "“We Can't Get Them to Do Aggressive Work”: Chicago's Anarchists and the Eight-Hour Movement." International Labor and Working-Class History 29 (1986): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900000508.
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In the last month before the Haymarket Riot, Chicago's labor movement staged two grand demonstrations as it prepared to inaugurate the Eight Hour Day on May 1. The Knights of Labor and the Trade and Labor Assembly arranged the first on April 10, the International Working Peoples' Association (IWPA) and the Central Labor Union (CLU) arranged the second, two weeks later, on Easter Sunday, April 25. The two demonstrations shared a common purpose—to rally the city's labor movement around shorter hours—but they could not have been more different.
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Packard, Randall M. "The Invention of the ‘Tropical Worker’: Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor on the South African Gold Mines, 1903–36." Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (July 1993): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033351.
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In 1903 the South African mining industry began recruiting African labor from Central Africa in order to shore up their labor supplies. From the outset, Central African recruitment was problematic, for Central African mine workers died at very high rates. The primary source of Central African mortality was pneumonia. In response to this high mortality the Union government threatened to close down Central African recruitment, a threat which they carried out in 1913. From 1911 to 1933, the mining industry fought to maintain, and then after 1913 to regain access to Central African labor. Of central importance in this struggle were efforts to develop a vaccine against pneumonia. While the mine medical community failed to produce an effective vaccine against pneumonia, the Chamber of Mines successfully employed the promise of a vaccine eventually to regain access to Central African Labor in 1934. The mines achieved this goal by controlling the terrain of discourse on the health of Central African workers, directing attention away from the unhealthy conditions of mine labor and toward the imagined cultural and biological peculiarities of these workers. In doing so the mines constructed a new social category, ‘tropical workers’ or ‘tropicals’. The paper explores the political, economic and intellectual environment within which this cultural construction was created and employed.
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Boeri, Tito, and Katherine Terrell. "Institutional Determinants of Labor Reallocation in Transition." Journal of Economic Perspectives 16, no. 1 (February 1, 2002): 51–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/0895330027111.
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The transition process differed in the countries of the Former Soviet Union (FSU) and those of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in terms of reallocation of labor real wage, employment and output adjustment. We sift through the theoretical and empirical literature to find an explanation for these diverging adjustment trajectories and conclude that they can be explained by the fact that the CEE countries adopted social policies that upheld wages at the bottom of the distribution forcing the old sector to restructure or collapse while the FSU countries allowed wages to free-fall not forcing the hand of the old sector.
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French, John D. "Maurício Rands Barros, Labour Relations and the New Unionism in Contemporary Brazil. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999. xi + 321 pp. $65.00 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 234–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901264539.
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This study of urban labor in Pernambuco draws on the author's experience in the 1980s and early 1990s as a trade union lawyer and legal advisor to the leftist trade union confederation Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) (161). Formed in 1983, the CUT is the institutional expression of the New Unionism identified with Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, founder of a new Workers' Party (PT) in 1979.
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Hardy, Kate. "Incorporating Sex Workers into the Argentine Labor Movement." International Labor and Working-Class History 77, no. 1 (2010): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990263.
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AbstractSex workers in Argentina and beyond are making their histories visible through political action, often in the face of extreme and violent repression. Alongside two first waves of sex worker organizing, a third appears to be emerging from countries in the Global South, which has largely been neglected in academic commentaries. One such organization is Asociación de Mujeres Meretrices de la Argentina (AMMAR), the female sex workers' association of Argentina. This essay draws on questionnaire data, participant observation, and in-depth interviews with union and nonunion sex workers and members of the Central de Trabajadores Argentinos (CTA), the umbrella federation of which they are a part, across ten cities in Argentina. It traces the relationship between AMMAR and the CTA to examine how the two organizations have worked together to organize workers in an infamously exploitative, precarious, and vulnerable labor sector to achieve social and political change. The essay contributes to debates about the regeneration of the trade union movement and challenges the reigning wisdom that sex workers and trade unions are unlikely partners.
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Grabelsky, Jeff. "BUILDING LABOR'S POWER IN CALIFORNIA: RAISING STANDARDS AND EXPANDING CAPACITY AMONG CENTRAL LABOR COUNCILS, THE STATE LABOR FEDERATION, AND UNION AFFILIATES." WorkingUSA 12, no. 1 (March 2009): 17–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-4580.2008.01217.x.
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Dreiling, Michael, and Ian Robinson. "Union Responses to Nafta in the US and Canada: Explaining Intra- and International Variation." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 3, no. 2 (October 1, 1998): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.3.2.w86063127ht4kj33.
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In this article we ask why some unions in Canada and the United States were more actively opposed to NAFTA than others, and why these "activist" unions differed in the strategies that they adopted for fighting NAFTA and in the alternatives that they offered to it. We ask the same questions about differences between the U.S. and Canadian labor movements as embodied in the rhetoric and behavior of their central federations. We distinguish four union "types" on two dimensions: the inclusiveness of union leaders' collective identity (i.e., the kinds of workers that the union actively seeks to organize), and the radicalness of union leaders' moral economy (i.e., how critical the union is of the status quo political economy). We hypothesize that differences in union type, so defined, explain a significant part of the variation in the levels of union activism against NAFTA in both countries, as well as differences in strategies of opposition. Differences in the relative strength of union types is also hypothesized to be an important factor explaining strategic differences between the two national labor federations. We use statistical analysis of survey data, as well as qualitative analysis of institutional variables, to operationalize and assess these hypotheses. We find considerable support for them.
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Poór, József, Agneš Slavić, Milan Nikolić, and Nemanja Berber. "The managerial implications of the labor market and workplace shortage in Central Eastern Europe." Strategic Management 26, no. 2 (2021): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/straman2102031p.
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In the recent years the labor market of the Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries has changed a lot. One of the main business challenges in the CEE region is the worker shortage. The possible reasons of this phenomenon are the emigration of the labor force from the countries of the former Eastern Bloc to the Western countries, the negative demographic tendencies in the region, the effects of economic crisis and the significant wage differences in the countries of European Union. This paper presents the first results of an international research conducted in six countries from the CEE region (Austria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, Serbia and Slovakia) on the reasons and managerial implications of the current labor force shortage. The research questionnaire was filled out in 797 companies and institutions in the CEE region. In our paper we will show the size, ownership and the sectoral distribution of our sample, as well as the average turnover rate, the average time to fill a position in, the positions hard to fill in, the possible reasons of labor shortage and the successful organizational and governmental programs to deal with labor market shortage. The obtained results may be a useful input for the formulation of human resource management programs in the organizations facing with labor market shortage in Serbia and other CEE countries.
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Song, Min. "Legal Research on the Right to Rest of Laborers." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 7 (August 30, 2016): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n7p214.
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In 2015, the central government issued a document on building the harmonious labor relations, which emphasized the right to rest of workers and rectified the current severe imbalance of labor relations. This document released a signal to guarantee the sustainable development of the labor force for the future. These measures, such as relative departments perfecting the legislation and law enforcement, the trade union performing their duties actively, employing units and workers raising their awareness and enhancing mutual understanding and branches of the government cooperating, can realize the right to rest of workers to the greatest extent possible.
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Nadyrov, Sharip. "Kazakstan and Xinjiang: Regional Players in the World Economy." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 3 (September 1998): 565–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408584.
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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the large international companies of the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) began to emphasize collaboration with the former Soviet republics because of opportunities for new markets and raw materials. There are several basic problems, however, demanding serious research into such trade prospects:(1) The definition of economic and technological variants in the division of labor among Russia, Central Asia, and the People's Republic of China (P.R.C.), including the roles of Kazakstan and Xinjiang.(2) Defining needs and prioritizing units of production, labor, transportation, etc.(3) Macropolitical and macroeconomical forecasts of the situations in Russia, Central Asia, and China.(4) Research on the optimum forms of cooperation.
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Fiorito, Jack, Daniel Tope, Philip E. Steinberg, Irene Padavic, and Caroline E. Murphy. "Lay Activism and Activism Intentions in a Faculty Union." Labor Studies Journal 36, no. 4 (October 3, 2011): 483–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x11422609.
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Prior conceptual work on union renewal places activism in a central role. Understanding of activism’s antecedents, however, remains limited. This study uses a sample of faculty union members at a large public university, thus providing considerable diversity in work settings within a single employer organization. Using survey and archival data, this study explores the role of selected contextual factors on faculty labor activism. A tentative but interesting finding is that linkages to other activists appear to be a stronger predictor of individual activism than does departmental membership density. That is, it seems that “subcultures of apathy” can exist in even high membership density settings and that social ties to activists may spur members to heightened levels of activism.
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Lee, Cheol-Sung. "Labor Unions and Good Governance: A Cross-National, Comparative Analysis." American Sociological Review 72, no. 4 (August 2007): 585–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240707200405.
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Using network-based measures of unions' centrality among civic associations, this article builds and tests a theoretical framework that highlights labor unions' central role in enhancing governance. I first construct three measures to capture the connectedness and power of representative voluntary civic associations, membership density, degree centrality (comemberships), and power centrality, based on the affiliation network matrices for 54 countries, using the latest World Values Survey. I then test the key argument that unions' power centrality has significant positive effects on governance, controlling for general socioeconomic and international factors. The findings from standard statistical analyses, as well as from comparative case studies of affiliation networks, support my claims that union-centered or union-linked civic mobilization achieves a balance of class power not only in civil society, but also within state institutions, strengthening reformist parties and policy makers. This article also suggests that this power shift in the state power structure leads to better governance. I highlight the role of labor-based organizations in making governments effective and responsible, and I bring the bottom-up process of civic mobilization and social accountability back into the discussion of social capital and governance.
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Rössel, Jörg. "Industrial Structure, Union Strategy, and Strike Activity in American Bituminous Coal Mining, 1881-1894." Social Science History 26, no. 1 (2002): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001227x.
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The goal of this article is to describe and explain the specific strike pattern of American bituminous coal miners in the last part of the nineteenth century (between 1881 and 1894).The central thesis is that the evolution of strike patterns in bituminous coal mining differed substantially from the development of strike patterns in other industries during this period. According to scholars like Gerald Friedman (1988) and Kim Voss (1993), the evolution of the American labor movement until 1886 was strongly determined by the Knights of Labor’s strategy of inclusive unionism, which sought to increase worker power through solidarity and broad-based strikes. As this strategy proved unsuccessful—especially in 1886—American labor unions later conducted a different type of walkout: planned, small strikes of strategically located, skilled workers, which were more successful.
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Nicolae, Balteş, and Jimon Ştefania Amalia. "Study Regarding the Effects of Demographic Transition on Labor Market and Public Pension System in Central and Eastern Europe." Studies in Business and Economics 15, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 158–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sbe-2020-0013.
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AbstractPopulation and the quality of labor force are the “strengths” features’ that ensure socio-economic development of a country. The last decades can be characterized as a transitional period, in which countries of European Union and especially the countries of Central and Eastern Europe are facing a demographic decline. Reduced birth rate, ageing and migration are factors’ which create a lot of pressure, both on labor market and public pension systems, items correlated with the population structure. In this paper we have presented the demographic situation and the size of migration in five countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The direct linkage between population structure, labor market and public pension systems represents, in transitional context, a threat to budget sustainability, especially in Romania. We consider that the reformation has to be adjusted with the new socio-economic conditions, finding new solutions for increasing birth rate, decreasing the “exodus” of young population and stimulating economic activities.
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García Lirios, Cruz. "Factorial structure of work commitment in a health institution in central Mexico." Gaceta Medica Boliviana 44, no. 1 (July 7, 2021): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47993/gmb.v44i1.212.
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Objective: modeling the indicators of work commitment considering the exposure to the contagion of the SARS CoV-2 coronavirus and the COVID-19 disease in a public health institution. Methods: a psychometric and cross-sectional study was carried out with a sample of 100 students from a public university in partnership with the health institution assigned to care for the pandemic. The Carreón Labor Commitment Scale (2021) was used, which includes seven dimensions related to the social, sectoral, academic, training, family, professional and personal spheres. Results: a factorial structure of seven main components was confirmed that explained 53% of the total variance, suggesting the inclusion of another factor that the literature identifies as the union commitment to refer to the disposition in favor of preserving the prestige of the career studied. Conclusions: it is recommended to contrast the model with the inclusion of union commitment in order to be able to increase the total variance explained and anticipate a response scenario to another health crisis such as a re-outbreak of COVID-19.
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Hallerberg, Mark. "Tax Competition in Wilhelmine Germany and Its Implications for the European Union." World Politics 48, no. 3 (April 1996): 324–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1996.0010.
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The twenty-five German states from 1871 to 1914 present a useful data set for examining how increasing economic integration affects tax policy. After German unification the national government collapsed six currencies into one and liberalized preexisting restrictions on capital and labor mobility. In contrast, the empire did not directly interfere in the making of state tax policy; while states transferred certain indirect taxes to the central government, they maintained their own autonomous tax and political systems through World War I. This paper examines the extent to which tax competition forced the individual state tax systems to converge from 1871 to 1914. In spite of a diversity of political systems, tax competition did require states to harmonize their rates on mobile factors like capital and high income labor, but it did not affect tax rates on immobile factors. In states where the political system guaranteed agricultural dominance, taxes on land were reduced, while in states with more open systems, tax rates remained higher. One unexpected result is that tax rates on capital and income converged upward instead of downward. The most dominant state, Prussia, served as the lowest-common-denominator state, but pressure from the national government, especially to increase expenditures, forced all states to raise their tax rates. These results suggest possible ways for the European Union to avoid a forced downward convergence of member state tax rates on capital and mobile labor.
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Howe, Renate. "David Palmer, Ross Shanahan, and Martin Shanahan, eds., Australian Labor History Reconsidered. Adelaide: Australian Humanities Press, 1999. ix + 244 pp. $29.95 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 222–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901214537.
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An objective of this collection is to bring the history of the Australian labor movement to international attention. The editors introduce the collection with a brief overview of Australian labor history, emphasizing differences between the Australian and American experiences. The introduction argues that a unique aspect of Australian labor history is “laborism,” which is defined as the central place of the labor movement in Australian culture, as compared with the more marginal position of the labor movement in America. In Australia, this centrality is reflected in the embedding of trade unions and labor in the state through wage-fixing tribunals, a social security system designed to support the families of male wage earners, and the Australian Labor Party's strong links to the trade union movement. The introduction is informative and especially benefits from the insights of David Palmer, an American historian teaching at Adelaide's Flinders University. However, the introduction was apparently written later at the suggestion of an American reader and has thus not been fully integrated into the structure of the book.
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Ashwin, Sarah, Chikako Oka, Elke Schuessler, Rachel Alexander, and Nora Lohmeyer. "Spillover Effects across Transnational Industrial Relations Agreements: The Potential and Limits of Collective Action in Global Supply Chains." ILR Review 73, no. 4 (January 21, 2020): 995–1020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793919896570.
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Using qualitative data from interviews with multiple respondents in 45 garment brands and retailers, as well as respondents from unions and other stakeholders, the authors analyze the emergence of the Action Collaboration Transformation (ACT) living wages initiative. They ask how the inter-firm coordination and firm–union cooperation demanded by a multi-firm transnational industrial relations agreement (TIRA) developed. Synthesizing insights from the industrial relations and private governance literatures along with recent collective action theory, they identify a new pathway for the emergence of multi-firm TIRAs based on common group understandings, positive experiences of interaction, and trust. The central finding is that existing union-inclusive governance initiatives provided a platform from which spillover effects developed, facilitating the formation of new TIRAs. The authors contribute a new mapping of labor governance approaches on the dimensions of inter-firm coordination and labor inclusiveness, foregrounding socialization dynamics as a basis for collective action and problematizing the limited scalability of this mode of institutional emergence.
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Fisk, Catherine, and Michael Szalay. "Story Work: Non-Proprietary Autonomy and Contemporary Television Writing." Television & New Media 18, no. 7 (June 10, 2016): 605–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476416652693.
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Based on interviews with three dozen working writers in American television, this paper argues that TV writers assert their status as labor to guarantee their shared craft identity with novelists, dramatists, and authors of other conventional literary material. The tension between writers’ desire for literary prestige on one hand, and their recognition that they create at the behest of company executives, on the other, emerges, alternately, in the imagined difference between writers and producers and, most basically, between autonomous creators and corporate hacks. Our novel observation is that writers’ identification with labor, including their commitment to their union, the Writers Guild of America, plays a central role in resolving these tensions. Union membership solves a problem at the heart of contemporary TV writing insofar as it transforms a necessity into a virtue; opposing management as labor, the writer registers her opposition to creative input that might otherwise compromise her sense of artistic integrity. That opposition allows writers to imagine themselves at odds with the studios and networks that employ them, and at the same time to commit to artistic over and against corporate values.
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Hawkins, Daniel. "El tema laboral en las negociaciones de los TLC: Lecciones de las experiencias de Colombia frente a los TLC con los Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea." REVISTA CONTROVERSIA, no. 207 (July 5, 2016): 205–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54118/controver.vi207.1077.
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Los dos tratados de libre comercio firmados por Colombia con los Estados Unidos (2012) y Perú y la Unión Europea (2013) no solo marcaron el eje central de la política de apertura e integración económica de los gobiernos de Álvaro Uribe y Juan Manuel Santos, sino también pusieron a prueba la capacidad del Gobierno estadounidense y las instituciones de la Unión Europea para asegurar que sus políticas comerciales hacia países del Sur, como Colombia, pudieran mejorar las precarias condiciones laborales de gran parte de la población trabajadora y la capacidad estatal para proteger y garantizar los derechos laborales fundamentales y demás derechos sociales. Este artículo analiza las diferencias en ambos modelos de negociar temas laborales y compara el grado de impactos sociales positivos que ambos TLC han traído a Colombia varios años después de su implementación.Palabras clave: Tratados de libre comercio, acuerdos laborales paralelos, derechos laborales fundamentales, plan de acción laboral, Resolución 2628. Abstract The Labor Issue in FTA Negotiations: Lessons from Colombia’s Experiences with FTAs with the United States and the European Union Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) signed by Colombia with the United States (2012) and Peru and the European Union (2013) not only marked the central axis of the economic liberalization and integration policy of Alvaro Uribe and Juan Manuel Santos governments, but they also put to test the ability of the US government and the EU institutions to ensure that their commercial policies with countries of the South, such as Colombia, would improve the precarious working conditions of a considerable part of the working population. Furthermore, they also challenge the capacity of the Colombian state to protect and guarantee fundamental labor rights and other social rights. This article examines the differences between both models of negotiating labor issues and compares the degree to which both FTAs have actually brought about positive social impact in Colombia a few years after their formal implementation.Key words: Free Trade Agreements, Parallel Labor Agreements, Fundamental Labor Rights, Labor Action Plan, Resolution 2628.
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Adăscăliței, Dragoș, and Ștefan Guga. "Negotiating agency and structure: Trade union organizing strategies in a hostile environment." Economic and Industrial Democracy 38, no. 3 (April 2, 2015): 473–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x15578157.
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This article investigates a case of successful union organizing in one automotive assembly plant in Romania. The authors argue that in order to explain why the union succeeds in defending workers’ rights there is a need to consider both structural and agency aspects that condition labor’s capacity to effectively defend their interests. The findings show that the union at the Romanian plant has made use of a diverse repertoire of protest activities in order to defend its worker constituency. The authors also discuss why as of late protests are less and less used by the union in response to the shifting economic and political environment in which the plant is embedded. They argue that a closer look at the strategy of the Romanian union and the path it has taken in the past decade provides a better understanding of the conditions for union success in an economic, legal, and political environment that has become increasingly hostile toward organized labor. In this sense, the article points to the more general situation unions in Central and Eastern Europe have found themselves in recent years.
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Jit, Ravinder. "Challenges of Trade Union Movement in India." Global Journal of Enterprise Information System 8, no. 2 (February 28, 2017): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18311/gjeis/2016/7656.
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The trade union movement in India is facing many challenges. The finances of the unions are generally in a bad shape. Multiplicity of unions and inter-union rivalry makes it difficult to take a constructive approach to problems and issues. Heterogeneity of membership renders the unions unstable, weak, fragmented, uncoordinated and amorphous. Besides this, majority of unions are managed by professional politicians and lawyers who have no experience of physical work and no commitment to the organization. These outside leaders may give precedence to their personal interests and prejudices than welfare of the workers. Development of internal leadership is also not encouraged by unscrupulous politicians in the garb of union leaders. Keeping in mind all these challenges various scholars and practitioners have suggested certain measures to strengthen trade union movement in India. Developing internal leadership, presenting a united labor front for bargaining, ensuring financial stability of unions, having paid full time union office bearers, extending the boundaries of trade unions to unorganized sector and ensuring strong central legislation for recognition of representative union are some of the measures that can change the face of trade unionism in India.
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Popa, Adriana Florina, Stefania Amalia Jimon, Delia David, and Daniela Nicoleta Sahlian. "Influence of Fiscal Policies and Labor Market Characteristics on Sustainable Social Insurance Budgets—Empirical Evidence from Central and Eastern European Countries." Sustainability 13, no. 11 (May 31, 2021): 6197. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13116197.
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Social protection systems are a key factor for ensuring the long-term sustainability and stability of economies in the European Union, their reform being nowadays present in the political agenda of member states. Aging and the dependence on mandatory levies applied to the employed population on the labor market represent a threat for the sustainability of public social protection systems. In terms of sustainability, our purpose was to highlight the factors influencing social insurance budgets, considering the fiscal policies implemented in six countries of Central and Eastern Europe and their particular labor market characteristics. Therefore, a panel study based on a regression model using the Ordinary Least Squares method (OLS) with cross section random effects was used to determine the correlations between funding sources and labor market specific indicators. The data analyzed led to relevant results that emphasize the dependence of social insurance budgets on positive factors such as the average level of salaries, the share of compulsory social contributions, the unemployment rate, and the human development index, suggesting the continuing need for professional and personal development of the workforce.
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Rutz, Henry. "PA Comments." Practicing Anthropology 12, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 2–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.12.1.26m0x6w06u2777hj.
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Culture, whether conceived broadly as kinship or religious community, or more narrowly as nationalist yearnings or ethnic identity, remains the central paradox of capitalist development, more so at the end of the twentieth century than at the outset. As the international division of labor reorganizes cultural diversity in the interests of capital accumulation, reactive cultural patterns surface in widely separated geographic regions of the globe, in countries as diverse as South Korea, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, and the Soviet Union.
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Roles, Cameron, Michael O’Donnell, and Peter Fairbrother. "The Aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis and Union Strategies in the Australian Public Service." Articles 67, no. 4 (December 5, 2012): 633–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1013198ar.
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Summary The Australian Labor government’s recognition of collective bargaining under its Fair Work Act 2009, and its efficiency drive from late 2011 across the Australian Public Service (APS), presented the Community and Public Sector Union (CPSU) with an opportunity to explore means of union renewal following a decade of conservative governments focused on union exclusion. An expanding budget deficit in 2011 placed considerable financial constraints on Australian government revenue. The Labor government increased the annual “efficiency dividend”, or across the board cuts in funding, from 1.5 per cent in May 2011 to 4 per cent in November 2011 as it attempted to achieve a budget surplus. This placed considerable pressure on agency management to remain within tight constraints on wage increases and to find budget savings, resulting in growing job losses from 2011. There was also considerable central oversight over bargaining outcomes throughout this bargaining round, with the Australian Public Service Commission (APSC) involved at all stages of the agreement-making process, to the frustration of many agencies and the CPSU. Nevertheless, throughout the 2011-12 bargaining round, the CPSU worked with its members to develop creative forms of industrial action, such as one minute stoppages in the Defence department. The union also mobilized an overwhelming majority of APS employees to vote “no” in response to initial offers put by agency managements. In addition, the CPSU focused on winning bargaining concessions in politically sensitive government agencies and then flowing these concessions to other agencies. Typical of this approach were the agreements reached in the Immigration department and Customs agency. Union recruitment activities over 2011 resulted in a substantial rise in membership and enhanced communications with members through workplace meetings, telephone and internet communications, and emails. Such union initiatives highlight the potential for enhanced union capacities and mobilization during a time of growing austerity.
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Rogers, Joel. "Divide and Conquer: The Legal Foundations of Postwar U.S. Labor Policy+." German Law Journal 12, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 210–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200016825.
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This paper provides an outline for a general theory of postwar U.S. labor law and regulation. It focuses on the structure and administration of the Labor Management Relations Act (LMRA), the centerpiece of U.S. labor policy over the past two generations. The central thesis of the analysis is that American labor law tends systematically to constrain and fragment worker organization, and is best understood as comprising a regulatory regime that both codifies and furthers the weakness of American labor. The organizing principle of this regulatory regime is the general denial of substantive generic entitlements for workers, and the general limitation of enforceable substantive worker claims to those claims arising from the guarantees of specific collective bargaining agreements negotiated within narrow contexts of union-employer dealings. As a consequence of this distinctive structure of interest articulation and satisfaction, unions rationally adopt highly particularistic bargaining strategies in their dealings with employers. As a consequence of such adoption, unions are divided within themselves, from one another, and from unorganized workers, with the result that workers overall are cumulatively weakened as a class.
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Barba, Lloyd. "More Spirit in That Little Madera Church." California History 94, no. 1 (2017): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2017.94.1.26.
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This article coalesces historical grassroots developments in the Central Valley: the growth of Mexican Pentecostalism and its production of music, brewing legal tensions regarding voting rights and undocumented immigration, and the fledgling career of Cesar Chavez as a community-organizer-turned-labor-activist. At a time when Pentecostals were believed to be anti-union and apolitical, they joined the Community Service Organization and, through their singing, inspired Cesar Chavez to incorporate singing when he later formed his union/association. This article shows how the social conditions of labor and religion proved to be fertile soil for a productive encounter between Chavez, a Catholic, and a Pentecostal congregation in need of legal assistance. The well-publicized grape strikes and marches of the late 1960s, for example, incorporated religious iconography and music, the latter of which came from an idea Chavez developed from this unusual, productive encounter over a decade earlier with Mexican Pentecostals in 1954. The latter part of the article focuses on the religious overtones of music produced about Chavez and La Causa.
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Hintzmann, Carolina, Josep Lladós-Masllorens, and Raul Ramos. "Intangible Assets and Labor Productivity Growth." Economies 9, no. 2 (May 24, 2021): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies9020082.
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We examine the contribution to labor productivity growth in the manufacturing sector of investment in different intangible asset categories—computerized information, innovative property, and economic competencies—for a set of 18 European countries between 1995 and 2017, as well as whether this contribution varies between different groups of countries. The motivation is to go a step further and identify which single or combination of intangible assets are relevant. The main findings can be summarized as follows. Firstly, all the three different categories of intangible assets contribute to labor productivity growth. In particular, intangible assets related to economic competences together with innovative property assets have been identified as the main drivers; specifically, advertising and marketing, organizational capital, research and development (R&D) investment, and design. Secondly, splitting the sample of European Union (EU) member states into three groups—northern, central and southern Europe—allows for the identification of a significant differentiated behavior between and within groups, in terms of the effects of investment in intangible assets on labor productivity growth. We conclude that measures promoting investment in intangibles at EU level should be accompanied by specific measures focusing on each country’s needs, for the purpose of promoting labor productivity growth. The obtained evidence suggests that the solution for the innovation deficit of some European economies consist not only of raising R&D expenditure, but also exploiting complementarities between different types of assets.
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Juravich, Tom. "“Bread and Roses”." Labor 17, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8114769.
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This paper traces the history of the song “Bread and Roses” to examine labor culture and the role of song in the labor movement. In the late 1930s and early 1940s, “Bread and Roses” was included in several of the first generation song books produced by unions that reflected an expansive and inclusive labor culture closely connected with the Left. With the ascendance of business unionism and the blacklisting of the Left after the war, labor culture took a heavy blow, and labor songbooks became skeletons of the full-bodied versions they had once been. Unions began to see singing not as part of the process of social change but as a vehicle to bring people together, and songs such as “Bread and Roses” and other more class-based songs were jettisoned in favor of a few labor standards and American sing-along songs. “Bread and Roses” was born anew to embody a central concept in the women’s movement and rode the wave of new music, art, and film that were part of new social movements and new constituencies that challenged business unionism and reshaped union culture in the 1980s.
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Wells, Sarah Ann. "Brazil’s Deferred 1968." South Atlantic Quarterly 119, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 493–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8601362.
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The consignment of industrial wage labor and its central figures to the status of ruins has become something of a cliché in contemporary scholarship and artistic practice. On this view, its demise first became apparent in the 1970s, the precise moment when Brazilian labor movements experienced their first significant gains. This article identifies, describes, and analyzes the emergence of a cinema-labor cycle in São Paulo (1977–82) that constitutes a key instance of Brazil’s “deferred 1968”: a complex response to the distinct pressures of a repressive military regime, entrenched paternalistic union structures, and the auteurist legacy in cinema. In their efforts to apprehend the largest strikes in recent history, filmmakers in the cinema-labor cycle attempted what had seemed elusive in Brazilian cinema up until this point: a mutually constituting alliance between cinema and labor. This article focuses above all on the new understandings of time—including urgency, immediacy, the present tense, and the belated—forged in these films, and the new relationships that emerged among artists and worker-activists as a result. Ultimately, an analysis of this film cycle queries attempts to inscribe both cinema and labor in the past tense.
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AHLQUIST, JOHN S. "Building Strategic Capacity: The Political Underpinnings of Coordinated Wage Bargaining." American Political Science Review 104, no. 1 (February 2010): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409990384.
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Encompassing labor movements and coordinated wage setting are central to the social democratic economic model that has proven successful among the nations of Western Europe. The coordination of wage bargaining across many unions and employers has been used to explain everything from inequality to unemployment. Yet there has been limited theoretical and quantitative empirical work exploring the determinants of bargaining coordination. I argue formally that more unequally distributed resources across unions should inhibit the centralization of strike powers in union federations. Using membership as a proxy for union resources, I find empirical evidence for this hypothesis in a panel of 15 OECD democracies, 1950–2000. I then show that the centralization of strike powers is a strong predictor of coordinated bargaining.
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Ćudić, Bojan, Matjaž Klemenčič, and Jernej Zupančič. "The influence of COVID-19 on international labor migrations from Bosnia and Herzegovina to EU." Dela, no. 53 (December 17, 2020): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/dela.53.71-95.
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The article deals with the contemporary labor migrations from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Slovenia and the other countries of European Union, specifically during the period of the COVID-19 pandemic. On the basis of fieldwork among the participants in these migrations, it seeks to identify the specifics of circumstances and situations that arose suddenly with the closure of political borders and the demands of social distancing. In these circumstances, we supposed that labor migrants found themselves to be a particularly vulnerable group of population. The case study has denied that this is completely true. On the other hand, labor migrations from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Central, Western and North European and some non-European countries have been a continuous process for the last century and at least migration flows must be taken as a fact which directions, volumes and character are greatly influenced by labor market regulations in each individual EU member and other states. Periodically, specific political and social situations also gain importance. The COVID-19 pandemic has exactly such an impact.
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Whatley, Warren C. "African-American Strikebreaking from the Civil War to the New Deal." Social Science History 17, no. 4 (1993): 525–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016904.
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When African-American workers broke labor strikes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, they were acting in opposition to established social norms concerning race, class, community, and the state. Imagine platoons of African-American men who ordinarily lacked protection of their most basic civil rights escorted by police into a hostile European-American community to take the jobs of European-American workers who were expressing their working-class consciousness through a labor union that excluded their fellow African-American workers. Scholars have interpreted African-American strikebreaking as an example of the ethnic stratification characteristic of the American working class (Bonacich 1976; Gutman 1962, 1987; Foner and Lewis 1979, 1980; Spero and Harris 1931). What was its political-economic context? That is the central question of this essay.
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Orynbassarova, Dilara. "Entrepreneurial University Perspective: Tracking Labor Force Capacity to Support Industrialization Processes in the Emerging Markets, Evidence from Kazakhstan Data." EMAJ: Emerging Markets Journal 6, no. 2 (January 6, 2017): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/emaj.2016.111.
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Industrialisation is considered as main engine of growth in economic development of the most emerging markets. This is especially true for Central Asian transitional countries as Kazakhstan, which obtained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. For enhancing country’s competitiveness potential, Kazakhstan National Program for 2010-2014 aimed to accelerate industrial-innovative development of the country. While many papers published about the importance of industrialization activities in Kazakhstan, few have focused on examining the current capacity of labor market to meet the industry demand. Main aim of this paper was to investigate if current manpower is adequate to maintain the planned rate of growth in the country. Higher level of economic production led to higher demand of engineering labor force. High demand with low frequency supply created an imbalance in the labor market that resulted what we see as shortage of technically skilled labor. Low frequency of supply is influenced by such factors as high engineers’ outflow rate, low students enrolment and graduation rates, and lack of practical skills of the graduates hired. An erratum to this article has been published as https://doi.org/10.5195/emaj.2017.132.
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Weidman, John C., and Brian Yoder. "Policy and Practice in Education Reform in Mongolia and Uzbekistan during the First Two Decades of the Post-Soviet Era." Excellence in Higher Education 1, no. 1&2 (December 31, 2010): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ehe.2010.16.
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This article describes the social, economic, and political processes that have influenced educational reform in two countries of Central Asia since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. It compares and contrasts the various educational reform initiatives that have occurred in each country, including legal and policy frameworks, curriculum change, decentralization, privatization, finance, structure, and emphasis of educational systems, and the fit between what is taught in educational institutions and demands of the labor market. A sector-wide framework for education reform is presented to facilitate understanding of the very complex set of processes involved.
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Simionescu, Mihaela, Carmen Beatrice Păuna, and Mihaela-Daniela Vornicescu Niculescu. "The Relationship between Economic Growth and Pollution in Some New European Union Member States: A Dynamic Panel ARDL Approach." Energies 14, no. 9 (April 21, 2021): 2363. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14092363.
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Considering the necessity of achieving economic development by keeping the quality of the environment, the aim of this paper is to study the impact of economic growth on GHG emissions in a sample of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (V4 countries, Bulgaria and Romania) in the period of 1996–2019. In the context of dynamic ARDL panel and environmental Kuznets curve (EKC), the relationship between GHG and GDP is N-shaped. A U-shaped relationship was obtained in the renewable Kuznets curve (RKC). Energy consumption, domestic credit to the private sector, and labor productivity contribute to pollution, while renewable energy consumption reduces the GHG emissions. However, more efforts are required for promoting renewable energy in the analyzed countries.
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Navarro, Vicente, and John Schmitt. "Economic Efficiency versus Social Equality? The U.S. Liberal Model versus the European Social Model." International Journal of Health Services 35, no. 4 (October 2005): 613–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/6ljj-hl7h-gf0x-66rc.
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This article begins by challenging the widely held view in neoliberal discourse that there is a necessary trade-off between higher efficiency and lower reduction of inequalities: the article empirically shows that the liberal, U.S. model has been less efficient economically (slower economic growth, higher unemployment) than the social model in existence in the European Union and in the majority of its member states. Based on the data presented, the authors criticize the adoption of features of the liberal model (such as deregulation of their labor markets, reduction of public social expenditures) by some European governments. The second section analyzes the causes for the slowdown of economic growth and the increase of unemployment in the European Union—that is, the application of monetarist and neoliberal policies in the institutional frame of the European Union, including the Stability Pact, the objectives and modus operandi of the European Central Bank, and the very limited resources available to the European Commission for stimulating and distributive functions. The third section details the reasons for these developments, including (besides historical considerations) the enormous influence of financial capital in the E.U. institutions and the very limited democracy. Proposals for change are included.
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Georgescu, Maria-Ana, and Emilia Herman. "Productive Employment for Inclusive and Sustainable Development in European Union Countries: A Multivariate Analysis." Sustainability 11, no. 6 (March 24, 2019): 1771. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11061771.
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It is widely recognized that achieving highly productive employment is a serious challenge facing inclusive and sustainable development. In this context, the aim of this article was to highlight the main characteristics and mechanisms of productive employment, focusing on the interrelationships between productive employment, and inclusive and sustainable development in European Union countries, during the recent economic crisis and recovery period (2007–2016). The results of the correlation and regression analysis suggest that the high level of inclusive and sustainable development in some European Union countries can be mainly explained by high labor productivity, an efficient sectoral structure of employment, a low level of vulnerable and precarious employment, and low working poverty. Moreover, the results of the principal component analysis and cluster analysis show that there are common features and differences between the European Union member states in terms of their interrelationship between productive employment, and inclusive and sustainable development, which emphasizes the need to take specific actions to transform unproductive employment into productive employment, especially in southern countries and some central and eastern European countries, so that productive employment will be the driving force for development.
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Vanhuysse, Pieter. "Kneeling at the Altar of (Il)-Liberalism: The Politics of Ideas, Job Loss, and Union Weakness in East Central Europe." International Labor and Working-Class History 73, no. 1 (2008): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000094.
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As East Central Europe is fast approaching the end of its second decade after the fall of the Berlin Wall, new studies of postcommunist politics and society can increasingly benefit from a longer historical perspective. We can now replace the “history of the present” lens that was typical of much research in the highly volatile 1990s with accounts that more extensively compare the most fundamental trends emerging from the decades before and after 1989–1990. In this spirit, both books under review make substantive and historically well-informed contributions to our understanding of the politics of work and workers in Central and Eastern Europe. In The Defeat of Solidarity, David Ost develops a gripping account of the progressive and interlinked defeats of labor interests and liberal democratic politics in Poland from the 1980s up to the present day. In Constructing Unemployment, Phineas Baxandall offers a theory of the political meaning of unemployment, applied mainly to the case of Hungary from the late 1940s until the end of the 1990s.
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Rosner, David, and Gerald Markowitz. "Hospitals, Insurance, and the American Labor Movement: The Case of New York in the Postwar Decades." Journal of Policy History 9, no. 1 (January 1997): 74–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005832.
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In the summer of 1989, an extended strike by the various “Baby Bell” telephone companies, including those of New York, Massachusetts, California, and thirteen other states in the Northeast, Midwest, and West Coast, brought to public attention the importance of health and hospital insurance to the nation's workers. In what theLos Angeles Timesheadline proclaimed was a “Phone Strike Centered on the Issue of Health Care,” workers at NYNEX, Pacific Bell, and Bell Atlantic went out on strike over management's insistence that the unions pay a greater portion of their hospital insurance premiums. In contrast to their willingness to grant wage concessions throughout most of the 1980s, the unions and their membership struck to protect what was once considered a “fringe” benefit of union membership. What had been a trivial cost to companies in the 1940s and 1950s had risen to 7.9 percent of payroll in 1984 and 13.6 percent by 1989. Unable to control the industry that had formed around hospitals, doctors, drug companies, and insurance, portions of the labor movement redefined its central mission: the fringes of the previous forty years were now central concerns. In the words of one local president engaged in the bitter communication workers strike: “‘It took us 40 years of collective bargaining’ to reach a contract in which the employer contributed [substantially to] the costs of health care, ‘and now they want to go in one fell swoop backward.’”
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Böttger, Katrin, Yvonne Braun, and Julian Plottka. "Die EU-Zentralasienstrategie 2019 – mehr Handlungsrahmen als strategisches Dokument." integration 42, no. 4 (2019): 297–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2019-4-297.
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In May 2019, the Council of the European Union (EU) adopted a new Central Asia Strategy. Drivers behind the strategic renewal were transformations in Central Asia, the new geopolitical context, lessons from the implementation of the previous strategy, and the new EU Global Strategy of 2016. With regard to these developments, a number of expectations towards the new strategy derived. Based on an outline of recent developments, the article identifies current challenges and expectations and assesses whether the new strategy lives up to them. It concludes that the 2019 strategy is rather a framework for action than a strategic document. However, its major assets are “flexibility” with regard to future trends and “inclusiveness” in terms of stakeholders’ ownership for the EU’s Central Asia policy. To sustain this ownership, the Central Asia policy needs sufficient funding under the next multiannual financial framework. During programming, the EU has to define clear priorities for bilateral and regional measures. To generate synergies, the EU institutions and member states have to agree on an internal division of labor. Finally, the EU has to put “principled pragmatism” into practice by finding a balance between the promotion of values and interests.
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Shulgov, Evgeny Nikolaevich. "Dynamics of the Mordovians number in the union republics of the USSR." Samara Journal of Science 7, no. 2 (June 15, 2018): 174–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201872206.
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The external parameters of the ecumene include the ethnos number and its dynamics. In the course of the historical process, the Mordovian population on the territory of the near abroad republics (in the Union Republics of the USSR) varied according to natural and climatic, social and economic factors. The history of population migration and the Mordovian population formation in the CIS countries is recorded by the results of the censuses of the Russian Empire and the USSR. The dynamics of the Union republics Mordovians can be traced by censuses of Byelorussia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, etc. Statistical data are confirmed by documents extracted from fund 473 of the Mordovian SSR State Committee on labor and social issues of the Republic of Mordovia Central State Archives. There are folders with various decrees, edicts, plans for interregional migration in the Mordovian ASSR; lists and questionnaires of settlers, acts-lists on workers transferred to enterprises, application forms compiled for resettlers, etc. The purpose of the study is to analyze the types of documentary sources and create a picture of the Mordovian population dynamics on the territory of the near abroad countries (the former Soviet Union Republics). A wide range of documentary sources made it possible to create the picture of the Mordovians migration in Belarus, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, and others.