Journal articles: 'Chalcidiens'

1

Psoma, Sélènè. "Notes sur le début du monnayage fédéral des Chalcidiens de Thrace." Revue numismatique 6, no. 152 (1997): 423–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/numi.1997.2146.

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2

Knoepfler, Denis. "Le calendrier des Chalcidiens de Thrace. Essai de mise au point sur la liste et l'ordre des mois eubéens." Journal des savants 1, no. 1 (1989): 23–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/jds.1989.1521.

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Ferrière, Ch. "Un Chalcidien parasite de Néuroptères Coniopterygides." Zeitschrift für Angewandte Entomologie 45, no. 2 (August 26, 2009): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1439-0418.1960.tb01341.x.

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4

Hammond, N. G. L. "The Chalcidians and ‘Apollonia of the Thraceward Ionians’." Annual of the British School at Athens 90 (November 1995): 307–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824540001621x.

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The excavations at Torone, Mende, and some other sites have produced evidence of continuous contact between Chalcidice and southern Greece from early in the Iron Age. We can now understand more clearly the relationship between the earliest Greek settlers and those of the colonizing period, and we can tackle some problems of topography in the Chalcidian peninsula from a new angle.

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Haupt, Hermann. "Entdeckungen bei den Chalcidiern (Hym. Chalcididae)." Deutsche Entomologische Zeitschrift 1, no. 3-5 (April 23, 2008): 180–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/mmnd.19540010306.

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Ruschka, F. "Zur Morphologie und Systematik des Kornkäfer-Chalcidiers Lariophagus distinguendus Först." Zeitschrift für Angewandte Entomologie 7, no. 2 (August 26, 2009): 463–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1439-0418.1921.tb01496.x.

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Walker, F. "XXVIII. Notes on Chalcidites, and Characters of undescribed Species." Transactions of the Royal Entomological Society of London 11, no. 4 (April 24, 2009): 345–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2311.1862.tb01285.x.

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8

Györfi, J. "Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Lebensweise der Chalcididen-Arten in Ungarn." Zeitschrift für Angewandte Entomologie 49, no. 1-4 (August 26, 2009): 207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1439-0418.1961.tb02862.x.

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Blackman, David, and Maria Costanza Lentini. "The shipsheds of Sicilian Naxos, researches 1998–2001: a preliminary report." Annual of the British School at Athens 98 (November 2003): 387–435. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016932.

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Remains discovered in excavations at Naxos in 1981–3, underlying structures belonging to the settlement which has been recognized as the mansio mentioned in the Antonine Itinerary, have now been firmly identified as the dockyard of the Greek city, the first Greek colony in Sicily and a Chalcidian foundation; an ally of Athens in the fifth century, it was therefore destroyed by Dionysios I of Syracuse in 403 BC. One rock-cut shipshed has been excavated for its surviving length (the lower end is lost under modern buildings); there is pottery evidence for the construction of its north wall in the mid-fifth century BC.As with the installation of the democracy after the return of the Chalcidian exiles from Leontinoi, the work may have been inspired and encouraged by Athens. Installations of an earlier phase are also starting to appear. A selection of pottery evidence and of the remains of roof components (tiles and antefixes) is published.The side walls of at least four shipsheds have been found just inside the city wall, and these respect the orientation of the fifth-century urban plan. The clear width of the shipshed excavated (5.45 m) confirms the evidence of other recent excavations: the previously held view that trireme shipsheds had a clear width of 5.75–6 m will have to be revised. The back 5–6 m of the shipshed do not seem to have been part of the slipway proper; possible explanations are suggested.

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10

van Deusen, Nancy. "The Image of the Harp and Trecento Reception of Plato's Phaedo." Florilegium 7, no. 1 (January 1985): 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.7.010.

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Until recently, “Platonism” as a concept had been fairly well-established: in all likelihood nothing new would come out of looking carefully into the early translations of Plato’s dialogues. Generally, it was thought that all of the dialogues — with the exception of Plato's Timaeus, available in Chalcidius’ partial translation and extensive commentary, and, for example, also in the subsequent twelfth-century commentary by William of Conches — were translated from Greek into Latin and hence were influential only in the course of the fifteenth century, particularly due to the efforts of the Florentine humanist, Marsilio Ficino.

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ALISHA, SHEKH, ANKITA GUPTA, and D. K. RANA. "Diversity of chalcidids (Hymenoptera: Chalcididae) from different agro-climatic zones of Chhattisgarh, India." Journal of Biological Control 34, no. 2 (March 30, 2020): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18311/jbc/2020/25433.

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12

Roques, A., and J. P. Raimbault. "Cycle biologique et répartition deMegastigmus wachtli(Seitn.) (Hymenoptera, Torymidae), chalcidien ravageur des graines de cyprès dans le Bassin Méditerranéen." Journal of Applied Entomology 101, no. 1-5 (January 12, 1986): 370–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1439-0418.1986.tb00871.x.

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13

Gagliardi, Paola. "Dal chalcidicus versus al pastor siculus: Verg. Ecl. 10,50-51 e la «conversione bucolica» di Gallo." Giornale Italiano di Filologia 68 (March 2016): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.gif.5.112484.

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14

Steinhart, Matthias, and William J. Slater. "Phineus as monoposiast." Journal of Hellenic Studies 117 (November 1997): 203–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632561.

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The name vase of the Phineus painter in Würzburg is the largest of all known Chalcidian cups. Dated c. 530, it is also one of the most important narrative works of art of the sixth century (PLATE V). Accordingly, it is scarcely surprising that the vase itself has been often described and interpreted. If we offer now a further analysis, it is rather to exemplify and elaborate the judgment of Erika Simon that ‘the vase has the same charm as the fragments of archaic lyric’. In fact, we believe that the vase provides us with a closer and more interesting parallel to archaic lyric than has been realized, and at the same time allows us to perceive that the artist was deliberately attempting to provide us not just with a mythical history, but more specifically with an exemplum, a story from which we are required to make a deduction by analogy, or with an ainos, a story where the point is not explicitly stated, both well known features of archaic narrative.

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15

Schwenke, W. "Erfolgreiche Versuche zur biologischen Bekämpfung der Forstschädlinge Diprion pini L. (Hymen., Tenthr.) und Panolis flammea Schiff. (Lepid., Noct.) vermittels Chalcididen (Hymen.)." Zeitschrift für Angewandte Entomologie 53, no. 1-4 (August 26, 2009): 179–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1439-0418.1963.tb02889.x.

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16

De Bonis, Alberto, Verena Gassner, Theodoros Ntaflos, Maria Luigia Rizzo, Roman Sauer, Antonia Serritella, Stefano Vassallo, and Babette Bechtold. "5th-Century BC Himera and the Campanian Connection: Petrographic and Archaeological Studies on Western Greek Amphorae from Poseidonia and Elea Unearthed in the Necropolis of Himera." Minerals 10, no. 3 (March 2, 2020): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/min10030227.

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Within the frame of an in-depth study of the corpus of about 560 western Greek transport amphorae (6th–5th century BC) yielded from excavations at the necropolis of the Dorian-Chalcidian colony of Himera in North-western Sicily, one of the most interesting issues consists in the determination of their provenance. Based on archaeological considerations, nearly 100 items have been attributed to southern Campania, specifically to Poseidonia and Elea. The present paper proposes a detailed combined archaeological-archaeometric investigation of 16 samples discovered at Himera and one at Jerba (Tunisia), of presumed Campanian provenance, compared with 4 local reference samples from Poseidonia and 6 samples of western Greek amphorae found at Pithekoussai and Elea, attributed to Poseidonia by previous archaeometric analysis. All samples have been submitted to a macroscopic fabric examination according to the standard methods of FACEM (Fabrics of the Central Mediterranean) and to petrographic investigation (polarised light microscopy) and digital image analyses of microstructures. Our study points to a Campanian provenance of the investigated amphorae and their distinction in a large group from Poseidonia and a small group from Elea. The identification of a numerous assemblage of 5th century BC Poseidonian transport vessels at Himera substantially underlines an earlier hypothesis about its ‘Campanian connection’ and allows for the reconstruction of an important Tyrrhenian commercial axis.

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17

Montana, Giuseppe, Luciana Randazzo, and Babette Bechtold. "The Beginning of Western Greek Amphorae Production in Western Sicily: Archaeometric and Archaeological Studies on 6th–5th Centuries BCE Amphorae Manufactured in Himera." Minerals 10, no. 9 (August 27, 2020): 762. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/min10090762.

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About 560 western Greek amphorae (6th–5th centuries BCE) re-used in enchytrismos burials were unearthed in the necropolis of the Dorian-Chalcidian colony of Himera in northwestern Sicily. Among the most striking issues is the determination of their geographical provenance. For this purpose, ceramic samples chipped from freshly broken surfaces of all the amphorae were first subdivided into macrofabrics by the use of a hand lens. Thereon, the samples were studied in accordance with standardized methods by the use of reflected light microscopy. Due to the special focus of our project on the characterization of Sicilian productions, a selection of amphorae which showed visible, macroscopic affinities with the majority of the macrofabrics previously attributed to the region of Himera was submitted for thin-section petrography at the polarizing microscope and chemical analyses (ICP-MS and ICP/OES). This new data set was compared with reference samples investigated by previous research, referring to ceramic raw clays of the colony’s territory and local tablewares of the Iato K480-type. Our study confirms the local manufacture of the entire selection of transport vessels. The identification of a production of western Greek wine (?) amphorae in Himera dating mainly from the third quarter of the 6th to the first quarter of the 5th century BCE breaks new grounds in view of a better interpretation of the colony’s economic development during the later archaic period. Furthermore, it underlines Himera’s prominent position within the wider frame of regional economic interaction.

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18

Albajes, R., B. Lumbierres, X. Pons, and J. Comas. "Representative taxa in field trials for environmental risk assessment of genetically modified maize." Bulletin of Entomological Research 103, no. 6 (August 30, 2013): 724–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007485313000473.

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AbstractWhen assessing the benefits and risks of transgenic crops, one consideration is their relative effects on non-target arthropod (NTA) abundance and functions within agroecosystems. Several laboratory and field trials have been conducted in Spain since the late 1990s to assess this issue. A consideration in the design of field trials is whether it is necessary to sample most NTAs living in the crop or only representative taxa that perform main ecological functions and have a good capacity to detect small changes in their abundance. Small changes in the field abundance of an effective representative taxon should be detectable using standard experimental protocols. The ability of a species to reveal differences across treatments may be analysed by examining the detectable treatment effects for surveyed non-target organisms. Analysis of data from several NTAs recorded in 14 field trials conducted over 10 years using complete block designs allowed us to select a number of representative taxa capable of detecting changes in the density or activity of arthropod herbivores, predators, parasitoids and decomposers in transgenic and non-transgenic maize varieties. The most suitable NTA as representative taxa (with detectable treatment effects below 50%) included leafhoppers among arthropod herbivores, Orius spp., Araneae, and Carabidae among predators, chalcidids, particularly the family Mymaridae, among parasitoids and Chloropidae as decomposer. Details of sampling techniques for each sampled taxa and their advantages and disadvantages are discussed. It is concluded that abundance of taxa is the most influential factor determining their capacity to detect changes caused by genetically modified varieties.

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19

Marcicano, Maria-Dulce L., Iracilda M. M. Lima, Marcelo T. Tavares, and Mirna M. Casagrande. "Parasitism of Brassolis sophorae laurentii Stichel (Lepidoptera: Nymphalidae, Brassolinae) Pupae by Conura morleyi (Ashmead) (Hymenoptera: Chalcididae, Chalcidini), in the State of Alagoas, Brazil." Neotropical Entomology 36, no. 4 (August 2007): 629–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1519-566x2007000400026.

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20

Larrain, Carlos J. "Kommentar zu Galen De motibus dubiis in der mittelalterlichen lateinischen Übersetzung des Niccolò da Reggio." Traditio 51 (1996): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900013350.

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Aus den folgenden Anmerkungen zur mittelalterlichen Übersetzung von Galen De motibus dubiis geht einerseits die Beziehung der Schrift zum Gesamtwerk Galens klarer hervor; andererseits wird dabei die schon erwähnte Kenntnis, die Nemesius von dieser Schrift gehabt hat, ausführlicher belegt. Darüberhinaus belegen die nachfolgenden Anmerkungen eine Beziehung dieser Schrift Galens zu der Schrift De fato des Ps. Plutarch und zur stoischen Denkweise, wie ich sie in bezug auf den Timaioskommentar Galens schon anderswo angemerkt habe. Ein Zeugnis aus Theodoret belegt zusätzlich den nicht-christlichen Charakter der Ausführungen dieser Schrift. Andererseits scheinen sich die Erklärungen des Clemens Alexandrinus in Stromateis I, XVII: 53, 14 sqq. (sowie auch 60, 12 sqq.: τò αὐτόματον) gegen die Auffassung unserer Schrift, Seite 216, VII 38 sqq. zu richten. Zum Vergleich s. a. die christliche Stellungnahme zu diesen und ähnlichen Fragen bei Jo. Damascenus (nach Nemesius); vgl. De fide orthodoxa II, cap. 12–30 (PG 94: 925–80. Klar geht aus diesen Addenda auch hervor, daß die in dieser Schrift vertretene Lehre, oder besser die Lehre, die eine folgerichtige Erklärung für viele der Aussagen dieser Schrift liefert, eng 1) mit der Lehre, die aus den von mir erstveröffentlichten Fragmenten des Timaioskommentars Galens hervorgeht; und 2) mit der Lehre, die in Ps. Plutarch De fato entfaltet ist, und somit auch mit den betreffenden Partien aus Nemesius und Chalcidius zusammenhängt, wie ich es in bezug auf den Timaioskommentar Galens geschildert habe. Ihrerseits erhellen sich aus diesen drei sich gegenseitig erklärenden Schriften manche Ansichten, die uns aus Galens Gesamtwerk bekannt sind. Für Ps. Plutarch De fato ist eine Datierung in der Zeit Trajans oder vielmehr in der zweiten Hälfte des zweiten Jahrhunderts (so Valgiglio 319) bislang akzeptiert worden. Ebenso ist die Zuweisung der Fragmente des Timaioskommentars an Galen bis jetzt nicht ernsthaft in Zweifel gezogen worden. Die vorliegende Schrift De motibus dubiis ist gleichfalls unter dem Namen Galens überliefert und soll dies auch bleiben, solange seine Urheberschaft nicht begründeterweise angezweifelt wird. Wir haben es also hier mit einer Lehre zu tun, die A. Gercke folgendermaßen trefflich charakterisiert hat: “im Anschlusse an Platon werden Naturordnung und Vorsehung gegliedert und geordnet und mit der Weltseele, den Himmelssphären, den drei Parzen und drei Götterklassen in Verbindung gesetzt. Aristoteles liefert logische Erörterungen über das Mögliche mit Beispielen; die Stoa wird zwar bekämpft oder vielmehr ihre Lehre eingeschränkt und umgebogen: aber vielleicht ohne daß der Verfasser sich dessen bewußt ist, verdankt er ihr ein gut Theil seiner Anschauungen” (vgl. auch Valgiglio 325 sq.).

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21

RATKOWITSCH, CHRISTINE. "DIE TIMAIOS-ÜBERSETZUNG DES CHALCIDIUS EIN PLATO CHRISTIANUS." Philologus 140, no. 1 (January 1, 1996). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/phil.1996.140.1.139.

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22

Berti, Stefano. "La dedica degli Ateniesi per la vittoria su Beoti e Calcidesi del 506 a.C. (IG I3 501) e la sua collocazione topografica." Istituto Lombardo - Accademia di Scienze e Lettere - Memorie, July 24, 2013, 9–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/memo.2012.74.

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The monument - a quadriga - the Athenians dedicated on the Acropolis for their victory over the Boeotians and the Chalcidians in 506 B.C. has always aroused great interest, both in antiquity and down to the present day: not only is the monument well attested by ancient sources, but it was also restored around the middle of the 5th century, as witnessed by inscriptions; consequently, the 6th century original and the 5th century restoration have been the subject of a long scholarly debate. This paper focuses on the topographical context of the victory monument and that of its restoration, trying to ascertain where they were dedicated. Accordingly, modern theories are critically reviewed and ancient sources thoroughly examined. The latter, together with epigraphical, religious and political reasons, suggest that the original quadriga and its restoration were erected on the same site inside the Acropolis.

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23

Valdés Guía, Miriam. "Pallas and a Female Pyrrhic Dance for Athena in Attica." Mnemosyne, December 2, 2020, 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-bja10045.

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Abstract In Attica, Pallas was a giant apparently related to the sanctuary of Athena at Pallene. Pallene recalled the eponymous Chalcidian region and thus echoed the myth of the Gigantomachy. In some versions, Athena performed the Pyrrhic dance after defeating the giants. In other versions, however, Pallas was also a Titan, the father of Athena and another young woman. This maiden was the alter ego of the goddess and died at the hands of Athena in an hoplomachia. In this paper, I explore the possibility that some representations of a female Pyrrhic dance relating to Athena on red-figure vases may reflect a ritual in fifth-century Athens. This ritual was presumably associated with the Pallenian sanctuary where the Gigantomachy was evoked and a mimêsis of the goddess in arms seems to have taken place.

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24

Ikhsan, Zahlul, Hidrayani ., Yaherwandi ., Hasmiandy Hamid, and Rosichon Ubaidillah. "Species Diversity and Composition of Chalcidids Wasps (Chalcidoidea: Hymenoptera) on Tidal Swamp Rice Field in Indragiri Hilir District, Indonesia." Agricultural Science Digest - A Research Journal, Of (July 23, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.18805/ag.d-332.

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Background: Indragiri Hilir District has the most extensive rice harvest area and is the most significant contributor to rice production in Riau Province. Family Chalcididae is a parasitoid insect that can act as a biological agent to reduce pest attacks on rice. This research aimed to study the species diversity of Chalcididae on tidal swamp rice fields in Indragiri Hilir District. Methods: Sampling was carried out in two periods of rice planting. Samplings were conducted in 4 sub-districts of rice production centers, namely Batang Tuaka, Keritang, Reteh and Tembilahan Hulu, using three sampling techniques (i.e., insect net, malaise trap and yellow pan trap). Diversity index (H’), Species richness index (d), Species Evenness index (J’) and Similarity Index (Is) were calculated. Result: We found 127 individuals consisting of 5 genera and 11 species of Chalcididae were found in the four studied areas. Among them, Antrocephalus lugubris, A. maculipennis, Brachymeria excarinata, B. minuta and Dirhinus anthracia. B. excarinata and Antrocephalus sp. are reported as a new record to Indonesia and were found in all study locations. B. excarinata has the highest abundance of individuals. The shape of the landscape can influence the diversity index, species abundance and individual abundance of Chalcididae.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Chalcidiens'

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